^^^°- 



O 



.^^ ^^ 



^m 









* . c\ 



-.^^^ 












.0^\s 



.0^\s^^. <. 




x^ °-^ 




<■ ,. ^ S/ 



.V 







^ = - - A <) t^ , 





» <5, 






\,^^ /^/-'^ '^- 








,^" ^ 








.^^ 
















%<^^ 



. .r.^^ 






^^'^^''Sp <y^':J^Sp ^^'^^^Sp cp'^o^:^'^' 




." .#' 




1^ O^ o 



,v ^ 







.■^" ^ 







■f.--'-.^. 




<i •'■>■■ , \v 0> ^ » .1. '^ . \^ 



° '^^^"^ 












cC.^i:;j. 






K^""^ ^ 







V/ 












\ 



^ %..^^^ 































9d. '0 







s aG 






















^ .. <. "7!7r>-' # ^ . -'^TVo' aC>^ ^ "7^7^ A<^^ 



REPOET 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE 



APPOINTED BY THE 



Cmntnnit Cnnntil nf tjiE Citij nf Mm f nrk, 

TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE 

RECEPTION 

OF 

GOY. LOUIS lOSSUTH, 

THE DISTINGUISHED HUNGARIAN PATRIOT. 



NEW YORK : 

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMON COUNCIL. 

1852. 



25 Pink Stkket. 



J33^ 

.N/5- 



CONTENTS 



PAGE. 

Preamble and Resolution in Board of Aldermen 4 

Committees appointed 5 

Letter to G M. Conrad 6 

Letter from Kossuth 8 

Arrival of Steamer Mississippi 12 

Col. Bekcze.nzey's Address to the Mayor 15 

Arrival of Steadier Humbolt with Kossuth 20 

Landing at Quarantine 25 

Kossuth's Address at Station Island 27 

Programme (JF Arrangements for Kossuth's Reception 41 

The Pas.sage from Staten Island to New York 48 

Thi; Mayor's Address at Castle Garden 56 

Kossuth's First Address in New York 58 

The Procession 70 

Review in the Park 78 

Kossuth's Address to a Delegation from Virginia 79 

to the American Anti-Slavery Society' 80 

TO A Delegation from Ne wburgh 82 

" " " the Dem. Gen-eral Committee. 85 

" " " THE New England Society' 87 

" " " CoNNECTICUr 91 

" " " Brooklyn 92 

" " " THE Industrial Congress 95 

" " " the Methodist Clergy 99 

" " " European Deaiocracy 103 

" " " Baltimore 105 

MUNICIPAL BANQUET 117 

Letter from Hon. Daniel Webster 119 

" " Henry Clay 120 

" " Lewis Cass 121 

" " James Shields 123 

" " William H. Seward 123 

*' " Hamilton Fish . .,. 124 

" " Robert C. Winthrop 125 

'" " Washington Hunt 125 

" " Christopher Morgan 126 

" '* J. H. IIoBART Haws 127 



11 



CONTENTS. 



Letter from Hon. J. W. Edmoj^ds 128 

" Rev. E. H. Chapin 12S 

" " Jos. H. Price 129 

Address of Mayor Kingseand 137 

Kossuth's Speech at the Corporation Dinner 139 

Speech of Judg-e Edmonds 180 

N. B. Blunt, Esq 185 

" H. J. Raymond, Esq 188 

Rev. H. W. Bellows 194 

" " E.H. Chapin 195 

Kossuth's Address to a Delegation from Hartford 200 . 

" " " Trenton 202 

" " " the Presbytery 204 

" " " Columbia College 208 

" " " Board of Education 211 

" " " Machinists 213 

" " " Austrians 214 

" " " Newark 219 

" " " Williamsburgh 223 

to the Alms House Commissioners 224 

to the People of the United States 226 

W. C. Bryant's Address, at the Dinner given by the Press 228 

Kossuth's Reply 231 

" Address to the Militia assembled in Castle Garden 257 

to a Delegation from Philadelphia 272 

" " " Burlington 278 

" " " N. Y. Volunteers 273 

" " " THE Piano Forte Makers 274 

" " " Democratic Committee 278 

IN Rev. Mr. Beecher's Church, Brooklyn 291 

Address of Chief Justice Jones, at the Bar Dinner 319 

" Edward Sanford, Esq 319 

Kossuth's Reply 324 

Kossuth's Address to the Military Ornament Manufacturers 342 

" " " Whig General Committee 344 

" " " Ladies IN Metropolitan Hall 348 

Address of the Workmen from the Allaire Iron Works 360 

M. Pulszky's Re ply 362 

Kossuth's Address in Philadelphia 364 

" " to the Clergy 368 

" "at the Citizens' Banquet, Philadelphia 373 

" " IN Baltimore > 401 

" '• AT THE Congressional Banquet, Washington 419 



CONTENTS. 



Ill 



APPENDIX. 

Kossuth's Addkess to the People of the United States 441 

" Speech in the Senate of Maryland 467 

" " IN the House of Representatives, Hareisbuegh 472 

" " at a Public Banquet in Haerisbuegh 478 

" " at THE Pittsbuegh Banquet 494 

" " to THE Ladies of Pittsburgh 519 

*' " AT Cleveland 527 

" " AT Columbus 539 

" " TO THE People OF Cincinnati 563 

" Interview with Henry Clay 574 

" Speech at Louisville 579 

" " at Worcester 589 

" " IN Faneuil Hall 599 

" " at Plymouth 614 

" " at Lexington 622 

" " AT Concord 625 

" " AT THE Legislative Banquet 634 

" " AT BuNKEE Hill 657 

Speech of the Rev. G. W. Randall in the Geand Lodge of Masons 664 

Kossuth's Reply' 678 

" Speech at Lowell 677 

" Last Speech in Faneuil Hall 688 

" Lettee of Thanks to the United States 719 

" Lecture at the Broadway Tabernacle^ New York 724 



iRjprt. 




>, 



HE war, wliicli was waged in Hungary 
^^ during the year 1849, for tlie independence 
of tliat country from Austrian tyranny, 
\j having, through the interference of Rus- 
p^ sian troops, as well as the treachery of the 
~'^"'*'"'^'"" chief commander of the Hungarian forces, 
failed, and the illustrious leader, Louis Kossuth, who 
had been chosen Governor, and through whose genius and 
eloquence the people had been induced to take up arms 
against their oppressors, was compelled to flee, with such 
of his followers as he could collect, into Turkey. 



4 EEPOET ON THB-EECEPTION OF 

Here, after being removed from place to place, lie found 
a resting spot in the village of Kutayah, until the joint 
exertions of the representatives of England and of the 
United States, induced the young and generous hearted 
Sultan to allow him and his followers, against the remon- 
strances of the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors, to 
leave the country and their temporary imprisonment 
therein. 

The struggle of the Hungarians, under the lead of 
Kossuth, had been anxiously watched, and the result of it 
pained the hearts of our whole people; and enlisted the 
sympathy of our national representatives, and hearing of 
the intention of the noble minded Sultan, tenders to the 
illustrious exile, through the recommendation of the Presi- 
dent, the United States steam-frigate Mississippi, for his 
conveyance from the shores of the Turkish dominion to 
the United States. 

The time, therefore, of the liberation of this distin- 
guished man, being near at hand, and it being understood 
that the Mississippi would convey him directly to this 
port, where he would first plant his foot on the soil of 
America and of freedom, the following preamble and reso- 
lutions were introduced, on the 9th of September, 1851, 
into the Board of Aldermen, by Alderman Patrick Kelly, 
for the purpose of making arrangements to receive and 
welcome the illustrious patriot and exile and his comrades 
to the commercial metropolis of the Western World. 

Whereas, Information has been received in this city that 
the distinguished patriot Kossuth, and some of his brave 
associates, have been permitted by the Turkish Govern- 
ment to quit their temporary confinement, and are about 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 5 

to establish themselves, and make their future homes in 
this country; and 

Whereas, This illustrious man has periled life, home, 
property, friends, and all that is held dear and sacred, for 
the purpose of giving freedom to his country, and elevat- 
ing the Hungarian people in the scale of nations — to rid 
them from the abominable tyranny under which they 
labored, and by which they were borne down, and avowedly 
to establish there a republican form of government similar 
to our own; and 

Whereas, It is eminently proper that the city of New 
York — the emporium of this Republic — should extend to 
the distinguished Kossuth, and his immediate associates, a 
kindly and a hospitable welcome on their arrival in this 
city, in order to show to the world our admiration of the 
man and of the principles for which he struggled; therefore. 

Resolved, That his Honor the Mayor, Ambrose C. 
Kingsland, be and he is hereby requested to tender to the 
illustrious Kossuth and his associates, (on their arrival) 
the hospitalities of this city, and that he be received by 
the Common Council in a manner worthy of the man and 
the cause he espoused. 

The same were unanimously adopted by the Board of 
Aldermen, and Aldermen Miller, Delamater, Dooley, 
Franklin, Shaw and Kelly, appointed such Committee on 
the part of that Board. 

The same were carried, on the 22d of September, by an 
unanimous vote in the Board of Assistant Aldermen, and 
Assistant Aldermen Mabbatt, Bolster, J. B. Webb, McCar- 
thy and Smith, were appointed the Committee on the part 
of that Board. 



6 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

The preamble and resolutions were subsequently, on the 
26th of September, confirmed by his Honor the Mayor. 

The Committees thus appointed, together with his Honor 
the Mayor, soon after assembled for the purpose of making 
arrangements, in accordance with the resolutions under 
which they were appointed, and invited General Sandford 
to meet with them, they also appointed a Sub- Committee 
of Arrangements, consisting of Aldermen Franklin, Bol- 
ster and J. B. Webb. 

The following letter was addressed to the Hon. C. M. 
Conrad, Acting Secretary of the Navy, viz: 

New York, Oct. 4, 1851. 

Dear Sir: — The guest of the nation, (Governor Kossuth) 
is expected to arrive in this country, conveyed hither by 
the United States steamship Mississippi. The Common 
Council of this city have appointed a Committee to make 
suitable arrangements for his reception here; and in view 
of making such arrangements more complete, they desire 
the steamer to remain a short time at the Quarantine, 
Staten Island. If consistent with the public interest, 
they ask that an order may be forwarded to that effect. 
With great respect, 

I remain your obedient serv't, 

' GEO. H. FRANKLIN. 
To Hon. C. M. Conrad, WasJiington. 

By the return of the mail from Washington, an order, 
as desired, was received, directing Capt. Long to remain 
with the steamer at Staten Island. It was 'immediately 
forwarded to Doctor Doane, the Health Officer at that 
place, with a request that it should be delivered upon the 
arrival of the Mississippi. 



GOVEBNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 7 

The United States steamship Mississippi, having re- 
ceived orders from the general government, proceeded to 
the Port of Smyrna, in Turkey, Asia, for the purpose of 
receiving on board the distinguished guest of the nation, 
too;ether with his associates in exile. 




On the 10th day 'of September they 
embarked on board, under a national 
salute from the Mississippi, and with 
all the honors being paid by the offi- 
cers and men on board of her, of 
which a most glowing account, by an 
eye-witness, has been published. 

The Mississippi, after stopping at several ports in the 
Mediterranean, arrived at Gibraltar on the 28th Septem- 
ber. Here Kossuth determined to withdraw himself, and 
with his family and suite, to embark on one of the British 
steamboats for the port of Southampton, for the^purpose 
of paying a visit to the English nation. 



8 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

The following letter, received by his Honor the Mayor, 
from him, and which was transmitted to the Board of Al- 
dermen on the loth of December following, explains the 
motives which prompted him in leaving the Mississippi, 
and proceeding to England, instead of coming directly 
to this port : 

Mayor's Office, ) 
New York, November 10, 1851. S 

To the Honorable the Common Council: 

Gentlemen: — I transmit herewith the copy of a letter 
this day received by me from Governor Louis Kossuth, the 
patriot of Hungary. 

The motives which have prompted Mm in the cause 
he has hitherto adopted with reference to his visit to this 
country, and which are so eloquently set forth in the 
accompanying letter, will, I am sure, meet a hearty re- 
sponse in the bosom of every American citizen, and I am 
confident that the whole nation will rejoice in the pros- 
pect, now presented, of being enabled to welcome to our 
shores one so worthy of a nation's welcome as Louis 
Kossuth. 

A. C. KINGSLAND, Mayor. 

Sir : — The United States ordered the steam-frigate 
Mississippi to conduct me out of my prison to freedom, 
and by freedom to life, because to activity. 

I hailed this generous resolution as the greatest honor 
which a man can meet. I hailed it as a ray of hope and 
consolation to my down-trodden, to my bleeding, but still 



GOYERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 9 

not broken, native land. I hailed it as a Mghly encourag- 
ing manifestation of your glorious people's sympathy to 
that principle which was, and will ever be, the aim of all 
my endeavors — of all my life. 

And when, with the noble-minded consentment of the 
Sultan, I stepped on board the frigate Mississippi, and 
once more free, because under your glorious flag, heard 
the warm, generous, welcoming cheer of the officers and 
crew, these frank, loyal, gallant men, the true representa- 
tives of American freedom, American greatness, American 
generosity, I could not forbear to have the impression, as 
if the spirit of America's young giant had shouted over 
the waves to old Europe's oppressed nations, " don't des- 
pair ; here is a brother's powerful hand to your aid." 

These being my sentiments, you can judge by them, sir, 
how fervently I must have wished to have the honor to be 
conducted by this very frigate to the United States. 

But I know that the sympathy of the United States is 
not given to any man in the world for his own sake, but 
for the principle's sake he represents, and so I felt con- 
vinced that I would prove unworthy to this sympathy, 
(this highest treasure of my life,) should I neglect, for a 
single moment, the duties which Divine Providence has 
assigned to me ; should I neglect to provide, according to 
the exigencies of circumstances, for the interest of yonder 
cause, which the glorious Republic of the United States 
honored with its approbation and its sympathy. 

It became, therefore, an imperious duty of honor and 
conscience to me, not to leave Europe without arranging 



10 EBPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

my public and private affairs, and carefully providing 
against any harm to the sacred aim of my life, for that 
time while I shall have to enjoy the honor of the hospi- 
tality of your glorious land. 

So the most imperious duties of a patriot, a father, and 
a man, imposed upon me the necessity to stop, for a few 
days, in England, before I continue my passage to the 
United States. 

Commodore Morgan, at Spezzia, and afterward Captain 
Long, of the Mississippi here, did, with the noble kindness 
of a true American heart, appreciate the motives of this 
necessity, and generously consented to wait with the Mis- 
sissippi, in the bay of Gibraltar, for ray return from 
England, with the packet-boat, which leaves Southampton 
on the 27th instant. 

But the government of the French republic, (not the 
French nation, but its present government,) refused to 
grant me permission to pass rapidly through France, by 
which passage I might have spared time and sufferings to 
my children and wife — and here, the first means of con- 
veyance to England, I can avail myself of, is only a packet- 
boat, expected to-morrow from the Orient, and this too, 
making eleven days to England from here. 

On the other hand, Captain Long informs me that any 
longer delay would render, not only my associates, but 
also the officers and crew of the Mississippi liable, on ap- 
proaching the coast of the United States, at a late season, 
to many sufferings, by having to endure excessively severe, 
cold and stormy weather. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 11 

So, considering, on the one side, that the most sacred 
duties force me not to leave Europe for some time, before 
providing for my affairs in England; and considering, on 
the other side, that only staying eight or ten days in 
England, it were entirely impossible to join again the 
Mississippi here, before the 18th of November, so that, of 
course, we could only arrive, in the second half of Decem- 
ber on your hospitable shores, it became absolutely a duty 
of honor to me, not to cause any augmentation in the 
hardships and sufferings to the officers and crew of this 
ship, and not to embarrass them in their public service, as 
also to alleviate my own associates in their passage to the 
United States. ' 

These are the motives, sir, which deprive me of the 
honor to be conducted to your glorious shores on board 
the Mississippi frigate ; but I feel consoled at the idea, 
that in adopting such a course, I not only have relieved 
those who are on board the Mississippi from some suffer- 
ings, but myself, also, will have the high satisfaction an 
entire month sooner to enjoy the happiness of landing at 
New York, as I have decided to leave England on board 
of that steamer which leaves Liverpool on the Tth of No- 
vember, for New York. 

Having had the inestimable pleasure to read, reported 
in the public papers, that the city of New York resolved 
to honor, with a generous reception and hospitality in my 
undeserving person, the cause and principle I represent, 
I regard it to be my duty, respectfully, to inform you, sir, 
and by your kind interference, the generous city of New 
York, about these accidents, and about my intention to 



12 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

leave Liverpool for your city on the Ttk of November. I 
confidently hope that the people and the government of 
the United States will appreciate my motives and approve 
the course I was bound to adopt. 

Let me hope also, sir, that I might nothing have lost by 
the imperious necessity of this course, from you and your 
people's sympathies, which, though conscious not to have 
merited, I consider the greatest honor of my life, the 
highest reward for my sufferings, and the most honoring 
encouragement, steadily to go on toward that noble aim 
which the people of the United States have sanctioned 
and sanctified by their sympathy. 

Be pleased, sir, to accept the expression of my highest 
regard, lasting gratitude and most distinguished consider- 
ation, with which I have the honor to be 

Your most obsequious servant, 

KOSSUTH. 

U. States Steam-Frigate Mississippi, ) 
Bay of Gibraltar, 14th Oct., 1851. S 

This communication was referred, by the Board of Al- 
dermen, to the Special Committee of Arrangements on the 
reception of the illustrious man. 

In the mean time the steamer Mississippi, with a portion 
of Governor Kossuth's suite and companions, both in his 
strife for liberty, and in his exile, arrived on the 16th of 
November, and Aldermen Miller and Franklin proceeded 
at once to the Navy Yard at Brooklyn, off which the 
steamer was moored; they were then introduced to Capt. 
Long, the commander, who said that 'he desired thus 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 13 

early to disavow the statements of difficulty between 
Governor Kossuth and himself as the cause of his leaving 
the ship; and read a warm and friendly letter, presented 
to him at parting with him at Gibraltar. 

Capt. Long then waited upon the Committee on board 
the steamer, and introduced them to his guests and pas- 
sengers, as follows: 

Nicholas Perczel Colonel. 

Wilhelmina Perczel . . . .Wife. 

John Demetu Major. 

Susanne Demetu Wife. 

Adolph Gyurman Major. 

Susanne Gyurman Wife. 

Adde S. Gyurman Child. 

Stephen Kowats Major. 

Francesca Kowats Wife. 

Lewis Spacsek Physician. 

Florentine Spacsek Wife. 

Eliza Burzegnska Mother-in-law. 

Miuzyslas Spacsek Child. 

Emanuel Luley Captain. 

Cecelia Luley Wife. 

Fanny Luley Child. 

Antonio Luley do.~ 

John Luley. do.- 

Charles Luley do." 

Lenny Luley. do.'^ 

Franczis Hasman Colonel. 

Ladislas Berczenzey .... do. 

Alexander Asbotli Lieutenant- Colonel. 



14 EEPOET ON THJE RECEPTION OF 

Grustaw Waagner. .Major. 

Alois Frater Captain. '- 

William Waigly do. ^ 

Joseph Nemetli do. 

John K. Kalapsza do. 

Gideon Acs Chaplain. 

I Anton Szevenye Captain. 

• '• Armin Miklosy do. 

Czezar Merighi do. - 

George Crechenck Lieutenant. ^ 

Charles Laszlo do. 

Joseph Grezsak Soldier. 

Francis Kovats do. 

Peter Szabo do. i/ 

John Hettinger Boy. 

John Szigel Soldier. ■ 

Alexander Magyar do. 

Charles Schwartz. do. 

William Fetszih do. 

Whereupon Alderman Miller addressed them, and in 
the name, and as one of its representatives, bade them 
welcome to the city of New York. He also alluded to 
the report of disagreement between Captain Long and 
Governor Kossuth, and said that he was gratified to hear 
the denial from Commander Long. 

Colonel Berczenzey, on behalf, and for his companions, 
replied, thanking them for their kindness in visiting them, 
and the country for the generous sympathy they had ex- 
tended; and as to the report derogatory to Gov. Kossuth, 
he said " his enemies are many, and their arms are long." 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 15 

They were then conveyed to the Irving House, where 
arrangements had been made with Mr. Howard for their 
accommodation. 

On "Wednesday, the 12th of November, they were 
escorted to the City Hall by Aldermen Franklin, Miller 
and Smith, introduced to his Honor the Mayor in his 
office, and then proceeded to the Governor's room, which 
was crowded to excess by ladies and gentlemen, all eager 
to assist in giving a cordial welcome to the Hungarian 
warriors. 

Colonel Berczenzey addressed the Mayor as follows: 

My Dear Sir: — We have come here to pay our re- 
spects to you, and the city authorities generally, of which 
you are known as the head and chief. May God bless all 
of you on these happy shores! We extend heartfelt 
thanks to you all for your kindness and sympathy extended 
toward us, who were oppressed and down-trodden in our 
own native land; and in so doing, we can only express our 
sorrow that our beloved chief, Kossuth, is not with us at 
this present moment. It was his dearest wish to accom- 
pany us across the great waters, that divide not only the 
Continents, but the land of Freedom from that of Despot- 
ism, and to land in this free and glorious country, from 
the frigate Mississippi, which you Americans so generous- 
ly despatched, to take us from our dungeons in the Asia 
prisons; but circumstances, over which our dear chief had 
no control, compelled him to deviate and change his 
course, from coming directly to this country. Dear 
Americans, respect and love for his father-land prompted 
him to tarry on his way, for the purpose of refuting 



16 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

the villainous and infamous assertions that had been 
made, that his release from confinement was not libera- 
tion ! but a deportation from Asia; and also to repel, 
deny and put down the infamous slanders that had been 
circulated respecting Hungary, our beloved country and 
land of our birth. However, gentlemen, in a few days the 
chief himself will reach your free and happy shores, and 
then the many reasons for his temporary visit in England, 
he will make known to you all, in his own person. And 
now, that we are happily among a free, generous, and 
noble-hearted people, it is our duty to return our heartfelt 
and grateful thanks for your kind generosity — a duty 
which we can only perform imperfectly, for there is no 
language or words that I can use to express truly the 
sentiments and feelings of men, who are mingling with 
freemen, after undergoing a lengthy and tedious confine- 
ment in the prison dungeons. Gentlemen, we had been 
on your shores but a brief period, before our hearts, which 
had been icicled and frozen under despotism, became 
warmer again by the light of the sun of your freedom. 
We desired to enjoy the rights of men in our beloved 
country, Hungary; but, alas ! we were crushed and thrown 
among the chains and prison cells, and we are now exiles 
from it, far away from our brave associates, our fathers, 
mothers, wives, children, and all our friends. But, thank 
God, if we are in a strange land, we are cheered by 
knowing that we have been received with a noble and 
generous hospitality. You all know the cause why we 
wandered from our native land. You know of the French 
revolution. You know of the German uprising. You know 
that Rome banished the Pope from their dominion; and 
that Hungary contended successfully against the tyrants 



GOVERNOR^^LOUIS KOSSUTH. 17 

of Austria. Austria called and obtained the aid of Eus- 
sia to repel and overthrow us ! She also endeavored to 
create and cause fearful divisions among the Hungarians ! 
But with all that, thank God, we proved ourselves suc- 
cessful ! Hence joii may ask. Why are we now among 
you, after our victories? I will tell you. The Rus- 
sians came into our country, in strong force, and it was 
flooded and overrun with the Cossacks ; not any of our 
immediate surrounding nations interfered or came to 
assist in the struggle. A peace was finally made, and 
our brave countrymen and leaders, whom the Emperor of 
Austria at one time addressed as his dearest and most 
faithful subjects, were subsequently butchered, hung and 
put to death in various ways, of a revolting and horrible 
nature; our defenceless wives and daughters were scourged 
and thrown into prison. Our cause was at length lost, 
and with blasted hopes, depressed feelings, and broken 
hearts, we left our dear country, and are now here in your 
espansive,j noble, free and hospitable land. Instead of 
hospitality in Austria, we were greeted with abuse, and 
long and tedious confinement in prison. Thus the con- 
viction that we were buried alive, almost forced itself 
upon our minds; but, bless you all! Your government 
courageously and nobly interfered in our behalf, and 
kindly sent the beautiful Mississippi to take us from our 
wretched dens of confinement; and now we are happy to 
present and lay our cause before this great and enlight- 
ened public. 

You have all read of the Star of Bethlehem, that di- 
rected the wise men of the East to where our blessed 
Savior lay; we of Hungary have had another star, that of 
the "West; we followed it until we saw it floating from 
2 



18 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

the mast-head of the Mississippi; and it reminded us of 
the Bethlehem Star, and the world's salvation. 

The time is rapidly approaching, when your hearts 
will declare for the freedom and liberties of the people of 
Europe. Americans ! the track of your gallant ship and 
her rujBfled waters has vanished from the waters of oppres- 
sive Europe ; but her memory, and that of her noble 
officers, and your entire country will forever be remem- 
bered and cherished in that foreign land among its down- 
trodden and oppressed people. [Cheers.] We all know 
that you will never deny the graves and tombs of your 
forefathers; nor will you fail to aid, help and assist the 
Sclaves of Europe, and regard them as your brothers. 
We, as a depressed nation, call upon you not to hesitate 
or falter in taking that position which God has pointed 
out to you, who are free, benevolent and independent. 
Your destiny is, and, we trust, with God's help, may 
always be the glorious freedom which your forefathers 
fought, bled, and died for in the revolutionary struggles. 

His Honor, Mayor Kingsland, then stepped forward, and 
replied as follows : 

I am truly glad, gentlemen, to be enabled to welcome 
you to our shores. As companions and friends of the illus- 
trious patriot whose name and achievements have filled 
so wide a space in the history of the world, you are 
doubly welcome. The people of this country have anx- 
iously looked for your restoration to liberty, and I know, 
that wherever you may go on this wide spread land, all 
hearts and hands will be open to you, and you will find a 
hospitality as warm as their welcome is sincere. We are 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 19 

daily awaiting tlie arrival of your illustrious chief, and 
until he shall come, we pray you to accept the hospitali- 
ties of our city, w^hich, through its authorities, takes plea- 
sure in inviting you to become its guests. In conclusion, 
gentlemen, I welcome you, with cordiality and sincerity, to 
our shores. 

The Executive of our city then shook hands with the 
exiles, who returned to the Irving House, highly pleased 
with their welcome reception at the capitol of this great 
metropolis. 

On Sunday morning, they, accompanied by Alderman 
Franklin, attended the First Baptist church in Broome 
street, and listened to a sermon by the Rev. Dr. Cone; 
and in the afternoon and evening they heard the Rev. 
H. W. Bellows, of Broadway, and H. W. Beecher, of 
Brooklyn. 

-They accepted an invitation to hear a lecture on Hun- 
gary, before a literary society of Brooklyn, and expressed 
themselves highly pleased with the views expressed by the 
eloquent speaker. 

They afterward partook of a supper at the residence 
of Colonel H. B. Duryea, of Brooklyn; where sentiments 
of admiration for the noble conduct of the brave exiles 
and their fellow-patriots, in the cause of Hungarian inde- 
pendence, were eloquently delivered by several distin- 
guished gentlemen. The entertainment was indeed wor- 
thy of praise, and reflects honor upon the gentlemanly 
entertainer. 

They w^erc overwhelmed with invitations to attend 
places of amusement, &c., most of which they were com- 
pelled to decline. 



20 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

The committee were busily engaged in making ar- 
rangements for tlie reception of Governor Kossuth. 

The pressing engagements of Kossuth in England, pre- 
vented him from leaving there until the 14th of November, 
when he embarked from Southampton, on board of the 
American steamer Humboldt, of the New York and Havre 
line; and the committee were so informed by the follow- 
ing letter to the Mayor, from Count Pulsky, the late 
Hungarian Minister to England. 

No. 80 Eaton Place, ) 
London, Nov. 7, 1851. \ 

Sie: — I beg to inform you that, in consequence of the 
overwhelming engagements that engross the time of his 
Excellency, Governor Louis Kossuth, it has become out 
of his power to leave England on the day he first intended. 
He will leave by the Humboldt, direct for New York, on 
the 20th day of this month. 

I have the honor, to be, sir, with every sentiment of 
consideration, 

Your obedient servant, 

FRANCIS PULSKY. 

To THE Mayoe op New Yoek. 

In consequence, however, of the severe weather which 
they encountered on their passage, they did not arrive 
until the night of Thursday, the 4th of December. 

The committee having made arrangements with Dr. 
Sidney Doane, the Commissioner of Health at Staten 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 21 

Island, to receive and entertain him, liis family and suite^ 
until all the arrangements could be made for his reception 
in this city, he proceeded at once, on the arrival of the 
Humboldt, off the Quarantine, for the purpose of making 
him acquainted with the arrangements, and of tendering 
to him, on his arrival, the hospitalities of his house. 

When the steamer arrived, although late at night. Dr. 
Doane at once repaired on board, when the following pro- 
ceedings took place. 

Col. Berczenzey proceeded at once to the saloon, where 
he found Kossuth, and a very cordial greeting took place 
between them. Dr. Doane then entered, and after being 
introduced to him by Col. B., addressed Kossuth in the 
following terms: 

Illustrious Magyar ! Noble Kossuth ! — We greet 
you from the Western World. Welcome to the Land of 
Freedom! Welcome to the Hepublic of America; which, 
though yet in its infancy, demonstrates that man is fitted 
for self-government — which rises, like a light-house in the 
skies, as a memento to the lovers of freedom throughout 
the whole world. You come to us not a stranger. No ! 
From the pine-forests of Maine to the sugar-bottoms of 
Texas; from the coal-fields of Pennsylvania to the golden 
mountains of California — in all that vast region of 
country, washed on one side by the stormy Atlantic, and 
on the other by the calm Pacific, the name of Kossuth will 
unlock every heart; and your coming will be the signal 
for the uprising of eighteen millions of people, to give 
you a generous, cordial, heart-felt and enthusiastic icel- 
come. 



22 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Governor — In your late desperate struggle for the 
liberty of your native country, and for the rights of your 
brother Hungarians, the American people took a deep and 
a solemn interest. Although your country is far away 
from mine; although your battle fields were far distant 
from our shores; although the broad and stormy ocean 
rolled between you and us — still, every movement was 
watched by us with the greatest interest, and the news of 
every success was borne upon the lightning wires from 
one end of the vast Union to the other, and greeted with 
the most enthusiastic joy. And when we found that 
you were, at last, unsuccessful, the American people did 
not forget you. I, for one, can testify that, animated by 
the glorious example of the gallant linger, who liberated 
Lafayette from the castle of Olmutz — Huger an American, 
and Lafayette a Frenchman, who had battled for liberty 
in this and the old world — there was many an American 
who turned with longing eyes to Kutayah, and many a 
scheme devised, on this side of the Atlantic as well as 
upon the other, to set you free. Thank God ! the time 
has come for you to be free. Thank God ! those who 
looked so earnestly for you are at length permitted to see 
you in this free Republic; and we trust that your coming 
here will be a signal for new efforts in behalf of liberty, 
not only throughout America but throughout Europe, 
until the upheavings for liberty shall result in the free- 
dom of Hungary, and in placing her in that position, 
among the nations of the earth, where she deserves to 
be, in consequence of her noble struggle to obtain her 
freedom. 

I nave the honor to present you, sir, with a letter 
from the Mayor of the city of New York. 



goveenoe louis kossuth. 23 

City Hall, New Yoek, ) 

Wednesday, Nov. 24, 1851. S 

Deae Sie: — In order that our citizens may have notice 
to assemble, and "welcome you to our city and country, as 
they desire, we would respectfully request you to leave 
the steamship at the Quarantine, and remain a few hours 
with Doctor Doane; who wall, with great cheerfulness, 
tender to you the hospitalities of his house, and where, 
we are assured, every attention will be paid to your 
comfort during the time it may be necessary for you to 
continue his guest. 

"We are, with great respect, &c., 

A. C. KINGSLAND, Mayor. 

GEO. H. FRANKLIN, Alderman, 
To Louis Kossuth, 

Governor of Hungary. 

Kossuth listened to this address with marked attention, 
and upon its close, and after reading the letter, made the 
followiug reply : 

Receive my cordial thanks for your generous senti- 
ments, uttered in such generous words. Yes, my dear sir, 
I confidently trust that you, and the people of the great 
and glorious Republic of the United States, will yet see 
Hungary independent and free. I say I confidently trust 
to see her independent and free, because that nation, which 
I am proud to acknowledge as my own, deserves to be 
free. I believe you will see her independent and free, 
because, from the general welcome with which I am met 
in every part of the world, from people who are already 
free, as well as from the cordial greeting that I receive 



24 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

from every man who longs for freedom throughout the 
continent of Europe, and from the generous sympathies 
that are extended to me, in behalf of my liberation, I am 
fortified in the conviction that Hungary will yet be free. 

You have spoken of your country as an infant. No, 
sir; it is not an infant — it is a giant. It has grown a 
giant in three-quarters of a century — grown to a height 
which many countries have not reached in a thousand 
years. You have spoken of the distance which separates 
your country from mine — of the ocean which divides us. 
Fulton has annihilated that word, as far as the ocean is 
concerned. I trust, dear sir, that the generous sympathies 
of the United States, will not know such a word as dis- 
tance; but I humbly entreat that the brotherly hand of 
this younger giant will be extended to all Europe to help 
it to freedom and liberty. 

I thank you for your generous welcome. May God 
grant that you will not be disappointed in me. I am 
myself a plain, common, straightforward man. I have 
nothing in me to lay claim to your sympathy or honor, but 
honest fidelity to those principles which constitute your 
glory and your happiness, and which I hope yet to see 
established in my own country; and though my country is 
not so great as yours, I yet hope to live to see the day 
when she will be as happy and as free. [Applause.] 

He was then escorted by Dr. Doane, and several citizens 
of Staten Island, to the residence of the doctor, at the 
Quarantine station. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS EOSSUTH. 



25 



ijipji!m.in\\rii(iiiiui|ifi |i|iff 1 1 i[ii||||i|iiii[|ir 




26 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

At about ten o'clock, Alderman Miller, one of the mem- 
bers of the committee appointed by the Common Council, 
on the reception of Kossuth, and some of the Hungarians, 
that were staying at the Irving House, met at the City 
Hall, whence they proceeded to the Staten Island Ferry 
station, where they took passage to the island. A large 
number of Hungarians, and others, had previously assem- 
bled in the boat, which was crowded to its utmost capa- 
city by persons going to the island to get a glimpse of the 
great Hungarian leader. The boat stopped at Governor's 
Island, to receive Col. Gardiner, the commanding officer, 
on board. Here the company were also joined by Alder- 
man Franklin, another of the committee. After a delay 
of half an hour, the boat proceeded direct to its destina- 
tion. A band also joined the company from Governor's 
Island, before the boat left that station. When the boat 
touched the wharf, the Hungarians, accompanied by Alder- 
men Miller and Franklin, Colonel Gardiner and several 
officers from Governor's Island, proceeded to the house of 
Dr. Doane, where the committee were introduced to 
Kossuth, with whom they had a private interview in rela- 
tion to his reception in this city. 

Col. jGardiner addressed him as follows: 

Governor Kossuth: — It is my great privilege, as a 
military officer of the nation, in command of the fortifica- 
tions of this harbor, to greet you on your advent to our 
Republican shores, with the first congratulations of its 
government, for your safe passage over the ocean, with 
your beloved family and associates; and to repeat here, on 
the threshold of our country, the assurance of cordial 
welcome, which, tendered in advance by the Legislature, 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 27 

awaits yon in the midst of its citizens — and will be first 
proffered in the chief city of this widely extended and 
glorious Union. 

By the General-in-Chief of the army of the United 
States — the renowned Winfifild Scott — I am directed thus 
to wait on, and apprise you, that the salute, which will be 
fired from the principal fortress of this harbor, is designed 
in your honor, and as an expression, from the army of the 
United States, of that respect and regard which will meet 
you, in many, forms during your sojourn among us, from a 
people with whom you will delight to communicate, be- 
cause distinguished for general intelligence in the mass, 
and capable of appreciating every true expression of po- 
litical wisdom. Allow me. Governor, to tender my own 
personal regards for your virtues, and admiration of your 
world wide fame. 

Kossuth briefly returned his thanks, in reply to the 
address of Col. Gardiner, for the honor which had been 
conferred on him by the illustrious General Scott, who, he 
said, was already well-known to him by his famous mili- 
tary deeds. 

In the afternoon of the day of his arrival at the Quar- 
antine, the citizens of Staten Island escorted him to a 
tent, where Richard Adams Locke, Esq., addressed him, 
to which Kossuth replied as follows: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : — The twelve hours that I 
have had the honor and happiness to stand on your glo- 
rious shores give me a happy augury of the fact, that, 
during my stay here, in the United States, I shall have a 
pleasant duty to perform, to answer the many manifesta- 



28 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

tions of the generous public spirit of the people of this 
country. [Cheers.] I hope, however, that you will be so 
kind as to take into consideration the circumstance that I 
am in the first moments of a hard task; and more partic- 
ularly hard to me, because I shall have to address your 
enlightened and intelligent people in a tongue foreign to 
me. You will not expect from me a long and elaborate 
speech, but will be contented with a few warmly uttered, 
warmly felt words of thankfulness and gratitude to you. 
[Cheers.] Citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your 
generous welcome on my arrival to your happy shores, 
and my blessing upon you for the sanction of my hopes 
; which you express. You have most truly expressed what 
my hopes are, when you tell me what you consider the 
destiny of your glorious country to be; when you tell me 
that henceforth the spirit of liberty shall go forth and 
achieve the freedom of the world. [Cheers.] 

Yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced 
me — in a most important and eventful period, when every 
moment may be the turning-point in Europe's destiny — 
to cross the Atlantic ocean; but intending to hasten back 
to the field of duty sooner than I would otherwise propose ; 
sooner, perhaps, even than I would like to do ; I confi- 
dently hope, citizens, that, as you have anticipated my 
wishes by the expression of your generous sentiments, 
even so you will agree with me in the conviction that the 
spirit of liberty has not only spiritually, but materially, 
to go forth from your glorious country, in order that it 
may achieve the freedom of the world. That spirit itself 
is the inspiring power to deeds, but yet no deed in itself: 
and you need not be told that those who would be free, 
must, besides being inspired, also "strike the blow." [Loud 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 29 

cheers.] Despotism and oppression never yet were beaten 
except by heroic resolution, and vigorous, manly resist- 
ance. That is a sad necessity; but it is a necessity never- 
theless. I have so learned it out of the great book of 
history. I hope the people of the United States will 
remember, that in the hour of their nation's glorious 
struggle, it received from Europe more than kind wishes 
and friendly sympathy. It received material aid from 
others, in times past, and it will, doubtless, impart now its 
mighty agency in achieving the liberty of other lands. 

The speaker, who has explaiRcd your sentiments, gave 
me the assurance, before I had appealed to your sympathies, 
that the independence of Hungary is not only a benefit to 
Hungary itself, but an indispensable condition to the free- 
dom of the European continent. 

Citizens, I thank you, that you have addressed me, 
through your speaker, not in the language of party, but 
in the language of liberty ; and therefore, in the language 
of the people of the United States. [Great cheering.] Be- 
cause, as I told the people of England, and as I now repeat 
it to the people of America, frankly and openly, I desire 
to see respected the right of every nation to dispose its 
own domestic concerns; therefore, I myself have felt reso- 
lute, in every place, in every country, to respect that prin- 
ciple. Hence I come not here, to the United States, to 
intermeddle with your internal concerns. You are the 
sovereign masters of your fate. I come hither in the name 
of my down-trodden, but not broken people. [Cheers.] 
I come hither, humbly to entreat, in the name of Hungary 
the generous protection of the people of no imrty in these 
United States. [Cries of "good; good."] But, citizens, 
having the consciousness that I have never spoken, in my 



30 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

whole life, a single word which. I have not felt from the 
very bottom of my heart, I am sorry to see that the decla- 
rations which I have made so often and so solemnly in 
England, and to which I was happy to find that the peo- 
ple of this country had given a kind regard, were not 
sufficient to prevent me, even before my arrival, from 
being charged with meddling with your domestic concerns, 
namely, with the question of your presidential election — 
because it so happened that, in one of my addresses in 
England, I mentioned the name of one of your honorable 
fellow-citizens, Mr. Walker, as one of the candidates for 
the presidency. [Laughter and cheers.] Now, gentlemen, 
let me assure you that I feel quite at home in your midst, 
and therefore, you will pardon me, if I speak familiarly. 
I confess, with the warmest feelings of gratitude, that Mr. 
Walker has uttered sentiments in England, such as, if it 
shall be my happy lot to find to be the sentiments and 
feelings of the people of the United States, will lead me 
to declare, with fervent joy, that Hungary and Europe are 
free; [cheers,] and therefore, feel deeply indebted to him, 
as I feel deeply indebted to you, for the expression of 
those sentiments. 

But all this has nothing to do with the question of my 
mixing with the presidential election of the United 
States. The matter is simply this: that a gentleman from 
America, in his of&cial capacity, had introduced to me Mr. 
Walker, whom I had not the honor to know as one of the 
candidates of a political party in the United States; and 
hearing him express certain sentiments, I merely men- 
tioned the fact, without having the slightest idea, in my 
mind, of mixing with any party question whatever, in this 
country. And I now declare, that I consider no man to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 31 

be an honest man, who is not ready at all times to respect 
the principles as they concern and affect other men, which 
he desires to see respected in relation to himself. [Cheers.] 
I desire to see respected, by every people in the world, 
the sovereign right of my nation to dispose of its own 
domestic concerns; and therefore I would not be an honest 
man if I were not, in every country in the world, to respect 
those principles toward other men. [Cheers. J 

Allow me, citizens, to advert to one expression of 
your kind address, which is rather a delicate matter to 
me, and in regard to which I hope you will not misunder- 
stand me. You have named me, in the beginning of your 
address, " Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." Now, citizens, 
my lot is a curious one. Never was there a man in the 
world more fond of tranquility and of a retired life than 
myself; and never, thus far in my life, have I been able to 
enjoy this happiness for a single moment. I have not 
been able to enjoy it, because I always consider the duty 
of the patriot to be first and paramount, and that, only 
after that, are to come individual wishes, individual incli- 
nations. My nomination to the high station of Governor 
of Hungary, was not to gratify an ambitious purpose; 
indeed I know of no other ambition than that of not being 
ambitious; [applause] and I declare, that never, perhaps 
in my life, did I feel more sad than at the moment when I 
was named Governor of Hungary; because I considered 
my feeble faculties of mind, and the high duties laid upon 
my feeble shoulders; and I was almost afraid of the high 
responsibilities of that great station. It is, therefore, not 
out of ambition that I thank you for the work you have 
assigned to me in naming me Governor of Hungary, — but 
I thank you for it, because the acknowledgment, on the 



32 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

part of the people of the United States, whom I have the 
honor to address, is an acknowledgment of the rightful 
existence of the Declaration of Independence of Hungary. 
[Cheers.] And, gentlemen, I frankly declare that I be- 
lieve the people of the United States are "bound, in honor 
and in duty, to recognize this Declaxation of Independence 
as a righteously existing fact^ because your very existence 
reposes on a similar declaration. This Declaration of 
Independence of Hungary is the only existing public law 
of my nation. It was not the proclamation of a single 
man, nor of a party; but it was the solemn declaration of 
the whole nation, in Congress assembled; as your fore- 
fathers were assembled to put forth your own glorious 
Declaration of Independence. It was sanctioned by every 
village, by every municipality of the whole country. It 
is the Declaration of Hungary, and no counter pronuncia- 
tion from my people has ever yet come forth to the world. 
Hence I have a right to say that the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of Hungary exists rightfully, in its full power of 
right and lawful existence. What is there contrary to its 
existence? Contrary to it is the fact, that the Czar of 
Eussia — a foreign power, as you know, which had n(3 
right to intermeddle with Hungarian efforts — had the 
ambitious design to thrust upon us his allegiance; and 
finding a traitor for an ally, in our own ranks, he trampled 
upon the liberties and national existence of Hungary. 
Now, gentlemen, what warrant has violence to annihilate 
right? Yiolence can establish 2^ fact contrary to law — 
contrary to right; but violence never can destroy the 
rightful source of this Declaration of Independence. 
[Hear, hear.] 

Take, for instance, the glorious struggle you had not 
long ago with Mexico, in which General Scott drove out 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 33 

tlie President of that Eepublic from his capital. Now, 
suppose General Santa Anna had come to Washington, dnd 
driven away President Taylor, would General Taylor 
have ceased to be the rightfully elected president of the 
United States from the fact a foreign power had, for a 
moment, forced him to leave the place ? I believe there 
is not a single man in the United States who would say 
yes. The violence of Santa Anna, even in that case, 
would not have annihilated the sovereign right of the 
people of the United States to choose their own president. 
And if this be so, I most certainly have the right to say, 
that it is the duty of consistency and logic for the people 
of the United States to recognize the declaration of the 
Independence of Hungary as an existing law — as the only 
existing public law of my poor down-trodden country. 
That is what I expect to find here; and whatever be the 
■declaration of your Government in that respect, I know 
that I have the honor to be in a country where the sover- 
eign is not the Government, but the People] [great cheer- 
ing;] and where every man in office must be the repre- 
sentative of that direction which the public spirit of the 
people takes. And it is, therefore, that I thank you, even 
more for your kindness in having, named me " Governor 
of Hungary;" because, by this, you have paid the tribute 
of an acknowledgment of the Declaration of Independence 
of my native land. [Cheers. J 

As to the praises which you were so kind as to bestow 
upon me, it is no affectation of modesty in me, when I 
declare tliat I am not conscious of having any merit at all, 
but only that of being a plain, straightforward man, a faith- 
ful friend of freedom — a good patriot. [Hear, hear.] And 
these qualities, gentlemen, are so natural to every honest 
3 



34 . EEPOET pN THE RECEPTION OP 

man, that it is scarcely worth while to speak of them, 
because I cannot conceive how a man, with understanding, 
with a sound heart, can be any thing else than a good 
patriot — a lover of freedom — an honest man. 

But yet, after all, my humble capacity has not pre- 
served me from calumnies. I can well say of myself, as 
O'Connell once said of himself, that I am, at this time, the 
'' best abused man" in the world. [Voices, "0, no ! 0,no!"] 
Well, gentlemen, I do not care much about it. [Laughter.] 
So long as despots exist in the world, and despots can find 
the means to pay, they will find men to calumniate those 
who are opposed to despotism and tyranny. Therefore I 
care not much about it; because, suppose I were the most 
dishonest creature in the world; I beg you, in the name 
of all that is sacred, to tell me, what would that matter in 
respect to the cause of Hungary? Would that cause be. 
come less just, less righteous, less worthy of your sympa- 
thy, because I, for instance, am a bad man? [Cries of 
" No ! no ! "] No; I believe it. It is not a question in 
regard to any individual here. It is a question in regard 
to a just cause — of a country worthy to take its place in 
the great family of free nations of the world. I care not 
much, therefore, about these calumnies. Scarcely had I 
arrived here, when I was told that I was charged, here, in 
the United States, with being an irreligious man. Now, 
gentlemen, that is sacred ground, and I am somewhat 
sensitive upon that matter; but I will, nevertheless, say 
that, as a good Christian, whose first moral principle is, 
" love thy neighbor as thyself," I only wish that that man 
who charges me with being an irreligious man, may, with 
respect to this first great principle of Christianity, stand, 
with as open a face before the tribunal of our Supreme 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 35 

Judge as I confidently hope that I will stand. [Great 
cheering.] 

Again, I say, I do not care mnch about this matter; 
but one thing I can scarcely comprehend, — that the 
Press — that mighty vehicle of justice and champion of 
human rights — could have found an organ, even in the 
United States, which, leaving personal calumnies aside, 
should bring reproach upon itself so far as to assert that 
it was not the people of Hungary — not myself and my 
companions who fought for liberty — but that it was the 
Emperor of Austria who was the champion of liberty ! 
[Groans.] Don't give it groans, gentlemen, but rather 
thank it; for there can be no better service to any cause 
than the manifestation of the fact, that its opponents have 

nothing to say but such ridiculous 1 do not know what 

in the world to call it. That must be a sacred and a just 
cause, whose opponents have no other attack upon it to 
make, but, by the assertion that the Emperor of Austria is 
the champion of freedom throughout the European coun- 
tries! [Great laughter.] I thank you that you have 
given me full proof of it — that all the calumnies of these 
assertions have affected neither your judgment nor your 
heart. [Cries of "No! no!"] 

I have heard, with great pleasure, the expression of 
your views in your address, which prove that you have 
given an attention and kindly investigation to the true na- 
ture of the cause of Hungary, and to those principles which 
I profess. I expect and desire nothing else. I desire only 
that the glaring eye of the people of the United States 
should be pleased to read from that open book of my 
country's history, a faithful narration of the nation's strug- 
gles, and I want no advocate to recommend the cause of 



86 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

Hungary to your attention. That cause will sufficiently 
recommend itself. 

Gentlemen, it was not my intention to have spoken 
so much — and badly enough I have spoken it, I sup- 
pose. [Cries of "Good!'' "Good!" "Go on !"J No, 
my dear sir, I cannot go on, chiefly because I shall have 
to speak to-morrow, and the day after to-morrow, and 
I do not know how many more times to-day. I am the 
worst sailor in the world, I have suffered very much in 
crossing the ocean, and have not slept for many nights. 
My bodily strength is broken; but, notwithstanding, I 
give you my word, that when the time comes for the 
taking up again of my nation's cause, I will not be sick, 
but will stand in my place, on the battle field, as an honest 
man, because the body must then obey the call of the 
spirit. [Cheers.] Then let me once more repeat to you 
my most fervent thanks for your generous welcome, and 
for the expression of those generous sentiments which I 
have had the honor to hear in this place. And let me 
hope, that before I leave the United States as leave I 
must, because I have a suffering country in Europe, which 
is only made dearer to my heart by her sufferings — let me 
hope, that before I leave the United States, that the 
generosity of the people will have given me material 
proofs that those sentiments which I have had the honor 
to hear from you, are the sentiments of the people of the 
whole country, and that they have as firmly decided to be 
as good in deeds and acts as in words and sympathy. In 
this hope I beg to be kindly remembered by you, and take 
leave of you, with the promise that, as this place will be the 
place from whence I shall start back for Europe, I shall 
once more have the honor, the joy, and the happiness of 
addressing you publicly, and bidding you publicly an 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 37 

affectionate adieu ; hoping then to be able to thank you 
for acts, as I now thank you for sentiments. 

Saturday was then fixed on as the day for his reception 
in the city, but in consequence of the fatigues of the 
recent sea voyage, as much as his short opportunity of 
becoming acquainted with the people, the proposed mu- 
nicipal dinner to him was postponed until the succeeding 
Thursday instead of the day following the reception; 
which, omitting Sunday, would have been on Monday, the 
8th instant. 

The committee complied, on the return of this delega- 
tion, and having sanctioned their proceedings, the arrange- 
ments were concluded immediately. 

Col. Linus W. Stevens had, at the meeting of the 4th 
inst., been appointed Grand Marshal of the day, with 
power to select his Deputy Marshals and Aids. 

The Grand Marshal, together with Major-General Sand- 
ford and Alderman Franklin, were, at the said meeting, 
appointed a sub-committee to prepare the programme for 
the occasion : 

In the mean time the following notices had been pub- 
lished in the several papers of the city : 

City Hall, Dec. 4, 1851. 

The Special Committee of the Common Council upon 
the reception of Governor Kossuth, have selected Col. 
Linus W. Stevens as Grand Marshal, upon the occasion 
of his public welcome to this city; and they desire ail 
societies that have not notified the committee of their 
intention to unite in the procession, will do so early on 
Friday, the oth inst., in order that places may be assigned 



38 



EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 



them in the procession, and that a full programme may 
be published on Saturday morning. 



JEDEDIAH MILLER, 
GEORGE H. FRANKLIN, 
SAMUEL DELAMATER, 
WM. A. DOOLEY, 
PATRICK KELLY, 
HENRY SHAW, 

SAMUEL R. MABBATT, 
H. B. BOLSTER, 
JOHN B. WEBB, 
FLORENCE McCARTHY, 
WESLEY SMITH, 



Committee on the 

part of the 

Board of Aldermen. 



Committee on the part 

of the Board of 
Assistant Aldermen. 



J 



Reception op Kossuth. — The committee appointed 
by the Common Council of New York, to make the neces- 
sary arrangements for the reception of Louis Kossuth, 
have adopted the following route, viz: 

The procession will move from the Battery up Broad- 
way, to and through Astor place, to Fourth avenue and 
Bowery; down Bowery to Chatham street; through Chat- 
ham street to the east gate of the Park, passing in front 
of the City Hall. 

The object of this announcement is to give timely 
notice for preparations to such of our fellow-citizens who 
design to decorate their dwellings; and due notice will be 
given of the day set apart for the reception as soon as the 
illustrious stranger arrives. 



JEDEDIAH MILLER, 
GEORGE H. FRANKLIN, 
SAMUEL DELAMATER, 
WM. A. DOOLEY, 
PATRICK KELLY. 
HENRY SHAW, 
SAMUEL R. MABBATT, 
H. B. BOLSTER, 
JOHN B. WEBB, 
FLORENCE McCARTHY, 
WESLEY SMITH. 



Committee on the 
part of the 
Board of Aldermen. 



Committee 071 the 2>art 
y of the Board of 
I Assistant Aldermen. 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 



Notices were received from the following associations 
and societies of their intention to join in the procession. 



/ New Yoek, Dec. 3, 1851. 

To Geo. H. Franklin, Esq., 

Chairman Special Committee 

for the reception of Kossuth: 

Sir: — I beg leave to offer to the committee my brother's 
(Major Merrill's, United States Dragoons) horse, "B lack 
Warrior," to be rode by Kossuth, in reviewing the troops 
on the occasion of his reception. 

I refer you to General Sandford, to whom the horse is 
known, and who will, I presume, (if acceptable) undertake 
to provide the necessary horse equipments. 

I am, sir, 
Very respectfully, yours, 

NELSON MERRILL, 
JYo. 18 Wall St., and 757 Broadway. 



At a meeting of th e City Mu sketeers, at their Armory, 
Military, Hall, Bowery, on "Wednesday evening, the 1st of 
October, it was unanimously ' 

Resolved, That this company tender its services to the 
Honorable Common Council of the city of New York, to 
act as a military escort on the occasion of the reception 
of the illustrious patriot Kossuth, or in any other capaci- 
ty the said Common Council may think fit. 

Resolved, That a committee of three, consistinir of 
lieutenants John T. Goldsmith and Alfred P. Chatman, 



40 EEPORT ON th:e reception op 

and first sergeant, Hugh Clarry, be appointed to carry 
out tlie wislies of the company. 

J. B. FREDERICK, 
John T. Goldsmith, Captain. 

Secretary. 

New York, Oct. 9, 1851. 

^■^ Gentlemen — The "Sons of Liberty," a society for 
benevolent purposes, consisting all of natives of - Gex- 
many, being desirous of participating in the welcome pro- 
cession of Kossuth, beg you to point them out, and give a 
suitable place therein. 

By order of the above Society, 

JOSEPH SCHMIDT, Chairman. 
To the Kossuth Committee of the Common 
Council of the city of New York. 



New York, Oct^S, 1851. 

To the Committee of Arrangements for the 

reception of Governor L . Kossuth. 

V Gentlemen: — The " United European Democrats" beg 

leave to inform your HonorlibTe' Body, that, according to 
a resolution in their mass meeting, held on Tth instant, at 
Shakspeare Hotel, they wish to join your public reception, 
withjtheir banner, and ask of you the privilege of being 
received in your ranks. 

By order of the committee, 

Yours, &c., &c., 
GERMAIN METTERNICH, 
Shakspeare Hotel. ' ' Chairman. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 41 

The sub-committee appointed to prepare the pro- 
gramme, submitted the following, which was approved, 
and accordingly published in the several papers of the 
cit}^, on Saturday, the 6th, the day of the reception : 

PROGRAMME OF ARRANGEMENTS 



RECEPTION 

OF THE 

DISTINGUISHED HUNGARIAN PATPJOT, 

LOUIS KOSSUTH 



Municipal Authorities of the City of New York, 

On Saturday, December 6, 1851. 



COL. LINUS W. STEVENS, 

Will act as Grand Marshal of the day, assisted by the 
following named persons as his Assistant Marshals and 
Aids : 

ASSISTANT MARSHALS. 

Gen. John Lloyd, John Ridley, Esq. 

AIDS. 

Gen. F. E. Mather, Col. Thos. R. Whitney, 

Geo. A. Buckingham, Esq., Capt. M. Hopper Mott, 

Major H. M. Graham, Robt. H. Shannon, Esq., 

Alfred A. Phillips, Esq., John H. White, Esq. 



42 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

The Common Council, together with those invited to 
accompany them, will leave Castle Garden at 9 o'clock, v/ 
A. M., precisely, in a steamboat (which has been generously 
tendered for the occasion by Messrs. Daniel Drew and 
Isaac Newton,) for the Quarantine landing, Staten Island, 
where they will receive on board their illustrious guest, 
Louis Kossuth, the distinguished exile and champion of 
Hungarian liberty. 

The boat will then return to the city, receiving, on her 
way up, national salutes from Governor's and Bedlow's 
Islands, and, after making a diversion for a short distance 
up the North and East rivers, will arrive at Castle Garden 
at 11 o'clock, A. M. 

On the approach of the boat to the Battery, and during 
the landing, a salute will be fired therefrom, under the 
direction of Brigadier-General Morris. 

After entering the garden his Honor the Mayor will 
receive the illustrious stranger, and welcome him to the 
city as its guest. 

The ceremonies of the reception being concluded, the 
distinguished guest of the city will be received by the 
First Division, New York State Militia, under the command 
of Major-General Sandford, formed in line on the Battery, 
with the highest military honors. 

Immediately thereafter the line of military will break 
into column, and the procession will march, about 12 
o'clock M., in the following order : — 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 43 

FIRST DIVISIO.N. 



TROOP OF CAVALRY. 

Grand Marshal — Colonel Linus W. Steyens. 

Special Aids: 
Gen. F. E. Mather, John H. White, Esq., 

Geo. A. Buckingham, Esq., Col. Thos. R. Whitney. 

FIRST DIVISION N. Y. STATE MILITIA, 
Under command of Maj. Gen. Sandford, consisting: of 



'to 



THE FIRST BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Spicer ; 

Composed of the following regiments, viz: 

First — Horse Artillery. . . . Col. Ryer. 

Second — Infantry Col. Bogart. 

Third — Cavalry Col. Postley. 

THE SECOND BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Morris; 

Composed of the following regiments, viz: 

Fourth — Light Artillery. . . . Col. Yates. 

Fifth — Infantry Col, Warner. 

Sixth — Infantry Col. Peers. 

THE THIRD BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Hall; 

Composed of the following regiments, viz: 

Seventh — Infantry Col. Duryea. 

Eighth — Infantry Col. Devoe. 

J^inth — Infantry Col. Ferris. 



44 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

THE FOUETH BRIGADE, 

Comnianded by Brigadiee-General Ewen; 

Composed of the following regiments, viz: 

Tenth — Infantry Col. Halsey, 

(Including tliree companies from Newark, New Jersey.) 

Eleventh — Infantry Col. Morris. 

Twelfth — Infantry Col. Stebbins. 



SECOND DIVISION. 



Assistant Marshal — Gen. John Lloyd. 

Aids : 
Major H. N. Graham, Capt. M. Hopper Mott. 

Barouche, drawn by six bay horses, containing \/ 

GOVERNOR. LOUIS KOSSUTH, 

His Honor the Mayor. 
Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. 

Carriages, containing 
Governor and Lieut. Governor of the State of New York.- 
Senators and Representatives in Congress. 
Heads of Departments of the State. ~" 
Senators and Members of Assembly of the State. - 
Officers of the Army and Navy of the United States. -. 
Joint Special Committee of the Common Council. 
The Board of Aldermen, 
Preceded by their Sergeant-at-Arms, and headed by their 
President. 
The Board of Assistant Aldermen, 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 45 

Preceded by their Sergeant-at-Arms, and headed by their 

President. 

Officers of both Boards. 

Heads of Departments, and other officers of the City 

Government. 

Members of the Common Council elect. 

Recorder, City Judge and District Attorney. 

Sheriff, County Clerk, Coroner, Register and Surrogate, 

Board of Education. 

Judges of the United States and the several State and 

City Courts. 

Members of the Bar. 

Collector of the Port of New York. 

Surveyor. 

Naval Officer. 

Postmaster of the city of New York. 

United States District Attorney. 

Marshal of the United States for this District. 

Foreign Ministers and Consuls. 

New York State Society of the Cincinnati. 

Revolutionary Soldiers. 

Officers and Soldiers of the War of 1812-13-14. 

Officers, off duty, of the Militia of New York. 

Ex-Governors of the State. 

Ex-Members of Congress and of the State Legislature. 

Ex-Mayors, ex-Aldermen and Assistants, 

of the city of New York. 

President and Trustees of Williamsburgh. 

Mayor and Members of Common Council elect, of 

Williamsburgh. 

Citizens of Williamsburgh. 

Citizens of New Haven. 



46 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

THIRD DIVISION. 



Assistant Marshal — John Ridley, Esq. 

Aids : 
Alfred A. Phillips, Esq., Robert H. Shannon, Esq. 

Members of the Press. 
Association of Omnibus Proprietors, 
in twenty-two omnibuses, decorated for the occasion, 
and drawn by four horses each. 

Ouvrier Circle, No. 1, — Brotherhood of the Union. ■ 
The Sons of Liberty.'^ 
Hungarian Society. — , 
European Democrats. — > 
American Protestant Association. ^ 
Natives of Poland in this city. __, 
Citizens generally. ,.«^ 



Military companies out of the city; volunteer fire com- 
panies, and other associations that wish to participate in 
the reception, will be assigned a place therein in the 
order in which they shall report themselves to the Grand 
Marshal. 

The procession, thus formed, will proceed from the 
Battery up Broadway, to and through Astor place to the 
Fourth avenue; down the Fourth Avenue and Bowery to 
Chatham square; through Chatham square and Chatham 
street to the east gate of the Park, when the military will 
halt and form line. 

The civic portion of the procession, having passed 
through to the City Hall, the line of military will again 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. ' 47 

break into column, and pass through the east gate of the 
Park, in review before the illustrious visitor, in front of 
the City Hall. 

The ceremonies of the reception being concluded, the 
guard of honor will escort the distinguished patriot to 
his quarters. 

The proprietors of the several hotels, and other public 
buildings, and the masters and owners of vessels in port, 
are respectfully requested to display their flags from the 
same during the day. 

No banner bearing any political device or inscriptions 
will be admitted in the procession. 

The societies, associations and companies, to whom 
places are assigned as above, are requested to appear in 
the order prescribed. 

The First Division of the New York State Militia, and 
the societies above enumerated, and such others as may 
report to the Grand Marshal, will assemble at 11 o'clock, 
A. M., precisely, at the following named places, preparatory 
to being brought into column. 

The Division of Militia on t^e Battery, right toward 
Whitehall. 

The Second Division in Castle Garden. 

The Third Division in Beaver and Broad streets, right 
on State street. 

Carriages for the Second Division on Greenwich street, 
right on Battery place. 



48 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

The Chief of Police is requested to cause the owuers 
and drivers of all licensed and private carriages and 
vehicles to withdraw them from the streets through which 
the procession is to pass. 

JEDEDIAH MILLER, 1 

GEORGE H. FRANKLIN, j 

SAMUEL DELAMATER, ^„„, .,, ^, . „ 

^^r^^. T- ^ . ^^ . ^^^^ ^^, K. Committee on the part of 
WILLIAM A. DOOLEl , (the Board of Aldermen. 
PATRICK KELLY, 
HENRY SHAW, } 

SAMUEL R. MABBATT, 1 

H, B. BOLSTER, I Committee on the pait of 

JOHN B. WEBB, ythe Board of Assistant 

FLORENCE McCARTHY, [ Aldermen. 
WESLEY SMITH, J 

Messrs. Daniel Drew, Isaac Newton, and Gapt. Stone, 
kindly tendered to the committee their splendid steamer 
C. Vanderbilt, to convey Kossuth from Staten Island to 
the city. The offer was accepted by them, and at 8 
o'clock, on Saturday, she was at Castle Garden, waiting 
for such persons as had been invited. 

The Committee on Invitation had extended invitations, 
in accordance with the vote of the General Committee, 
to a number of distinguished persons, residents of this 
city and other places, to accompany the Common Council 
on board of the steamer,. to Staten Island, for the purpose 
of escorting the distinguished man and guest of the nation 
to the city, among whom were 

The Judges of all the Courts; 

Commodore Salter, Hon. John Young, 

Hugh Maxwell, Esq., C. V. Anderson, Esq., 

Zebedee Ring, " Thomas Carnley, " 

Wm. V. Brady, " G. W. Riblet, 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 49 

D. A. Bokee, Esq., Nicliolas Dean, Esq., 
T. R. De Forest, " J. W. Allen, 

Gen. H. B. Duryea, A. W. Bradford, " 

A. Oakey Hall, Esq., D. T. Valentine, " 

Henry Vandervoort, Esq., J. L. Dodge, " 

James Kelly, " Wm. Adams, " 

Geo. Steers, " John T. Dodge, " 

E. D. Morgan, " J. E. Taylor, 

TRIP OP THE STEAMER. 

At a little after nine o'clock, Saturday morning, the 
corporate authorities of the city of New York, and their 
invited guests, took the steamer C. Vanderbilt, Captain 
Stone, at Castle Garden. 

Mr. R. E. Lockwood, the agent of the company, at- 
tended on board in person, to aid in carrying out the 
arrangements for the comfort of the distinguished guest, 
and the company whose privilege it was to be present on 
the interesting occasion. The steamer was in the finest 
order, exceedingly neat in all its arrangements, but free 
from decoration. The union jack, surmounted by the 
flag of Hungary, floated at the fore, and the stars and 
strips waved its folds from the flag-staff astern. 

A delegation from the neighboring city of New Haven 
among whom were Alderman Charles Robinson, W. E. 
Sandford, Esq., C. Wildman, Esq., Mr. Burkhardt, and 
some twenty-five others were also on board. 

Shelton's brass band, engaged for the occasion, furnished 
the music of the excursion in a delightful style. 
4 



50 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

As the steamer approached the Staten Island shore, 
she fired a salute in compliment to the illustrious guest 
about to honor her decks with his presence. 

The morning was delightfully fine, and the remarkable 
rarification of the atmosphere was such as to produce a 
beautiful and interesting phenomenon. The muzzle of the 
gun was elevated at an angle of forty-five degrees toward 
the residence of Dr. Doane ; at each discharge the ascend- 
ing smoke formed itself into a compact wreath, about 
eighteen inches in diameter, which was gracefully wafted 
over the honored quarters of the brave Hungarian, 
as if seeking to rest upon his laureled brow. The effect 
was most appropriate, and elicited the warmest admira- 
tion from those who witnessed it. 

On the arrival of the boat off Staten Island, a delega- 
tion, consisting of Alderman Morgans, President of the 
Board of Aldermen; Assistant Alderman Alvord, Presi- 
dent of the Board of Assistants, Alderman Miller, Chair- 
man of the Committee of Arrangements, with Capt. S.B. 
Stone, of the Vanderbilt, and the reporters of the Press, 
embarked in one of the boats of the steamer for the pur- 
pose of receiving Kossuth and conducting him to the boat. 
On arriving at the island, they proceeded immediately to 
the residence of Dr. Doane. 

Soon after their arrival here, Kossuth and Dr. Doane 
entered together, when Dr. Doane said: 

Illustrious sir, I present you to the deputation from 
the Common Council of the city of New York, who will 
give you a hearty reception. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 51 

Kossuth, turning to Dr. Doane, said : 

I thank you, from my heart, for the hospitalities I have 
received in your house, and I wish every happiness to you 
and your family. 

Dr. Doane replied : 

I have received pleasure from entertaining you, and I 
wish I could have done more to make you comfortable. 

(They shook hands and parted.) 

Alderman Morgans, President of the Board of Alder- 
men, said, addressing the Hungarian : 

Governor Kossuth : — We present ourselves to you 
as members of the Common Council of the city of New 
York. I beg to present to you the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee which was appointed to wait upon you, and to 
tender you the hospitalities of the city, and we are proud 
to congratulate you upon your arrival in this country. 

In answer, Kossuth politely bowed, and then 

Alderman Miller, Chairman of the Reception Committee, 
addressed him as follows : 

It affords me great pleasure to accompany you to our 
great city, where thousands are now anxiously waiting to 
welcome you. On behalf of the committee appointed to 
receive you, I offer you a public reception to the city of 
New York, and I am happy that the opportunity is afforded 
me to do so. 



52 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Kossuth replied: 

Gentlemen : — I feel this is a great day for the cause 
of Hungary. I accept your offer, and I thank you for 
your personal kindness toward me. 

This being over, the whole party formed in procession 
in front of Dr. Doane's house, in the following order, and 
proceeded to the Quarantine landing, where the steamer 
Vanderbilt was in waiting to receive them : 

The Richmond Guards. 
Alderman Morgans — Kossuth — Alderman Alvord. 
Captain Stone and Alderman Miller. 
Major Pulsky and Col. Berczenzey. - 
Lieutenant Nelson and Madame Kossuth. ^ 
Dr. Doane and Madame Pulsky. -^ 
Mr. G. A. Doane and Mrs. Doane. 

The members of Kossuth's staff — Adrino Lemmi, Chas. 
Laszto, John K. Kalapzsey, Col. Daniel Thash', Geo. Green- 
henck, Paul Flajnik, Louis Torok, Aloys Gretezy, Dr. 
Taylor. 

Citizens and gentlemen, two abreast. 

THE EMBARKATION. 

As the party approached the steamer, the band struck 
up " Hail to the Chief," and Kossuth's first step on the 
deck was the signal for loud and long-continued applause. 
The Governor, escorted by Aldermen Miller and Alvord, 
proceeded to the after saloon, where he was introduced, 
individually, to the members of the Common Council. His 
lady was also received with respect, and the compliments 
of the authorities were extended to her. 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 53 

A table witli refreshments was spread in the saloon, 
though the principal guest did not participate. He then 
moved through the vessel, receiving and acknowledging 
the welcomes of the numerous company, and was finally- 
escorted to the wheel-house, on the upper deck, in accord- 
ance with a wish, which he intimated, to view our magnifi- 
cent harbor to the best advantage. It were useless to 
add that he gave expression to the warmest admiration of 
its beautiful and commanding position, broad waters, for- 
ests of masts, and the bright and animated scene which 
met his eye at every side. 

Amidst all the excitement of the occasion, he neither 
forgot the comfort nor the gallantry due to ladies, but in- 
sisted on yielding them the best points for observation, 
and attended, in person, to their comfort. 

THE APPROACH TO THE CITY. 

It was after 11 o'clock, a.m., when the Vanderbilt left the 
island, amidst the cheers of its citizens and the roar of its 
artillery. A few minutes sufficed to bring her abreast of 
Governor's Island, from which the party were also honored 
with a national salute from Fort Columbus. This was re- 
sponded to by the steamer, and from Bedlow's Island. 
Passing this point she proceeded up the East river, above 
the Novelty Works, receiving salutes from the various 
merchant ships and steamers, and the cheers of the thou- 
sands who crowded their decks and filled their rigging. 
The military stationed on Brooklyn Heights, also thun- 
dered forth their welcomes in the brazen tones of the 
cannon. 

Abreast of the Navy Yard, Brooklyn, another national 
salute was fired from the North Carolina receiving ship, 



54 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

and tlie brig St. Lawrence, which, with other United States' 
vessels, were filled with men, who sprang into the rigging, 
manned the yards, and cheered the nation's guest. 

The wonderful promptness and precision with which 
the guns were served was a matter of general commen- 
dation, nor did the Governor fail to notice it. 

At Williamsburgh another salute was fired, and the 
shores were lined with people. 

The display of colors by the shipping was general, and 
the eifect both gay and animated. The crowds of .human 
beings occupying every available point, the ringing of 
bells, the roar of the cannon, the huzzas of the people, 
afloat and on shore, testified to the enthusiasm of the oc- 
casion. 

Returning down the East river, the Yanderbilt made di- 
rectly for Castle Garden, the lateness of the hour pre- 
venting the expected run up the North river. 

As the .steamboat approached the landing, another sa- 
lute was fired by the artillery drawn up on the Battery, 
and this, too, was answered from the steamer, and from 
Jersey City, whose corporate authorities fired one hundred 
guns. 

The view from the deck at this time was beautiful be- 
yond description. The long line of military drawn up on 
the Battery — the immense concourse of people extending 
as far as the eye could reach — Castle Garden thronged 
with its thousands ; the gayly decorated yachts off the 
garden ; the numerous sail and row boats that dotted 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 



55 




56 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the bay, all contributed to a scene, the like of wliicli, on 
this broad continent, the Bay and Battery of New York 
alone can present. 

Much credit is due to Capt. Turnbull, of the Eighth 
District Police, for the order which was maintained on 
board of the steamer. 

The scene at Castle Garden and on the Battery was of 
striking interest. Tickets had been distributed to a lim- 
ited extent, to allow those having them to enter the gar- 
den and witness the reception in comfort ; but when the 
boat with Kossuth arrived, and landed, the committee 
were surprised to find the building filled to overflowing. 

Kossuth, when he entered the garden, wore a plain black 
mantle, which he laid aside, and stood dressed in a black 
velvet frock coat, with a belt and sword at his side. Im- 
mense confusion arose from the vast crowd assembled. 
Alderman Alvord introduced him to the Mayor as Gover- 
nor Kossuth. They bowed to each other, when the Mayor 
proceeded to address him thus : 

Gov. Kossuth — As Chief Magistrate of the city of 
New York, I tender to you, on behalf of its inhabitants, a 
cordial welcome to our shores. 

Into whatever part of our extended country you may go, 
you will find the people of this Republic quick to sympa- 
thize with all who suffer in defence of those personal and 
civil rights which they have secured for themselves and 
their posterity. They have proclaimed to the world the 
inherent and inalienable right of man to life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness. They have watched your labors 
in the same great cause with the deepest interest. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 57 

They saw you struggling to rescue for Hungary, those 
rights which her Constitution had guaranteed, but which 
the rapacious House of Hapsburgh had determined to de- 
stroy. They recognize in you, not only the champion of 
your country against foreign tyranny, but the dearest friend 
in all that concerned the rights and privileges of the great 
mass of her people. They followed your struggles in the 
field against Austrian power, against domestic dissension, 
and against the gigantic might of the Russian Czar, with 
the proudest admiration of your courage, your constancy, 
your patriotic devotion to your country's cause. 

But higher even than this has raised their admiration, 
that matchless and transcendent eloquence, with which 
you have vindicated, before the civilized world, the sacred 
and inherent right of Hungary to secure for her people, 
undisturbed by foreign influence, those blessings of self- 
government, which ,the people of this Republic have so 
happily obtained for themselves. 

The American people cannot but look with emotion upon 
any struggle for freedom that may be waged in any part 
of the world. Still less can they fail to regard, with the 
deepest interest, such a cause as that which has engaged 
your efforts, and in which they do not doubt your whole 
heart is still enlisted. 

I beg to assure you, sir, again of the heart-felt pleasure 
with which the people, whom I have the honor on this oc- 
casion to represent, bid you welcome to their country and 
their homes. 

As the enlightened representative of Hungarian inde- 
pendence, as the champion of human progress, as the elo- 
quent advocate of universal freedom, I present you, fellow 
citizens, Louis Kossuth. 



58 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

KOSSUTH'S FIRST SPEECH IN NEW YORK. 

I am yet half sick, gentlemen; tossed and twisted about 
by a fortniglit's gale on the Atlantic's restless waves; my 
giddy brains are still turning round as in a whirlpool, and 
this gigantic continent seems yet to tremble beneath my 
wavering steps. Let me, before I go to work, have some 
hours of rest upon this soil of freedom, your happy home. 
Freedom and Home; what heavenly music in those two 
words ! Alas ! I have no home, and the freedom of my 
people is down-trodden. Young Giant of Free America, 
do not tell me that thy shores are an asylum to the op- 
pressed, and a home to the homeless exile. An asylum it 
is, but all the blessings of your glorious country, can they 
drown into oblivion the longing of the heart, and the fond 
desires for our native land ? My beloved native land ! 
thy very sufferings make thee but dearer to my heart; thy 
bleeding image dwells with me when I wake, as it rests 
-with me in the short moments of my restless sleep. It 
has accompanied me over the waves. It will accompany 
me when I go back to fight over again the battle of thy 
freedom once more. I have no idea but thee; I have no 
feeling but thee. Even here, with this prodigious view of 
greatness, freedom and happiness which spreads before my 
astonished eyes, my thoughts are wandering toward home; 
and when I look over these thousands of thousands before 
me, the happy inheritance of yonder freedom for which 
your fathers fought and bled, — and when I turn to you, 
citizens, to bow before the majesty of the United States, 
and to thank the people of New York for their generous 
share in my liberation, and for the unparalleled honor of 
this reception, I see, out of the very midst of this great 
assemblage, rise the bleeding image of Hungary, looking 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 59 

to you with anxiety, whether there be in the lustre of your 
eyes a ray of hope for her; whether there be in the thun- 
der of your huzzas a trumpet call of resurrection. If 
there were no such ray of hope in your eyes, and no such 
trumpet call in your cheers, then wo to Europe's oppressed 
nations. They will stand alone in the hour of need. Less 
fortunate than you were, they will meet no brother's hand 
to help them in the approaching giant struggle against the 
leagued despots of the world; and wo, also, to me. I 
will feel no joy even here; and the days of my stay here 
will turn out to be lost to my father-land; — lost at the 
very time when every moment is teeming in the decision 
of Europe's destiny. 

Citizens; much as I am wanting some hours of rest — 
much as I have need to become familiar with the ground I 
will have to stand upon, before I enter upon business mat- 
ters publicly, I took it for a duty of honor, not to let 
escape even this first moment of your generous welcome, 
without stating plainly and openly to you what sort of a 
man I am, and what are the expectations and the hopes — 
what are the motives which brought me now to your 
glorious shores. 

Gentlemen, I have to thank the people, Congress, and 
government of the United States, for my liberation from 
captivity. Human tongue has no words to express the 
bliss which I felt, when I — the down-trodden Hungary's 
wandering chief — saw the glorious flag of the stripes and 
stars fluttering over my head — when I first bowed before 
it with deep respect — when I saw around me the gallant 
officers and the crew of the Mississippi frigate — the most 
of them the worthiest representatives of true American 
principles, American greatness, American generosity — and 



60 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

to think that it was not a mere chance which cast the star- 
spangled banner around me, but that it was your protect- 
ing will — to know that the United States of America, 
conscious of their glorious calling, as well as of their 
power, declared, by this unparalleled act, to be resolved to 
become the protectors of human rights — to see a. powerful 
vessel of America, coming to far Asia, to break the chains 
by which the mightiest despots of Europe fettered the 
activity of an exiled Magyar, whose very name disturbed 
the proud security of their sleep — to feel restored by such 
a protection, and, in such a way, to freedom, and by free- 
dom to activity, you may be well aware of what I have 
felt, and sti'il feel, at the remembrance of this proud 
moment of my life. Others spoke — you acted; and I was 
free! You acted; and at this act of yours, tyrants trem- 
bled; humanity shouted out with joy; the down-trodden 
people of Magyars — the down-trodden, but not broken, 
raised his head with resolution and with hope, and the 
brilliancy of your stars was greeted by Europe's oppressed 
nations as the morning star of rising liberty. Now, gen- 
tlemen, you must be aware how boundless the gratitude 
must be which I feel for you. You have restored me to 
life — because, restored to activity; and should my life by 
the blessings of the Almighty, still prove useful to my 
father-land and to humanity, it will be your merit — it will 
be your work. May you and your glorious country be 
blessed for it. Europe is on the very eve of such immense 
events, that, however fervent my gratitude be to you, I 
would not have felt authorized to cross the Atlantic at 
this very time, only for the purpose to exhibit to you my 
warm thanks. I would have thanked you by facts, con- 
tributing to the freedom of the European continent, and 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 61 

would have postponed my visit to your glorious shores 
till the decisive battle for liberty was fought, if it were 
my destiny to outlive that day. Then what is the motive 
of my being here at this very time ? 

The motive, citizens, is that your generous act of my 
liberation has raised the conviction throughout the world, 
that this generous act of yours is but the manifestation of 
your resolution to throw your weight into the balance 
where the fate of the European continent is to be weighed. 
You have raised the conviction, throughout the world, that 
by my liberation you were willing to say, " Ye oppressed 
nations of old Europe's continent be of good cheer; the 
young giant of America stretches his powerful arm over 
the waves, ready to give a brother's hand to your future." 
So is your act interpreted throughout the world. You, 
in your proud security, can scarcely ima^gine how benefi- 
cial this conviction has already proved to the suffering 
nations of the European continent. You can scarcely 
imagine what self-confidence you have added to the reso- 
lution of the oppressed. You have knit the tie of solida- 
rity in the destinies of nations. I can't doubt that you 
know how I was received by the public opinion in every 
country which I touched since I am free, and what feelings 
my liberation has elicited in those countries which it was 
not my lot to touch. You know how I, a plain, poor, 
penniless exile, have almost become a centre of hope and 
confidence to the most different nations, not united but by 
the tie of common sufferings. What is the source of this 
apparition, unparalleled in mankind's history ? 

The source of it is, that your generous act of my libera- 
tion is taken by the world for the revelation of the fact 
that the United States are resolved not to allow the 



62 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

despots of the world to trample upon oppressed Immanity. 
It is hence that my liberation was cheered, from Sweden 
down to Portugal, as a ray of hope. It is hence that even 
those nations which most desire my presence in Europe 
now, have unanimously told me, " Hasten on, hasten on, 
to the great, free, rich and powerful people of the United 
States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of 
your country, so intimately connected with European 
liberty;" — and here I stand to plead the cause of the 
solidarity of human rights before the great Republic of 
the United States. 

Humble as I am, God, the Almighty, has selected me to 
represent the cause of humanity before you. My warrant 
to this capacity is written in the sympathy and confidence 
of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as your elder 
brother, the people of Britain, sympathize with the op- 
pressed, — my warrant to this capacity is written in the 
hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to 
entertain, by liberating me out of my prison, and by 
restoring me to activity. But it has pleased the Almighty 
to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity 
for a thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the 
destinies of the world. I bring you a brotherly greeting 
from the people of Great Britain. I speak not in an offi- 
cial character, imparted by diplomacy, whose secrecy is 
the curse of the world, but I am the harbinger of the 
public spirit of the people, which has the right to impart 
a direction to its government, and which I witnessed, pro- 
nouncing itself in the most decided manner, openly — that 
the people of England, united to you with enlightened 
brotherly love, as it is united in blood — conscious of your 
strength, as it is conscious of its own, has forever aban- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 63 

doned every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and 
desires the brotherly alliance of the United States to 
secure to every nation the sovereign right to dispose of 
itself, and to protect the sovereign right of nations 
against the encroaching arrogance of despots ; and 
leagued to you against the league of despots, to stand 
together, with you, god-father to the approaching baptism 
of European liberty. 

Now. gentlemen, I have stated my position. I am a 
straight forward man; I am a Republican. I have avowed 
it openly in the monarchical but free England; and am 
happy to state that I have nothing lost by this avowal 
there. I hope I will not lose here, in Republican America, 
by that frankness which must be one of the chief qualities 
of every Republican. So I beg leave, frankly and openly, 
to state the following points: ^ 

First, that I take it to be the duty of honor and prin- 
ciple not to meddle with whatever party question of your 
own domestic affairs. I claim, for my country, the right 
to dispose of itself; so I am resolved, and must be re- 
solved, to respect the same principle here and everywhere. 
May others delight in the part of knights-errant for theo- 
ries. It is not my case. I am the man of the great prin- 
ciple of the sovereignty of every people to dispose of its 
own domestic concerns; and I most solemnly deny to 
every foreigner, and to every foreign power, the right to 
oppose the sovereign faculty. 

Secondly, I profess, highly and openly, my admiration 
for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the 
mighty pyramid of your greatness, and upon the basis of 
which you have grown, in the short period of seventy-five 
years, to a prodigious giant, the living wonder of the 



u. 



64 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

world. I have the most warm wish that the star-spangled 
banner of the United States may forever be floating, 
united and one, the proud ensign of mankind's divine 
origin; and taking my ground on this principle of union, 
which I find lawfully existing, an established constitutional 
fact, it is not to a party, but to the united people of the 
United States that I confidently will address my humble 
requests for aid and protection to oppressed humanity. I 
will conscientiously respect your laws, but within the 
limits of your laws, I will use every honest exertion to 
gain your operative sympathy, and your financial, material 
and political aid for my country's freedom and independ- 
ence, and entreat the realization of these hopes which 
your generosity has raised in me and my people's breasts, 
and also in the breasts of Europe's oppressed nations. 

And therefore, thirdly, I beg leave frankly to state, that 
my aim is to restore my father-land to the full enjoyment 
of that act of declaration of independence, which, being 
the only rightful existing public law of my nation, can 
nothing have been lost of its rightfulness by the violent 
invasion of foreign Russian arms, and which, therefore, is 
fully entitled to be recognized by the people of the United 
States, whose very resistance is founded upon a similar 
declaration of independence. 

Thus, having expounded my aim, I beg leave to state, 
that I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy 
rest. I came not with the intention to gather triumphs of 
personal distinction, or to be the object of popular shows, 
but I came, a humble petitioner in my country's name, as 
its freely chosen constituted chief. What can be opposed 
to this recognition, which is a logical necessary conse- 
quence of the principle of your country's political exist- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 65 

ence. What can be opposed to it ? The frown of Mr. 
Hulsemann ; the anger of that satellite of the Czar, called 
Francis Joseph, of Austria, and the immense danger with 
which some European and American papers threaten you — 
and by which, of course, you must feel extremely terrified — ■ 
that your minister at Vienna will have offered his pass- 
ports, and that Mr. Hulsemann leaves Washington, should 
I be received and treated in my official capacity ? Now, 
as to your Minister at Vienna, how you can combine the 
letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of 
Hungary, I really don't know; but so much I know, that 
the present absolutistical atmosphere of Europe is not 
vCiry propitious to American principles. I know a man 
who could tell some curious facts about this matter. But 
as to Mr. Hulsemann, really I don't believe that he would 
be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely well 
digested the caustic pills which Mr. Webster has adminis- 
tered to him so gloriously; but after all I know enough of 
the public spirit of the sovereign people of the United 
States, that it would never admit, to whatever responsible 
depository of the executive power, should he even be 
willing to do so, which, to be sure, your high-minded gov- 
ernment is not willing to do, to be regulated in its policy 
by all the Hulsemanns or all the Francis Josephs i.n the 
world. So I confidently hope that the sovereign of this 
country — the people — will make the declaration of inde- 
pendence of Hungary soon formally recognized, and that 
it will care not a bit for it if Mr. Hulsemann takes to- 
morrow his passports — bon voyage to him. 

But it is also my agreeable duty to profess that I am 
entirely convinced that the government of the United 

States shares warmly the sentiments of the people in that 

6 



66 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

respect. It has proved it by executing, in a ready and 
dignified manner, the resolution of Congress on behalf of 
my liberation. It has proved it by calling on the Congress 
to consider how I shall be treated and received, and even 
this morning I was honored, by the express order of the 
Government, by an official salute from the batteries of the 
United States in such a manner in which, according to the 
military rules, only a public, high official capacity can be 
greeted. 

Having thus expounded my aim, I beg leave to state, 
that I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy 
rest — I came not with the intention to gather triumphs of 
personal distinction, but because a humble petitioner, in 
my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional 
chief, humbly to entreat your generous aid; and then it is 
to this aim that I will devote every moment of my time, 
with the more assiduity, with the more restlessness, as 
every moment may bring a report of events which may 
call me to hasten to my place on the battle field, where 
the great, and I hope, the last battle will be fought between 
Liberty and Despotism. A moment marked by the finger of 
God to be so near that every hour of delay of your generous 
aid may prove fatally disastrous to oppressed humanity, 
and thus having stated my position to be that of a humble 
petitioner in the name of my oppressed country, let me 
respectfully ask, do you not regret to have bestowed upon 
me the high honor of this glorious reception, unparalleled 
in history ? I say unparalleled in history, though I know 
that your fathers have welcomed Lafayette in a similar 
way; but Lafayette had mighty claims to your country's 
gratitude; — he had fought in your ranks for your freedom 
and independence; and what still was more, in the hour of 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 6 7 

your need. He was the link of your friendly connection 
with France — a connection, the results of which were, 
two French fleets of more than thirty-eight men of war^ 
and three thousand gallant men, who fought side by side 
with you against Comwallis, before Yorktown; the pre- 
cious gift of twenty-four thousand muskets, a loan of nine- 
teen millions of dollars; and even the preliminary treaties 
of your glorious peace negotiated at Paris by your immor- 
tal Franklin. I hope the people of the United State?, 
now itself in the happy condition to aid those who are in 
need of aid, as itself was once in need, will kindly re- 
member these facts; and you, citizens of New York, and 
you will yourselves become the Lafayettes of Hungary. 
Lafayette had great claims to your love and sympathy, 
but I have none. I came a humble petitioner, with no 
other claims than those which the oppressed have to the 
sympathy of freemen, who have the power to help — with 
the claim which the unfortunate has to the happy, and the 
down-trodden has to the protection of eternal justice and 
of human rights. In a word, I have no other claims than 
those which the oppressed principle of freedom has to the 
aid of victorious liberty. 

Then, I would humbly ask, are these claims sufficient to 
insure you generous protectors, not to myself, but to the 
cause of my native land, — not to my native land only, but 
to the principle of freedom in Europe's continent, of which 
the independence of Hungary is the indispensable key- 
stone. If you consider these claims not sufficient to your 
active and operative sympathy, then let me know at once 
that the hopes have failed with which Europe's oppressed 
nations have looked to your great, mighty and glorious 
Republic; let me know at once the failure of our hopes, 



68 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

that I may hasten back and tell Europe's oppressed na- 
tions, " Let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle 
of Leonidas; let us trust to God, to our right, and to our 
good sword; there is no other help for the oppressed 
nations on earth." But if your generous Eepublican 
hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom, and 
of the solidarity in the destinies of humanity — if you have 
the will, as, to be sure, you have the power, to support the 
cause of freedom against the sacrilegious league of despot- 
ism, then give me some days of calm reflection to become 
acquainted with the ground upon which I stand; let me 
take the kind advice of some active friends on the most 
practical course I have to adopt; let me see if there be 
any preparatory steps taken in favor of that cause which 
I have the honor to represent; and then let me have a 
new opportunity to expound before you my humble re- 
quests in a practical way. I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, 
the Corporation and citizens of the Empire City will 
grant me the second opportunity. If this be your gene- 
rous will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; 
and let me add, with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty 
God, that it is your glorious country which Providence 
has selected to be the pillar of freedom, as it is already 
the asylum to oppressed humanity. 

I am told that I will have the high honor to review 
your patriotic militia. Oh, God ! how my heart throbs at 
the idea, to see this gallant army enlisted on the side of 
freedom against despotism; the world would be free, and 
you the saviors of humanity. And why not? These 
gallant men take part in the mighty demonstration of the 
day, proving that I was right when I said, that now-a-days 
even the bayonets think. 



GOVEENOB LOUIS KOSSUTH. 69 

Citizens of New York, it is under your protection that 
I place the sacred cause of freedom and independence of 
Hungary. 



THE BATTERY. 

To say that the Battery was crowded, gives but a faint 
idea of the scene presented in, around and about that 
entire vicinity. The military, consisting of the first divi- 
sion of New York State Militia, with the assistance of the 
police, succeeded in keeping open an avenue, in which were 
drawn up the carriages designed for the Common Council 
and guests. Beyond the lines, thus formed, a perfect sea 
of heads evidenced the density of the eager crowd. The 
balconies, porches, and door-ways of the dwellings, within 
view of the Battery, were all filled with spectators, while 
any number of boys secured fine points of view from the 
branches of the shade trees. 

The proceedings at the garden being ended, the troops 
on the Battery formed a hollow square for the reception 
of the distinguished guest, who soon appeared, in com- 
pany with General Sandford and staff, mounted on a mag- 
nificent black charger (Black Warrior,) the property of 
Major Merrill, of the United States Dragoons, by whom he 
was ridden in the Florida and Mexican wars. Thus 
mounted, Kossuth made a brief review of the military. 
He is a fine rider, and makes an excellent appearance on 
horseback. His movement along the line was hailed with 
immense cheering by the throng. 

The inspection over, Kossuth dismounted, and, in com- 
pany with the Mayor and Committee of Arrangements, 



TO EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

proceeded to the vicinity of the Broadway gate, where 
he entered an open barouche, drawn by six beautiful bay 
horses ; the Governor's suite; the ladies of the party, and 
the members of the Common Council, also took seats in 
carriages provided for their use. The civic part of the 
procession had moved but a short distance, when it halted, 
in order to permit the military to precede it. The mili- 
tary then formed into line, wheeled out through the State 
street gate, and took the route up Broadway. The mul- 
titude of spectators, too, rushed toward the point of start- 
ing, inconsiderate and thoughtless, in the effort to secure 
a look upon the recipient of the honors of the day. 
At length the line moved forward — a compact mass of 
human beings occupying the street from side to side so 
completely, for some distance, that it would puzzle one to 
tell where the line of procession ended and the " crowd " 
began. 



THE PROCESSION. 



The procession moved over the route laid down in the 
programme, in the following order : 



FIRST DIVISION. 



TROOP OF CAVALRY. 

Grajid Marshal— CoLOi^iEh Lmus W. Stevens. 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 71 

Special Aids : 
Gen. P. E. Mather, John H. White, Esq., 

Geo. A. Buckingham, Esq., Col. Thos. R. Whitney. 

FIRST DIVISION N. Y. STATE MILITIA, 

Under command of Maj. Gen. Sandford, consisting of 

THE FIRST BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Spicer : 

First Regiment — Col. Ryer. 

Field Staff, and Band. 
Troop A — Captain Storms, I Troop C— Captain Koen, 

" B — Captain Hopke, \ " D — Captain Darrah, 

Troop E — Captain Richter. 

American Rifles of First Regiment. 

Company B — Captain Moody, | Company C — Captain Glover, 

Company D — Captain Hagadorn. 

Second Regiment — Col. J. A. Bogart. ■ 

Field staff, and Band. 



Company A — Captain Manson, 
" B — Captain Castle, 
" C — Captain McKennie, 
" D — Captain Darrow, 



Company E — Captain Ayres, 
" F — Captain Johnson, 
" G — Captain Dykeman, 
" H — Captain Eagleson. 



The Staten Island Battalion, 

Under the command of Major Hagadorn, headed by a 

Brass Band. 

Third Regiment of Huzzars — Col. Postley. 

Field Staff, and Band; Engineer Corps— Captain Dicks ; Artillery Corps — Lieut. 

Com. Siller. 



Troop A — Captain M. Ducker, 
" B — Captain A. Beiser, 
" C — Lieut. Com. H. Finck, 
" D — Captain H Froluch, 
•' E— Captain W. Sullivan, 



Troop F— Captain C. Meyers. 
" G — Captain J. Bechtel, 
" H — Captain L. Keller, 
" I — Captain Clusman, 
" K — Captain H. Hofferman. 



72 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

THE SECOND BRIGADE, 
Commanded by Brigadier-General Morris; 

Fourth Regiment — Col. Chas. Yates. 

Field Staff, and Band. 

Troop A — Captain F. J. Louis, | Troop^B — Captain G. Luerssen, 

Troop C — Captain A. Arent. 

Flying Artillery attached to the Fourth Regiment. 

Company B — Captain P. Furber, I Company D — Captain A. Forbes, 

" C — Captain L. Finck, I " E — Captain F. Day, 

Company F — Captain E. Hincken. 

Fifth Regiment — Col. Reader. 

Field Staff, and Band 
Company A — Captain Ivloppenburgh, Company E — Captain J. C. Pinckney, 



B — Captain Heitman, 
C — Captain Rowals, 
D — Captain Baack, 



F — Captain J. MoKee, 

G — Captain R. Hartshorn, 

H — Captain J. Gregory. 



THE THIRD BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Hall; 

Seventh Regiment, National Guard — Col. Duryea. 

Field and Staff, Non-Commissioned Staff and Band. 
New York Troop — Captain Watts. 



Company 1 — Captain Pressinger, 
" 2 — Captain Shaler, 
" 3— Captain Price, 
" 4 — Captain Siblet, 



Company 5 — Captain Creighton, 
" 6 — Captain Nevers, 
" 7 — Captain Monroe, 
" 8 — Captain Shumway. 



Eighth Regiment — Col. Thos. Devoe. 

Field Staff, and Band. 



Company A — Captain Lyons, 
" B — Captain Oraster, 
" C — Captain Vandyke, 
" D — Captain Little, 



Company E — Captain Cliamberlin, 
" F — Captain Quinn, 

" H— Captain Metcalf. 



First Company, W. G. Troop — Captain V'arian. 
Jefferson Blues — Captain Paterson. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 

Ninth Kegiment — Col. Ferris. 

Field Staff, and Band. 
Troop — Captain B. Kerrigan. 



73 



Company A — Captain Coffey, 

B— Lieut. Com. f . O'Brien. 
" C— Captain J. Markey. 
" D — Lieut. Com. .T. Kearney, 



Company E — Captain J. Kavanagh. 
" F — Captain J. A. Quin, 
" G— Captain M. Doran, 
" H — Captain E . Murray, 



Company I— Captain P. D. Kelly. 



THE FOURTH BRIGADE, 

Commanded by Brigadier-General Ewen; 

Tenth Regiment — Col. Halsey. 



Company A — Captain Huson, 
" B — Captain Hoelylo 
" C — Captain Fouth, 
" ■ D— Captain Clarke, 



Field Staff, and Band. 

Rigbt Flank, National Greys — Captain Rayu. 

Company F — Emmet Guard, Captain 
MoGrath, 
" G — Captain Warren, 
" H — Captain Bocher. 



Eleventh Regiment — Col. R. C. Morris. 

Field staff, and Band. 
New York Lancers. 



Company A — City Guard, Captain Mc- 
Ardle, 

" B — Continentals, Captain 

Helmes. 

" D — Washington Guard, Cap- 
tain Piessnecker. 



Company E — Montgomery Guard, Capt. 

Murphy. 
" G — City Rifles, Captain Vul- 

tee, 
" F — Union Rifles, Captain 

Ellis. 



Twelfth Regiment — Col. Henry G. Stebbins. 

Field Staff, and Band. 



Light Guard, Captain Vincent. 
Independent Guard, Captain Cairns. 
Baxter Blues, Captain Moor. 
Tompkins Blues, Captain Waugh . 



Black Rifles, Captain Johnson. 



Guards-Lafayette, Captain Leelerc. 
City Musketeers, Captain Fredericks. 
City Blues, Captain Johnson. 
Lafayette Fusileers, Captain French. 



74 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

SECOND DIVISION. 



Assistant Marshal — Gen. John Lloyd. 

Aids : 
Major H. N. Graham, Capt. M. Hopper Mott. 

Barouche, drawn by six bay horses, containing 

GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 

His Honor the Mayor, and the 

Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. 

Carriages, containing 

Governor and Lieut. Governor of the State of New York. 

Senators and Representatives in Congress. 

Heads of Departments of the State. 

Senators and Members of Assembly of the State. 

Officers of the Army and Navy of the United States. 

Joint Special Committee of the Common Council. 

The Board of Aldermen, 

Preceded by their Sergeant-at-Arms, and headed by their 

President. 

The Board of Assistant Aldermen, 

Preceded by their Sergeant-at-Arms, and headed by their 

President. 

Officers of both Boards. 

Heads of Departments, and other officers of the City 

Government. 

Members of the Common Council elect. 

Recorder, City Judge and District Attorney. 

Sheriff, County Clerk, Coroner, Register and Surrogate. 

Board of Education. 

Judges of the United States and the several State and 

City Courts. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 75 

Members of the Bar. 

Collector of the Port of New York. 

Surveyor. 

Naval Officer. 

Postmaster of the city of New York. 

United States District Attorney. 

Marshal of the United States for this District. 

Foreign Ministers and Consuls. 

New York State Society of the Cincinnati. 

Revolutionary Soldiers. 

Officers and Soldiers of the War of 1812-'13-'14. 

Officers, oft" duty, of the Militia of New York. 

Ex-Governors of the State. 

Ex-Members of Congress and of the State Legislature. 

Ex-Mayors, ex-Aldermen and Assistants, 

of the city of New York. 

President and Trustees of Williamsburgh. 

Mayor and Members of Common Council elect, of 

Williamsburgh. 

Citizens of Williamsburgh. 

Citizens of New Haven. 



THIRD DIVISION. 



Assistant Marshal — John Ridley, Esq. 

Aids : 
Alfred A. Phillips, Esq., Robert H. Shannon, Esq. 

Members of the Press. 
Association of Omnibus Proprietors, 
in twenty-two omnibuses, decorated for the occasion, 
and drawn by four horses each. 



76 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Ouvrier Circle, No. 1, — ^Brotherhood of the Union. 

The Sons of Liberty. 

'Hungarian Society. 

European Democrats. 

American Protestant Association. 

Natives of Poland in this city. 

Citizens generally. 

The entire route of the procession was, of course, one 
continued scene of ovation. Not only was Broadway, and 
the other streets of the route, densely crowded, but all 
avenues thereto were also filled with the thousands who 
failed to secure more favorable positions for witnessing 
the pageant. 

The scene at the Astor House, and the American Mu- 
seum, was peculiarly interesting. The almost innumerable 
windows of these immense buildings were crowded with 
ladies and gentlemen. The arrival of Kossuth, at this 
point, was received with a tremendous burst of enthusi- 
asm from the thousands in the building — the gentlemen, 
rising in their places, huzzaing, and waving their hats in 
a perfect frenzy of excitement; while a cloud of snowy 
handkerchiefs waved the welcomes of the ladies congre- 
gated there in such vast numbers. Notwithstanding the 
busy scenes through which he had already passed, during 
the morning, this demonstration rather surprised him. 
This was even beyond his anticipations. His quiet, 
dignified self-possession, however, did not forsake him. 
He gracefully bowed his acknowledgments, again and 
again, to throngs on either hand. 

Here was probably the most interesting scene of the 
route. The open space created by the Park gave oppor- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 77 

tunity for a fine display. The many magnificent buildings 
on Park row presented their tastefully decorated fronts at 
the right; in the rear were to be seen the numerous deco- 
rations of the lower part of Broadway; to the left was the 
noble Astor House, and in the centre the Park itself, with 
its fountain of crystal water dancing and sparkling in the 
sun, and the City Hall beyond, also crowded with thou- 
sands of human beings awaiting the return of the pageant 
to that point. 

The Hungarians in the procession caught the enthusiasm 
of the occasion, and when they received the tremendous 
greetings of the vast concourse at the lower end of the 
Park, they returned the compliment in a similar manner, 
waving and lowering their Hungarian banner in token of 
recognition, until, finally, they became as unrestrainedly 
excited as any of those who had assembled to welcome 
them. 

The military display was undoubtedly the finest ever 
seen in our city. Such was the universal admission, and 
it is said that Kossuth expressed his gratification at the 
perfection of their equipment and discipline. The civic 
portion of the procession, of course, was not what it 
would have been had sufficient notice been given. Take 
it all in aU, New York never before gave so generous an 
ovation to either fellow-countryman or stranger. To at- 
tempt an estimate of the number of those who witnessed 
the pageant would be useless. All New York city seemed 
to have poured itself into the route of the procession and 
the adjoining avenues, while thousands of our neighbors 
crowded in by every rail-road car and steamer. 



78 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

THE REVIEW IN TEE PARK. 

When Kossuth and suite arrived in the Park, on the re- 
turn from the route of march, he was conducted to a taste- 
fully decorated canopy, which had been erected on the 
dais in front of the City Hall. This canopy was hung 
with the several colors of the Magyar flag. Upon it the 
illustrious guest took his stand with the Mayor, General 
Sandford and staff surrounding him on either side, on 
horseback. From this position Kossuth received the 
marching salute of the troops as they passed before 
him, and filed off into Broadway, consuming nearly an 
hour and a half in the march. Kossuth evidently was 
much interested in the military display. Colonel Pulsky 
gave free vent to his admiration, clapping his hands in 
delight. During the review the chains, put up to keep the 
crowd back, broke, from the great strain upon them, and a 
scene of undescribable confusion ensued, and continued for 
some minutes. Finally order was restored, the review 
was completed, and Kossuth was suddenly, by precon- 
certed arrangement, taken into the City Hall, out of 
which he passed by the back door, and gained the Irving 
House, comparatively unobserved. The darkness of night, 
which had now settled down upon the scene, favored this 
ruse to escape the enthusiastic throng. Large numbers, 
who had expected to get a glimpse at the noble Magyar 
on his way to the hotel, were sadly disappointed. 

SCENES AT THE HOTEL. 

Kossuth dined privately at his rooms, no persons being 
present other than Madame K., Col. Pulsky and lady, 



GOYERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 79 

the Governor's suite, the Mayor, and Aldermen Franklin 
and Miller. 

Kossuth being much exhausted by his voyage and this 
reception, he desired that the municipal dinner, which the 
committee had proposed should be given upon the day 
succeeding that of his reception, should be postponed until 
Thursday, the 11th of December, which was accordingly 
done. 

The committee deem that a record of his masterly ad- 
dresses to the many committees and associations which 
waited upon him, would be interesting, they have given 
them, as they were reported from day to day. 

®niikt[; immkr 8tlj. 

The first delegation that waited upon him was from the 
Press, consisting of Messrs. Parke Godwin, 0. A. Dana, 
and C. Mathews, who invited him to a public banquet, to 
be given by them. He accepted the invitation, and Mon- 
day, the 15th, was fixed upon. 

DELEGATION FROM VIRGINIA. 

The next delegation presented was a committee of 
Virginians, who addressed Kossuth. 

To which Governor Kossuth made the following re- 
sponse: 

He felt happy and honored to receive so kind a testimo- 
nial from the citizens of Virginia, who had thus united 
with their brethren of the North in welcoming him to 
America. He alluded to the value of the Union, and con- 



80 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

gratulated Ms visitors upon being the inheritors of the 
great legacy of liberty, which had been won for them by 
the labors and sacrifices of their fathers, and upon being 
natives of a State which had given to the world such illus- 
trious men as those named by Major Lee. He said, in re- 
gard to the invitation tendered him, that he felt it proper 
to say frankly that he should feel bound to wait for some 
invitation proceeding either from State or Municipal bo- 
dies, but would be glad to feel that the present invitation 
would be the first link connecting him to a closer acquaint- 
ance with old Virginia, and ended by gracefully repeat- 
ing his thanks for the courtesy of his visitors. 

A committee from the "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society," first waited upon him, and presented him with 
an address and letter, to which he replied as follows: 

Gentlemen: — I thank you, both for your address and 
the letter which accompanies it; and though, in conse- 
quence of the kind feeling thus exhibited toward me and 
my nation, I consider that I am entitled not to say more 
than to express my humble thanks; still, I think you will 
allow me permission to give utterance to a few remarks. 
I feel highly flattered and gratified that you have bestowed 
so much attention upon the principles, feelings, and pros- 
pects of my down-trodden country. 

I feel that to command the sympathy of generous minds 
is but to show the true position of Hungary and the ground 
on which its future rests. By this attention, which has 
marked your address, and all other addresses received 
since I have arrived on these glorious shores of America, 
my work and my mission in this country will be greatly 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 81 

facilitated, because it will not be necessary for me to try to 
explain my views, nor to persuade the people of the United 
States, for they already understand it, and they are already 
persuaded that my cause merits their sympathy and sup- 
port; and they are convinced, because they have paid at- 
tention to the views, hopes and aims of my nation. 

This is so; and for your attention to the proceedings of 
my dear native land in her struggle for her just rights, I 
thank you, from my heart I thank you; still more I thank 
you on account of the position you occupy in connection 
with one of the parties in this countr}^, and for the position 
in which you have placed me, in not wishing me to connect 
myself with any party question. You are just and gene- 
rous enough not to entangle me in those difficulties which 
must attend my course here, should I be forced into any po- 
sition at variance with the great principle I have avowed 
here, as I have avowed it in Europe and everywhere, that I 
claim for my sovereign nation the independent right to dis- 
pose of its own domestic aiffairs, and that I, therefore, feel 
it to be my duty to respect this principle in every nation, as 
I wish to see it respected in my own. 

This is my position, and these are my principles; and I 
come here with the humble prayers of Hungary and my 
own, seeking for sympathy and aid, not to one party, but to 
the whole people of the United States. I am, therefore, 
thankful that you do not entangle me, and I hope that 
others will have the same consideration, and follow the 
same course. And when I see the whole people of this 
great confederacy — not of one party, but of all parties — 
coming forward to stretch out a friendly hand to my poor 
country, I put my trust in the God of mercy and justice, 
that he will, ere long, set Hungary free, and place her in 



82 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the position slie ought to hold in the scale of nations. It 
will be sufficient reward for me, even at the sacrifice of my 
life, if my efforts, aided by the generosity of your nation, 
shall contribute to the redemption of my country, and the 
development of all those moral and material faculties which 
are necessary to the welfare of every nation. 

He then took each member of the delegation by the 
hand, and thanked them for the kindness they had exhibited 
toward him. 

DELEGATION FROM NEWBURGH. 

The next was a delegation from Newburgh. To their 
address Gov. Kossuth made the following response : 

Gentlemen — I most humbly thank you, and those by 
whom you are commissioned, for the honor of your gener- 
ous sentiments and kind invitation. My memory is aroused 
to the fact that you come from the head-quarters of your 
great Washington." Four days from this time, if I am not 
mistaken, is the anniversary of the death of that great 
founder of your Republic — it was on the 14th day of De- 
cember that Washington died. The day is not a day of 
mourning or of sorrow, but rather a day of glory ; because 
to die is the fate of every man, and, as Washington was a 
mortal, he was subjected to the necessity of human fate. 
But to see a man of high age, going down from the hori- 
zon as clear, as pure as he was — that is a circumstance 
which must influence with joy the heart of such a people 
as you are ; because it is not a common thing in history 
for great men to have ended as they began. I consider it 
not as the greatest merit of Washington, or the greatest 
act of his life, that he rejected, with indignation, the offer 
of a coterie, to accept the crown of the United States. I 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 83 

would rather have been surprised if he had not rejected 
the offer ; because, what worth to a man, in the eyes of 
freemen, it would be, to have a crown, I cannot understand. 
Therefore, I consider it not as the greatest deed of his 
life ; there were other deeds which were far greater. But 
however pleased I should be to speak to your inhabitants 
of that freedom for which Washington fought, as we ap- 
proach the anniversary of the death of that great man, 
and however I should wish to go to your city for that pur- 
pose, nevertheless, from the consideration which you have 
expressed in your address — that of the almost constant de- 
mands upon my time — you could hardly expect to have 
your wishes gratified. This circumstance must, of course, 
suggest to you, gentlemen, the utter impossibility of my 
having the honor of going to Newburgh. My time is lim- 
ited. The moments on Europe's continent are almost 
pointed out by the visible finger of God. The words, 
" mene, teJcel, upharsin,^' are written on its walls, and my 
time is therefore necessarily limited, so that I cannot take 
into decisive consideration the wishes of my heart in re- 
spect to the ground and to the place where I shall have the 
honor to address a part of the generous people of the 
United States. I must take into consideration, within 
the short period of time that I have to spend in this coun- 
try, where is the place in which I can soonest come to the 
great practical result of the great sympathy of the most 
kind feeling. 

Now, gentlemen, I must arrange my time according to 
the circumstances ; I must look where I have to go — not 
where my presence will be the most gratifying, but the 
most wanted, and the most necessary to the cause. I am 
imformed that the Chief Magistrate of the United States, 



84 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

President Fillmore, lias already sent his Secretary to in- 
vite me to go to tlie seat of the Executive power. That, of 
course, you must feel is my first duty, to accept the kind 
invitation of the Chief Magistrate of the Government to 
whom I am indebted for my liberation from captivity, so 
far as he has nobly executed that resolution of Congress 
in my behalf, which resolution was a consequence of the 
highly pronounced sympathy of the people of the whole 
country. Therefore, I must, out of regard to duty, go to 
Washington. I must go there out of practical considera- 
tions. Now, I cannot foretell, whether this, my going to 
Washington — which, if I am right, is in a directly contrary 
direction from your city — will leave me any time to go 
back again in an opposite direction. Therefore, I beg 
leave, for the present time, to express my most humble 
thanks to you, and through you, to your fellow-citizens of 
Newburgh, for your generous regard, and hope you will al- 
low me to assure you that I should be most happy to accept 
your kind invitation if it were practicable; and if, by any 
possibility, it shall be practicable, I will have the honor to 
answer your invitation. At the present moment I cannot 
tell, but in either case I will take the earliest opportunity 
to give you a written answer to your generous address, 
when I will either state that it is not possible for me to 
go there, or I will say that time and circumstances have 
afi"orded me the highly gratifying pleasure of enjoying the 
benefits and honor of your invitation. In the mean time, 
accept, once more, my most heart-felt thanks for your kind 
regard, and the honor of your presence here. [Applause.] 

Many private individuals were there introduced. They 
were of all classes, and seemed alike imbued with a warm 
enthusiasm for the illustrious exile. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 85 

DELEGATION FROM TflE DEMOCRATIC GENERAI COMMITTEE. 

To an address from the Democratic Young Men's Gen- 
eral Committee, Kossuth thus responded : 

Gentlemen — I feel extremely consoled and cheered by 
these sentiments so resolutely so nobly told. I ^ thank 
you for them. I thank you for the attention you have be- 
stowed upon the past struggles of Hungary, and for the 
hopes you have expressed for its future. As to the first, 
let me observe that I am glad to see that you entirely ap- 
preciate the principles contained in the Declaration of 
Independence of Hungary, though of course that declara- 
tion of independence could not have contented you en- 
tirely, as there was not yet established, in that declara- 
tion, the republican form of government of Hungary. 

But I beg you to consider that Hungary was in a very 
extraordinary and difficult position. She was threatened 
by the united forces of despots, who only lived — who can 
only live by dividing and hindering nations from uniting 
against their ever united power to crush Liberty wherever 
it dares to lift its head. Hungary was in a difficult posi- 
tion. She stood forsaken by the whole world — she stood 
alone against half the world. In that difficult position, in 
the midst of that not — Republican Europe — a handful of 
men thrown into the ocean of difficulties — of course it was 
the sound policy of Hungary not to bar the door to a 
peaceable understanding with the other nations of Europe. 
You have told them that, but for the distance, your people 
would have interposed and prevented the mournful catas- 
trophe. Let me hope that for the future this word dis- 
tance will be no impediment to prevent any interference 
in the sovereign right of my nation to dispose of its own 
acts. I have no wish for the people of the United States 



86 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

to o;o in thousands to fight the battles of Hungary; but I 
wish humbly to entreat the people of the United States to 
take such a position in the world as is consistent with your 
principles, your greatness and your power — one which will 
be sufficient to prevent any intervention in the affairs of 
Hungary. All else the people of Hungary must do for 
tliemselves ; because, " Who would be free, himself must 
strike the blow." Then let me hope the word distance 
will lose, every day, more and more of its importance. 

Only think, gentlemen, that in those times, when the 
principle of neutrality was recommended to the people of 
America, from the residence of your great Washington to 
come to New York, would require, perhaps, more time 
than now to go to Europe. Distance has disappeared be- 
fore the genius of your Fulton; before the development of 
your great intelligence. Europe is not so far from you as 
many places in your own country, where, I am sure, you 
would not allow freedom to be crushed by any of the poAvers 
of the earth. Therefore, the word distance has lost too much 
of its force to become an obstacle between the great family 
of mankind — the members of which being brethren, having 
one Father in heaven, must be one on earth, in such a way 
as is convenient and consistent with their own interests, 
which never can be different, which never can be in oppo- 
sition with the great interests of humanity. That is my 
Ij^ope — my wish. There are in your declarations, principles 
and sentiments avowed, which strengthen my hope and 
belief, that within my expectations of life, honor, glory 
and happiness, I shall see realized here in the United States, 
the fact that these sentiments are not only your own senti- 
ments, but the sentiments of the whole people — at least a 
great part of the generous people of the United States. 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 8T 

DELEGATION FROM THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY. 

Kossuth replied to the address and invitation, de- 
livered by Mr. Bonney, of tlie New England Society, as 
follows : 

Dear Sir : — The events, for the commemoration of 
which your society was established, make an era in the 
history of the progress of mankind toward that destiny 
to which it is to attain, in the providence of God. Even 
so, I highly feel the importance of the aim of this society, 
because it is good for most nations to look back, in his- 
tory, to such starting points of their career in the destiny 
of mankind; for the book of life, history, must inspire the 
minds of men to act consistently with those great ends, 
and to become, if not founders of similar events, at least 
aiders in the development of that work, the beginning of 
which is marked by those heroes. Therefore, you must 
be aware that I cannot but feel a great interest in your 
society, and would esteem it an honor to be present on 
the coming anniversary of these great events, celebrated 
by the happy inheritance of all the blessings which the 
humanity of this great country enjoys. The fruits of the 
seed sown by your New England forefathers, are the free- 
dom of this great nation, whose people know how to sym- 
pathize with the down-trodden people of my native land. 
But, you will agree with me, dear sir, in taking into con- 
sideration, not what is agreeable to you, but what is due, 
in respect to the end which I wish to accomplish on your 
glorious shores. My time is limited; I cannot stay in th's 
country longer than to the end of January, and if I re- 
main in this city till the 23d of December, then all the 
remaining time I will have at my disposal, for the whole 
country, will not be more than four weeks. I must not 



88 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

stay in New York more than three weeks. I have re- 
ceived invitations from other parts of the Union, and I 
must have practical results in every part that I visit. To 
stay, therefore, till the 23d of December, in New York, 
would be entirely inconsistent with the duties which 
devolve upon me elsewhere for the cause of Hungary. 
Though it may be very agreeable for me to remain, con- 
venient it cannot be ; therefore, I must beg leave to re- 
turn you my most humble acknowledgments for your invi- 
tation, and my sincere regret that circumstances render it 
impossible to attend upon your anniversary. 

DELEGATION FROM THE NEW YORK BAR. 

Judge Jones, on behalf of the delegation of the New 
York Bar, made the following address: 

To Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary: 

Honored and Dear Sir : — As a delegation from the 
Bar of the city of New York, we have the pleasure of 
tendering to you the cordial sympathy, admiration and 
respect of your brethren of the profession in this city, 
and of extending to you a heart-felt welcome to our 
shores. We recognize in you the bold, consistent and 
eloquent advocate of human rights, the champion of lib- 
erty — political and religious — and the still unconquered 
hero and patriot of your native land. In your hopes, your 
aspirations, and your prayers, for the redemption of your 
native soil from the rod of the oppressor, we most cor- 
dially unite. 

The struggles of your country, unaided and alone, 
against the two mighty despotisms of the earth, which 
singly could not crush her, and only by the union of their 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 89 

own forces, aided by treason in your own camp, succeeded 
in their baneful purpose, aroused, in every heart on this 
side of the ocean, a sentiment of sympathy and wonder ; 
and, for yourself personally, her ablest leader and most 
loved and honored hero, an enthusiasm of admiration but 
little, if any, short of that felt for you by your own coun- 
trymen. Be assured, dear sir, that these sentiments are 
none the less strong and heart-felt, from your personal 
presence among us, though you come but as the proscribed 
victim of tyranny, and an exile from that soil which you 
struggled so nobly to save. 

It is a source of just pride to us to know, that while we 
thus hail you as the hero of a country worthy of, and 
we trust, yet destined to a better fate, we can also claim 
you as a fellow-member, with us, of a profession of which 
it may, without arrogance be asserted, as an historical 
truth, that it has, in the great crisis of events, furnished 
to liberty the stoutest champions, and to the rights of the 
people the ablest and most inflexible defenders and advo- 
cates. 

With these feelings, we would cordially invite you to 
meet wi^h us at a social, fraternal gathering, at such a 
time as may comfort your convenience, at which, without 
embarrassing ceremonies, we may interchange with you 
the courtesies of our profession, and manifest to you in 
person, the admiration we entertain for your character 
and cause. 

To this address Gov. Kossuth thus responded: 

Let me thank you for the highly gratifying moment you 
have afforded me, in making me acquainted with the per- 
son of this man before whom I, with deep respect, bow. 



90 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Your people have a claim to eternity of greatness, because 
the warm love of freedom begins to exist almost in the 
bosom of the child in the cradle — is strengthened in the 
breast of the man, and does not lose any of its warmth in 
the hea.rt of the old man. I am happy to be introduced to 
one of your judges of former times — one whose duty it is 
to protect the constitution of the country, even against 
the encroachments of the constituted bodies of your coun- 
try. ' In no country in the world is the administration of 
justice raised to so high a dignity of standing as here ; 
because it has not only to protect the person and property 
of individuals, but to protect the law of the state, the 
common rights of all citizens in the enjoyment of their 
liberty and their constitutional rights, the fundamental 
principles of which are the eternal basis of your present 
greatness. In regard to your kind invitation, I need not 
say that I value it the more because the word har brings 
to my mind the early recollection of my youth, when I 
myself had the honor to be a member of your profession. 
In my later days, I myself have been at the tribunal 
where justice was administered in my own country; there- 
fore, you must feel that I have a peculiar personal interest 
in your profession, and should be glad to enjoy the agree- 
able opportunity of passing a pleasant hour in a circle, 
which I the more value, because I believe it to be sur- 
rounded by such men as I see before me now. It would 
not only promote my individual pleasure, but would, no 
doubt, benefit the cause I represent. Nevertheless, man 
is dependent on circumstances. I cannot enter into a full 
development of my circumstances, and I beg leave, there- 
fore, only that you will be contented with this my humble 
answer ; that I am here, in the city of New York, the 



GOYEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 91 

guest of the city, and as such I am in the hands of its 
committee. I beg you therefore to enter into communica- 
tion with that committee, in whose disposal I am, so long 
as I remain here, to see what arrangements are made. I 
cannot answer without them, and I therefore refer you to 
that committee, of which Mr. Franklin is a memlaer, and 
I will accept their decision. 

DELEGATION FROM COMNECTICUT. 

A committee from Middletown, Connecticut, were pre- 
sented, and extended to Kossuth an invitation to visit 
their city, to which he replied : 

I beg you to accept my most cordial thanks for your 
invitation, tendered to me by the city of Middletown. 
Let me avail myself of this opportunity to make a few 
remarks in regard to the hospitalities of different parts 
of the United States, Before I came to the United States 
I was told, in certain quarters of Europe, that I would 
accomplish nothing in the United States — and why ? Be- 
cause I would have to visit from city to city, for weeks 
and months, to partake of the hospitalities of every part 
of the nation, and that my time would be taken up so com- 
pletely that I would come to no practical action for the 
benefit of that cause which brings me to your shores. 
These were the observations made to me. But I an- 
swered, No, it will not be so, because I know very well 
that the people of the United States, kind as they are 
toward myself — so they have already proved themselves, 
by many attentions I have received, and by the steps 
taken for my liberation — are so practical a people, having 
proved themselves to be a people of deeds, that, though 



92 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

they will, of course, offer me their kind hospitality — for 
it is the natural propensity of generous men to do so — I 
know full well that you will be contented with my answer, 
when I say, gentlemen, in the name of the cause which 
you honor by your sympathy, I kindly beg you to excuse 
me if I cannot go to many different parts of the United 
States ; because I must only go to those parts and those 
places where I can hope to accomplish the most practical 
benefit to the cause of your sympathy. The remar'':s which 
I now make, are not so much an answer to you, as a gene- 
ral answer to the hospitalities which may be tendered to 
me. I hope that the generous people will feel that my 
time is limited, and that I cannot possibly go from one 
place to another to visit many places. Your country is a 
vast one, and much as I would be pleased to enjoy its hos- 
pitalities, and visit many of its cities, I would have to 
make a very long stay indeed if I was to go through all 
the hospitalities which the people seem willing to ex- 
tend to me. My busisess is a practical one, for the bene- 
fit of the principles of liberty; and if this, by any possi- 
bility, brings me to visit your city, I will inform you at 
the earliest moment. 

DELEGATION FROM BROOKLYN. 

A committee from the Common Council of Brooklyn, 
presented him with an address, inviting him to visit 
Brooklyn. In reply, Gov. Kossuth said : 

I have most humbly to thank you for these sentiments 
expressed in the name of the important Corporation of 
Brooklyn. As to your hospitality, you were perhaps pre- 
sent when I had the honor, a few minutes ago, to express my 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 93 

views, and confident as I am in the great demonstration 
which I had the honor to enjoy in New York, from the 
proximity of position, a great part of the citizens of 
Brooklyn were present, I take it for a first proof of their 
sympathies toward my cause. From the sentiments of 
yonr address also, I feel confident of the right direction of 
your feelings toward myself. I have therefore every rea- 
son to hope that you will appreciate these, my views in re- 
spect to the offer of your hospitality. It should be con- 
sidered at every such opportunity which the people of the 
United States offer to me, 1 shall be under the necessity 
of speaking publicly, and in a foreign tongue to me. I 
am no eloquent man — I am a man of facts — but were I the 
most eloquent man in the world, it would be a very diffi- 
cult position for me to speak from day to day in a foreign 
language, publicly, before the people, and before that great 
engine of human intelligence — that great controller of 
every word that is spoken by a public man — the Press. 
It is no easy matter for a foreigner to go on, from day to 
day, to speak publicly before these watching eyes and ears 
of the Press without preparation. Indeed, it is quite im- 
possible, when every word that I say can be made to dam- 
age the cause I represent. Did I speak in my own native 
language, I would not be backward to speak out sufficiently, 
openly and plainly, at whatever time or hour — the oftener 
the better- — but having to speak in a foreign tongue, where 
I am not able to find words to express my ideas, so but 
that my words will be open to criticism, and will be 
watched by the Press, it is very hard. Therefore, I am 
anxious to restrict myself to speaking publicly at such 
times as will be beneficial to the cause I represent. I 
never in my life was accustomed to prepare speeches in 



94 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

my own country ; but here, I am not ashamed to say, I 
must prepare for every great occasion, because of my lim- 
ited knowledge of the language. I know the people will 
be kind enough to excuse the faults of my tongue, [ap- 
plause] but still, when I have spoken, it is not correctly 
spoken, and it will immediately occasion controversy in 
the world. Therefore, it is necessary for me to con- 
sider every word I have to speak. I require time for prepa- 
ration to do so. This is a difficult task, and it is impossible 
for me to accept every call to speak. Now, as the city of 
Brooklyn is almost one with the city of New York, I sup- 
pose every opportunity which I shall afford the citizens of 
New York will be enjoyed by the citizens of Brooklyn. I 
beg you, therefore, to enter into communication with the 
committee of this city, who have the disposal of my time, 
and that matters may be so arranged with them that your 
kind wishes may be fulfilled, without imposing upon me 
the necessity of performing the difficult task of speaking 
from day to day. I repeat, I am in the hands of that com- 
mittee. If you had proposed or offered to me something 
else — something which would have benefited the cause of 
my country, of course I would not have hesitated a mo- 
ment, but would have availed myself of the opportunity 
to visit your city. Accept my thanks for your generous 
spirit. To accept your hospitality I have no time. I 
shall be under the necessity of refusing every invitation of 
this kind, for I do not enjoy the hospitality for my own 
person, but for the purpose of benefiting the cause of lib- 
erty, my country, and mankind. [Applause.] My time 
is occupied until Tuesday next. I have seven days before 
me in this city. Next week I must leave New York and 
go on further. Therefore, I scarcely know what time it 
would be best to combine in one of the demonstrations 



GOTEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. , 95 

suggested, at which I may be afforded the opportunity 
to explain my humble wishes to the people. I will 
speak to the committee of the city of New York, and con- 
fer with you on the subject, and arrange the matter. 

DELEGATION FROM THE INDUSTRIAL CONGRESS. 

The Industrial Congress presented an address. 

To this, he thus replied : 

Gentlemen: — I respectfully entreat you to accept the 
warm expression of my most cordial thanks for your sym- 
pathy with the cause of my down-trodden, but not broken, 
native land. Sorrowful as the past may be, to which you 
allude in your address, I am a Christian, who, in no circum- 
stances, despairs of the justice and mercy of God — who 
knows that, however inscrutable the ways of Divine Pro- 
vidence, to the welfare of humanity, may be, still there is 
some good even in misfortunes. My misfortunes are the 
results of the struggles of Hungary — perhaps more mighty 
and powerful, in their momentary value, than success would 
have been on the battle field. By victory in our past, we 
might have established our own freedom, our own inde- 
pendence. But it is only the misfortune of Hungary which 
has raised this brotherly love among the nations through- 
out the world, which is the greatest benefit for the future 
of hum^aiity. [Applause.] In our own land, there has 
been created by the restricted intelligence of the minds of 
the masses of the people, which, to conserve in its oppress- 
ive situation, is the first step and greatest care of despot- 
ism — some sentiments of natural antipathy amongst the 
citizens of the same country, formerly united in common 
welfare — which antipathy has broken out in the very hour 
when I and my friends, by the blessing of Almighty God, 



96 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

have succeeded in replacing the common oppression by- 
common liberty. [Applause.] Now it is by our failure 
that these antipathies are sped away, and every man in 
Hungary stands as one man, united, one in sentiment, one 
in resolution. [Applause.] I take the opportunity, from 
certain expressions which I have heard in your address, 
to mention these few words, as I took your address for a 
manifestation of your kind wishes for the future cause 
which I have the honor to represent. I give you the 
manly assurance of myself, of my companions in misfor- 
tune, of my companions, who, more unfortunate than our- 
selves, have not only the common sufferings to feel with 
us of knowing our common native land to be oppressed, 
but who see at home and feel at home, every moment, the 
tortures of this oppression; while we, who are exiles, are 
somewhat consoled by the happiness of seeing humanity, 
in certain places of the world, in such a condition that it 
raises the hopes and confidence of oppressed man for a 
better future, and gives us the hope that there is an era 
now arrived, in the history of mankind, when our own op- 
pressed nation will not stand alone, without finding a 
brother's hand, in happier nations, to help and to aid it. 
[Applause.] So much for my poor native land. You 
went on further, gentlemen, in your address; you went on 
to certain explanations of your views about certain cir- 
cumstances of your own land. Allow me not to enter 
upon these topics with you. It is no easy matter for a 
foreigner — if a foreigner had the right, as he has not 
exactly — to judge the peculiar circumstances of a foreign 
land, and chiefly difficult for an European to form an 
exact judgment upon the particular circumstances of 
America, whose every existence is founded on such prin- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH, 97 

ciples and such antecedents as have almost nothing in 
common with those upon which the present condition of 
Europe is founded; and, therefore, I freely confess, that 
though a long life of earnest study and of activity, might 
have given me some understanding of the political circum- 
stances of different countries; still, were I even a citizen 
of the United States, I would not have the arrogant pre- 
tension, slightly to form a judgment on the condition of 
the country, to understand which, higher intelligences than 
mine would want much time and application. But, even 
if it were not so, I stand here among you, gentlemen, upon 
one principle, to which I will consistently adhere, under 
every difficulty and every circumstance. That principle 
is, that every nation on the earth has, by the blessing of 
God, all it can desire, when it has the freedom and the 
faculty to be master of its own fate. [Applause.] If a 
nation, provided, by God's blessing, with this faculty, to 
be master of its own fate, has not either the understand- 
ing, or the will, or the resolution, to become as happy as 
man can on earth, such a nation deserves not to be happy ^ 
[Applause.] Therefore, taking these principles into con- 
sideration, I am come to the United States, to plead before 
your just people for the benefit of mankind — particularly 
for my father-land — the great principle of the sovereign 
right of every nation to dispose of itself. [Applause.] 
Feeble and weak as I am, but strong, because reso'ute; be, 
cause endowed with that faith in my cause whic' v/as the 
faith of those martyrs who were ready to die fc^ '^-^ir 
faith, and therefore removed mountains by this .flith; 
strong, because endowed with this faith, and powerful 
because standing on just ground, it is the justice of the 
cause which gives power to it> I, an unfortunate exile ' 



98 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

crave from the whole of humanity the right of my nation 
to be respected by every people on earth — the right to 
dispose of its own domestic concerns — and claiming this 
right for my own nation, I myself consistently bow and 
respect it in every place on the earth. [Applause.] 
Therefore, gentlemen, allow me not to enter into these 
topics. You, as a portion of your people, have the happy 
privilege to enjoy such institutions as give you your part 
in the practical exercise of the sovereignty of your people 
in legislative, in administrative, and in executive respects. 
It is your privilege and your duty thus to do, and you are 
accountable to God and your country how you use this 
privilege. And it is for the universality of your people, 
in their constituted bodies, to be the tribunal which is to 
decide upon these circumstances. I have only to thank 
you for your sympathy with that principle of freedom 
which I represent. I have to express my convictions and 
my confidence that I firmly believe — and I never speak a 
word which I do not believe — you have not introduced 
these topics of your internal politics with a view to en- 
tangle me in party difficulties in this country, which en- 
tanglement must, of course, lead me to a perfect failure to 
benefit the class whose interests brought me to your 
shores, and by your sympathy for whom you honor me. 
Therefore, I only believe that you have taken this oppor- 
tunity to express your views in an assembly, about matters 
which you consider important for you; but that you have 
not expressed them with the desire to entangle me in any 
party question. [Voices, " Not at all,"] And having 
this conviction, I beg leave once more to express to you 
my thanks, with the addition that men of no condition on 
earth can feel offended by the principle I declare. That 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 99 

sympathy for the cause of my country is dear to me, from 
whatever quarter it comes; but it is at no moment and in 
no place so dear as when it comes from the working- 
classes [applause]; because I consider that the most noble 
charter of man's dignity is honest labor [applause]; and 
because, knowing this, I must be well aware of the fact 
that one working-man, whose greatest treasure is his time 
and his work, sacrifices a portion of his time to stop in his 
work, in order to express, to demonstrate, to manifest his 
sympathy toward a poor exile, because he is connected 
with the cause of liberty. They have done much honor to 
themselves, and have performed an act, the value of which 
I shall, during my whole life-time, appreciate as a very 
dear treasure of my wandering life. Accept, once more 
my humble thanks. Let me hope you will use your con- 
stitutional and lawful influence in this country, to contri- 
bute to the direction of such a policy of your country as 
may lead to an eifective benefit to the cause which you 
have honored by your sympathy. [Applause, and cries of 
" We will !"] 

DELEGATION OP THE METHODIST CLERGY. 

On behalf of this delegation, Rev. Dr. Bangs delivered 
the following address : 

Illustrious Sir — I address you in the name of the 
Ministers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in the cities 
of New York, Brooklyn, and Williamsburgh, and vicinity. 
You have already been welcomed to our shores by our 
fellow-citizens, with an enthusiastic admiration for your 
person and brilliant achievements, in which we fully par- 
ticipate. We share in their sympathy for your sufferings 



100 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

as a captive, and in their universal joy and gratitude at 
beholding your liberation and escape from the pursuit of 
your enemies. But we wish, especially to address you as 
Christian ministers, prompted, as we humbly trust, by that 
religion which has its seat in the heart, and that moves 
and sanctifies the affections, to congratulate you on your 
adherence to that stern religious principle which led you 
indignantly to reject the tempting offer of the Musselman. 
-He offered you the liberty and protection which you had 
fled from your own country to find in his, upon condition 
that you should renounce your Christianity and embrace 
the Mohammedan faith. While some of your fellow exiles 
accepted the boon on such terms, you, sir, nobly replied, 
that you would prefer death to the abjuration of your 
faith. This heroic preference of Christianity to Moham- 
medanism — this deliberate choice of imprisonment before 
apostacy, exhibits a principle of Christianity which was 
illustrated by its Divine Founder himself, and by his im- 
mediate followers, and which, after centuries of debase- 
ment and delinquency, was revived by Luther and his co- 
adjutors, when they planted in Germany the tree of Refor- 
mation, where it grew and flourished, spreading its 
branches into Hungary and other countries. I say, this 
firm adherance to that principal of Christianity, even in 
the sight of a prison, at the alternative of the acceptance 
of the tempting bait, has endeared you to our hearts, and 
won for you a glory almost equal to that which surrounds 
the memory of the martyrs. 

We have perceived also, with joy and gratitude, that in 
all your speeches'you have acknowledged God as the source 
of all good, and have invoked his aid in behalf of yourself, 
your felloAV exiles, and your suffering countrymen. Nor 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. lOl 

have we been inattentive to the struggles of the little 
groups of praying Christians, among your native brethren, 
for the revival of pure and undefiled religion throughout 
the land. 

These things are plain indications to us that God will 
sooner or later, appear in behalf of your down-trodden 
brethren, will break the yoke of their oppressors, and 
finally set the captive free. And, may you, illustrious 
sir, not only live to see this happy era, but also be made an 
instrument in the hand of that God, who rules in the armies 
of heaven, and commands among the inhabitants of the 
earth, of its glorious and final achievement. 

And finally, permit us to present to you our fraternal re- 
gards and our fervent prayer for your own and your coun- 
try's peace and prosperity. 

In reply, Kossuth said : 

Since I have been in this country, the people of the 
United States have aiforded me so numerous opportunities 
to address committees and delegations of large assemblies, 
that my aching chest has rendered it almost impossible to 
speak. Should I go on speaking to-day, then I fear that 
perhaps I shall not be able to speak any more in my life. 
Not only am I laboring under an indisposition of the chest, 
but under an organic weakness, so that already my strength 
is weakened, and very often I raise blood so that I cannot 
speak. 

I beg leave to return to you my humble thanks, and if 
you will be so kind as to give me a copy of your address, 
I beg your permission to be allowed to give you a written 
answer to it. You alluded to the fact of the circum- 
stances that happened in Turkey. I believe there is no 



102 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

merit in it. Every honest man must be attached to his re- 
ligion. 

Dr. Bangs — Permit me to ask, if that be the fact that 
you did reject the offer ? 

Kossuth — It was the fact, but I take it as an act of no 
merit ; every honest man would have done the same. 
[Applause.] It is not worthy to be mentioned. If sc man 
be not true and faithful to his God to whom would he be 
faithful ? [Great applause.] I have always regarded, 
with unshaken confidence, that the justice of God is a 
righteous source of consolation, and this must be the basis 
of my hopes for the future ; because, I am so intimately 
convinced of the justice of the cause of my native land, 
that it is not possible that the blessings of the Almighty 
God should not be allotted to its future. Very often 
Divine Providence takes a course which apparently cannot 
be understood by weak human minds, but by-and-by cir- 
cumstances prove that, even in our misfortunes, we will at 
last find realized the great truths that what God does is 
well done, and even our misfortunes are only a means to 
come to that end, and to that aim which God has assigned 
to us. Though, even now. I have a full confidence in my 
country's future, (I have very strong reasons to have this 
confidence,) but yet all the motives of my hope, trust and 
confidence together, are not so strong, and give me not so 
much consolation, and so much hope, as the single con- 
solation that there is a God in Heaven, who cannot admit 
that a just cause should be doomed to annihilation in this 
world. [Applause.] It is out of this source that I draw 
force enough, with my weakened strength, to go on in that 
way which I considered to be the duty of honor — the duty 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 103 

sanctioned by religion — the duty prescribed by our relig- 
ion to every member of mankind — prescribed by that 
great injunction which is the basis of all virtue on earth 
— " Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." [Applause.] 
That is my principle, and upon this principle I will go on. 
That is the principle which gave me the hope that when I 
came to the United States that I would find here the great 
people of this glorious country, acting upon this great pre- 
cept — which is not only a mere theoretical, but a practical 
principle, which requires love to our neighbors, practically 
and effectively, by deeds and acts demonstrated. This is my 
hope, even now — for I confidently hope that the more relig- 
ious sentiment I find here in the United States, the more I 
can be assured that I will find the chief rule of my faith re- 
alized toward my nation — and toward every other nation of 
Europe, in such a manner that even the policy of your coun- 
try will not be regulated by any scanty policy, but by this 
great principle of Christianity, which never, in any case, 
can be afi"orded vf ithout having the consequence of the de- 
parture come back home. I thank you once more for your 
generous sentiments — I hope to have a more agreeable op- 
portunity to reply to them. 

DELEGATION FROM TIIE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY. 

The European Democracy next addressed him, to which 
he responded as follows : 

GENTLEMEisr — I am exceedingly sorry, that the actual 
condition of my health prevents me from making my voice 
audible to this vast multitude. Should I attempt it, it 
might render it impossible for me to address men any more 
in the future. My respiratory organs are suifering to such 



104 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

a degree, as to cause blood to be ejected from my mouth. 
Nevertheless, I may assure you, Mr. Chairman, that if all 
demonstrations of sympathy to the political cause of my 
country are dear to my heart, those must be and are 
doubly so, which come from the Democrats of the Euro- 
pean nations. It is Democracy which is to stand in the 
the field in the next combat against despotism ; it is by 
our union, the union of all the friends of true liberty, that 
the hallowed cause of European nationalities will ultimate- 
ly triumph. 

In ny opinion, gentlemen, Democracy is a principle, and 
Socialism is a system. My unreserved adhesion is for the 
former. As for the latter, I beg leave to state that the 
great questions of social philosophy are to be differently 
resolved, according to the peculiar conditions of the dif- 
ferent nations. It is not for me to inquire nor judge 
what system may best suit the political and social wants of 
other countries; but, as far as my own is concerned, and 
as far as the confidence with which my countrymen honor 
me, enable me to speak in their name, I am convinced 
Hungary does not want nor wish for the application of 
any system of socialism. I may add, on the authority of 
statements made to me by Mazzini, that Italy, too, in this 
respect, is quite in the same predicament. This analogy 
of the social state and wants of the two nations, strengthens 
the links that naturally now connect together Hungary and 
Italy, and according to which, they must henceforward act 
with the greatest harmony in their revolutionary career. 
But, I fully acknowledge it, with you, there is a necessity, 
not for these only, but for all the nations of Europe which 
are being trampled under the feet of Despotism, of joining 
in a common endeavor against a common enemy — the al- 
liance of the European tyrants. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 105 

Therefore, as au anticipated token of this holy alliance 
of the nations, I heartily accept the banner which you offer 
to me. Receive my thanks, and hand to me that symbol 
of freedom and national brotherhood, in order that I may 
hold it in my grasp. [Here, to make it easier for him to 
hold the flag, it was partially furled, and thus given to him. J 
Then, terminating his speech with a happy allusion to this 
incident, let it be folded, said he, for the present. We will 
unfurl it on the great approaching day of the final strug- 
gle for the liberty of mankind. 

To the address of the gentlemen of Baltimore, Kossuth 
thus responded : 

Gentlemen : — Since my liberation from captivity, in 
Turkey, it has been my lot to be subjected to the continual 
exercise of speaking publicly, so much, that my weak 
health has become so injured, that every moment now, 
the condition of my chest looks somewhat alarming. You 
will excuse me, therefore, if I do not give you such an 
ansv/er as I would have wished and hoped. Besides, in 
the addresses you have delivered me, on the part of the 
people and of the constitutional authorities of the glorious 
city of monuments, there is contained such principles — 
such sentiments, that to answer them, as they deserve, 
would require some aid of recollection, because every 
word of your address and your speeches is worthy to be 
recorded in my mind — in my heart. Having heard them 
once only, my memory, in my present condition of health, 
has not strength enough to remember the strain of them ; 
and you will permit me to make, therefore, only some few 
unconnected remarks. 



106 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

If I am not mistaken, gentlemen, botli in your personal 
expressions, as well as in the contents of tlie resolutions 
of the citizens of Baltimore, you speak of some glorious 
advantages attached to my name, and of some merits at- 
tributed to me. Allow me to remark, that I consider that 
the word glory ought to be blotted out from the diction- 
ary, in respect to individuls, and only left in respect to 
nations. Whatever a man can do, throughout the longest 
life which Providence may accord to him, with the 
strongest faculties which it is the happy lot of a few to 
possess, and with the utmost exertions of which man is 
capable — whatever a man may do in behalf of his country, 
and in behalf of humanity, can never be even so much as 
duty calls; still less can it be enough to merit the word 
glory. Therefore, once more I repeat, let to man be at- 
tached the duty, and the word glory reserved to nations; 
the more, because it is a happy period of the development 
of mankind's destiny to which we are now arrived. It is 
a time when individual greatness must disappear, like a 
vain shadow, before the greatness of that public spirit of 
nations which is called to attain and to insure that lot to 
humanity, which is the destiny assigned to me by God. 
I may have done something, in the press of duty, of the 
patriot; but, if the light of a candle spreads through a 
room, is it the merit of the candlestick? I have been 
only the candlestick; the light which shines forth was 
only the principle of liberty, and whatever, in my life, 
there may be worthy of any attention, it is not due to me, 
but to that light which is not destined by divine Provi- 
dence to burn only in one corner of this great globe, but 
which is to spread over all parts of it. Let me, with 
humble acknowledgment of the kindness which the people 



GOVEENOR LOriS KOSSUTH. 107 

of the United States wish me, freely confess that I come 
not hither to seek an asylum. I come not hither to look 
for a happy home. It is no compliment, gentlemen, (I 
never make compliments,) it is truth, that I consider, 
according to the present condition of the world, the cir- 
cumstance to be a born citizen of the United States the 
greatest happiness, the most proud lot which a man can 
declare to be his own. But yet, not being myself in the 
happy condition to have been a born citizen of this glo- 
rious land, you will not feel offended when I declare that 
my poor country, though poor, though oppressed, though 
doomed to sufferings, is still a country that I love [cross- 
ing his arms upon his breast,] more than yours. It may 
be, perhaps, a fault in me, a week, feeble man ; but 
I cannot raise myself to the height of our Savior, who 
embraced alike all humanity. I love humanity, but I love, 
in the first degree, my home. To love, equally, every 
part of mankind, our Savior had to be, not only a man, 
but God. I am a poor man, and as such, I am ha,ppy 
that I know that there is a God in heaven who is the com- 
mon Father of all humanity. And, having this common 
Father, every member of this great humanity is brother 
to every other one. Even so sure is it that when an 
honest man endeavors to accomplish the duties toward his 
own country as a patriot, he acts in behalf of all humanity, 
because, as there is a common Father in heaven so there 
is a brotherly tie in the destinies of all mankind. Again 
I say, I come not hither to seek an asylum, or the happi- 
ness of such a glorious home. I come hither to look for 
some assistance to obtain the victory of the principle of 
freedom in my own native land, which is now trodden 
down, but, I hope, not broken. I come hither to seek as- 



108 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

sistance, such as is due to those principles upon which 
your own existence reposes; being firmly convinced that 
the interest of such a great people as yours, can never be 
opposite and contrary to those principles upon which 
your greatness reposes. 

I shall have opportunities to express more freely, and 
more in detail the practical meaning of these words — that 
I came hither for practical assistance to the great prin- 
ciple of freedom for which we struggled, and for which 
we will struggle once more. I feel extremely happy to 
have the highly gratifying intelligence, by your addresses, 
that in the city of Baltimore there is not only a sympathy, 
but that there is a meaning attached to that sympathy — 
a meaning which I hoped and expected to find when I 
came to your shores. And I am highly gratified, also, 
that I have the honor to see, from these addresses, that 
you, gentlemen, and your fellow-citizens, have bestowed 
so much attention to the cause of Hungary as not to be 
subjected to misunderstandings, but so as to be able read- 
ily to understand me. That is a great benefit to me, be- 
cause, unfortunately, though I declare that I find here, in 
the United States, universally, a more just and exact 
knowledge of the true state of the cause of Hungary than 
elsewhere in the world, still, I am astonished to find that 
there are some misunderstandings and misrepresentations 
concerning that cause ; as, for instance, I have had the 
opportunity to read, this day, a report of the debates, yes- 
terday, in the Senate of the United States, where an hon- 
orable member stated that the struggle of Hungary was 
not a struggle for the principles of freedom and liberty, 
such as is going on throughout Europe, but a struggle for 
an ancient charter. Now, this is an entire misrepresenta- 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 109 

tion of the nature of our cause. There is something in 
the struggle of Hungary which can be characterized by 
that word; but we had also a struggle for ancient rights, 
because the right of self-government is an ancient right 
of Hungary. [Applause.] It was no new acquisition to 
our revolution ; it was an ancient right of a thousand 
years. Now, we have seen that this ancient right of 
Hungary — the right of self-government — though insured 
by a thousand laws, and by the coronation oath of thirty 
kings, every one of whom was committed, in swearing, to 
a sacrilegious perjury, is not now enjoyed, but has become 
a dead letter in our book of laws. And, therefore, in 
our revolution, and before the revolution, in a peaceful 
and lawful manner of legislation, in 1848, we struggled, 
and we achieved to get some practical guarantees to this 
ancient right of Hungary — such guarantees as were con- 
sidered necessary to insure that ancient right to be a prac- 
tical benefit, and not a mere dead letter in our book of laws. 
In so much we have struggled for our ancient rights, but in 
no other respect; because we have seen, that though this 
ancient right of self-government was registered in a hun- 
dred laws, and was guaranteed by thirty coronations, — 
still it was a dead letter — and why ? Because the whole 
people were not interested in maintaining the rights of 
Hungary; because the whole people had no constitutional 
rights, but only a class of the people of Hungary. I beg 
again to be permitted to make a remark which I have 
made elsewhere, not for your sake, because you under- 
stand the nature of the cause of Hungary, but because 
there is published abroad a misrepresentation in regard to 
facts. Then, I say that the rights of Hungary were re- 
stricted, in ancient times, not to a race, but to a class — to a 



110 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

class of nobles — not to a race, properly called Magyars, 
who came out a thousand years ago from Asia; because, 
in the people of the Magyars were men of every race 
which settled and remained in the Hungarian territory. 
There were nobles among the Magyars, Sclaves, Germans, 
Wallachians, and the poor, who were deprived of their 
constitutional rights, were not only Sclaves and Croats, 
but Magyars. Therefore it was not a privilege of races, 
but of aristocracy, of birth, of nobility, to have an interest 
in the ancient constitutional rights of Hungary. Now, 
that single class of men — a mere handful, to which I, by 
the changes of fate and circumstances, happen to belong — 
could never have been sufficient to maintain the rights 
of the country against the continual encroachment of the 
absolutistical direction, which it is so much in the nature 
of the house of Austria to exercise; that during all the 
centuries of its existence, not a single man appeared in 
history, out of the house of Austria, who was not the 
enemy of freedom and of popular rights. So, having 
seen that that class of men was not sufficient to maintain 
the popular rights, and chiefly, having the conviction that 
it is not advantageous to have liberty and constitutional 
rights a privilege of a class, but that it should become the 
common heritage of every man in the country, it was our 
first duty of the revolution to abolish all these privileges 
and to replace them by the common, broad basis of univer- 
sal liberty — liberty for the people of the whole country, 
without any distinction as to what church a man prays in, 
or what tongue he speaks. [Applause.] 

I will not enter into further details of the nature of our 
struggle. You, of course, are aware that when I say we 
have established universal, common, and equal liberty for 



GOYERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. Ill 

tlie whole people, there are consequences of these prin- 
ciples which must, of course, accompany this measure — as 
equality of law, equal representation in the legislature, 
equal sharing in taxation to provide for the necessities of 
the country, &c.; equal share in the benefits of popular 
education, and every other thing which must naturally be 
derived from the principle of the freedom of the people. 
Now, gentlemen, perhaps you will excuse me for abusing 
your kind attention, for entering so far into this subject. 

Chairman of the Delegation : — Not at all, sir, we are 
highly gratified. 

Gov. Kossuth continued: Now, I have said that I come 
not to find here an asylum nor a happy home. For the 
future I devote my life to the resurrection of my nation, 
and I will endeavor to restore Hungary to that sovereign 
right which is the fundamental right of every nation, to 
dispose of its own domestic afi'airs. In future, should 
Divine Providence still assign me a place for the accom- 
plishment of a practical duty, I shall take good care that 
no new treason shall endanger the hope of Hungary. 
And on this point I beg leave to make a few single re- 
marks : I was, in my life, extremely anxious never to 
assume, upon my humble shoulders, any duty which I had 
not the intimate conviction that I could perform. Accord- 
ingly, though I saw the imminent peril of the struggle, 
still I had not the boldness to take the tactical and strate- 
gical direction of the military operations, in all the 
country, into my own hands; because I had not the con- 
viction in my conscience that I could answer as fully to 
this duty as others; and I was also extremely afraid of 
the idea, that, should any thing happen amiss, not only my 



112 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

people, and not only history, but my conscience would 
charge me with the eternal torturing feeling that, perhaps, 
had I not have taken in my own hands the thing which I 
did not sufficiently understand, the result would have 
been happier. This was the cause why I did not take 
into my hands the practical and strategical command of 
all the armies of Hungary. I was induced, from necessity, 
therefore, to give my confidence upon some man or other. 
But, alas ! I have seen that man can never penetrate the 
secrets of the heart of his fellow-man. I have seen that 
ambition very often sweeps away every guarantee which 
we have had to the character of man; and therefore, since 
I have been an exile, I have employed my time in improv- 
ing and extending the capacity of this part of my humble 
intelligence which was wanting to me in the past. And 
now, relying upon the confidence of my good people, 
which is neither shaken by misfortune nor broken by 
calumny — relying upon this confidence, I freely declare, 
that in the future I will have the thing in my own hands ; 
because, for myself, I am sure I will become neither a 
Monck nor a Napoleon, nor such a man as to take the 
confidence of the people as means of personal ambition. 
I am sure, that in my hands, the conduct of the struggles 
for freedom and liberty of my people will be faithful; but, 
as to trusting any one man, I sPqi sure that I shall not be de- 
ceived ever more. [Applause.] Therefore, in that circum- 
stance I find some hope that our future struggles will not 
be frustrated by treason. 

But there is another danger to the hope of the Hunga- 
rian struggle — and that danger is Russian interference. 
I beg not to be misunderstood; Russia is not such a giant 
as is commonly accorded to it to be. [Applause.] It is 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 113 

a huge inflated body, standing upon very weak and feeble 
feet. But there is a prestige of its greatness. Now that 
prestige will be broken, and so much the more, because I 
consider the people of Russia are members of the great 
human brotherhood, and are moving toward the common 
destiny of every nation. The sun of freedom must rise 
alike over them, and the fortune of that people is as dear 
to my heart as that of any other. I consider them to be 
my brethren as much as any people in the world. But, 
in their present condition, they are doomed to nothing but 
toil, to administer to the ambition of an arrogant mortal, 
who dared to boast that he has received the calling of 
Heaven to put his impious foot upon the hopes of man- 
kind. Now, there is danger of Russian interference — ■ 
danger, not because Russia is mighty, but because she is 
mean. The army of Russia, which is now only distant 
thirty hours from Hungary, can rush upon us before our 
nation has had time to develop and organize its forces. 
There is danger, and therefore I come hither, gentlemen, 
humbly to ask the people of the United States to take 
such a stand as will not have the consequence of entan- 
gling you in a war, but which will prevent Russian inter- 
ference. And why have I this hope here ? I believe, if 
there is any thing to which the people of the United 
States are attached, it is their constitutional principles, 
upon which your independence reposes ; those doctrines 
which the founders of your great republic have taught 
you, not as exigencies of momentary policy, but as ever- 
lasting principles. xVnd I find, among these great princi- 
ples of your Washington, among the fundamental princi- 
ples of your Constitution, that every nation has the 
sovereign right to dispose of itself; to alter its govern- 



114 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ment and its institutions according as it seems best and 
most expedient for them; and that no power on earth has 
the right to interfere with this sovereign faculty in regard 
to any people whatever. I could compile a book by re- 
calling only the words out of the messages of your Presi- 
dents; out of the writings and correspondence of your 
greatest men; out of your Declaration of Independence; 
out of the instructions of your government, given on 
several occasions, and at different times, to diplomatic 
agents, ministers plenipotentiary, all uniting in the decla- 
ration of this great principle. Now, I ask you, gentle- 
men, in the name of all that is sacred, what is a principle 
worth when there is nobody to protect it, when the world 
is ready, at every moment, to violate that principle, and 
there is no people on earth to protect it? I shall have 
an opportunity to point out some statements of your 
greatest and most renowned statesmen, who have recog- 
nized, on several occasions, this principle — that the people 
of the United States have precisely that concern in the 
maintenance of international law of all humanity, which 
every single citizen of your country has, in the mainte- 
nance of your private laws; that the nation of the United 
States is, in respect to other nations, precisely in that 
situation in which every citizen of the United States is in 
respect to the laws of his country. Here I take my 
ground, and upon this ground I tread. We want not 
your armies, we want not your fleets, to fight our battles 
for independence ; we will fight them ourselves. Let us 
have only fair play. [Applause and laughter.] But I 
claim that you may take such an attitude as will prevent 
intervention. Nor would it be the first time you have 
done so. When the Spanish colonies rose here, on the 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 115 

continent of America, to achieve their independence, the 
United States declared that, should Europe, in a holy or 
unholy alliance, interfere with the independence of these 
nations, you would oppose it. And I beg leave to remark 
that, at that instant, England itself united with you. 
Now, England is as far distant from America as America 
is distant from the continent of Europe; and while mo- 
narchical England is just as convenient for the mainte- 
nance of the great international law of nations — of the 
sovereign right of a nation to dispose of itself — as ever, 
will republican America, the United States, not prepare 
to do, will it not do, what it has done before ? Surely, I 
cannot see why; I cannot find even an argument why it 
would not do it. 

But, gentlemen, your own territory has parts more dis- 
tant, far than Europe. Your separation from Europe, by 
the Atlantic, in the present condition of human science 
and navigation, is not a separation — it is a connection — 
such a connection as has entangled your public and pri- 
vate interest. I once more repeat, that no place in Eu- 
rope is more distant from New York than Buenos Ayres, 
in South America; and far more are the people of the 
United States interested in the affairs of Hungary, out of 
public considerations as well as private interests, than in 
the empires of the South American Continent, which are 
far more distant from you than Europe, Just let me ask 
you an humble question. Suppose that the inhabitants of 
Cuba should rise to-morrow — I speak not of an invasion 
— and change its form of government, whereupon a power, 
England, or France, or Portugal, if you please, or any 
other power, should resolve to send down its fleet to aid 
and support Spain against the revolution of the inhabit- 



116 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

ants of that island — would the United States admit the 
interference with the people of Cuba? [Cries,, of No! 
No !j I am confident there is not a single man, in this 
whole great nation who would not oppose it. [Applause.] 
Now, what is the difference between Cuba and Hungary ? 
The difference is that Cuba is six days distant from New 
York, and a part of Hungary is eighteen days distant. Is 
that principle, is that circumstance, to regulate the con- 
duct, behavior, and policy of such a great people as you 
are ? Surely it is not, it cannot be a principle. Six days,, 
and eighteen days, that is .the difference. 

I have, perhaps, spoken more than is advisable in my 
present condition. It was such an agreeable and impor- 
tant opportunity to address the honorable representatives 
of Baltimore, that, not knowing whether circumstances 
would allow me to have the honor to address, at large, 
your generous fellow-citizens, I was taken by the oppor- 
tunity, and so I went on, with all my faults of language, 
which, of course, you will be so kind as to excuse. But 
I must take care somewhat for my health. I want it not 
for myself — I do not care for it on my own account, but 
for that cause for which you honor me by your sympathy. 
Therefore, let me once more express to you my most hum- 
ble thanks. Be assured, gentlemen, of the entire appre- 
ciation of the value of these declarations and manifesta- 
tions of sympathy on the part of the citizens and Corpo- 
ration of Baltimore, who, I am happy to see, have acted 
in that perfect harmony which should prevail in every 
country between the constituted bodies, of whatever 
name, and the people. Because every power, every pub- 
lic condition can be derived only from the people, and 
therefore must represent the spirit of the people them- 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 117 

selves. I am happy to see that this is the case in respect 
to sympathy for the cause I have the honor to represent. 
I have the honor to state that, if it will be possible, I 
will go to Baltimore; but I will go there, not to enjoy 
your hospitality, because, you will excuse me when I tell 
you, that I came not hither to be feasted. I came hither 
humbly to entreat the people of the United States to give 
such assistance to the cause of my country, as is due to 
principles, and convenient to the citizens of the United 
States. Let me hope that I may take these sentiments 
and assurances, which I find expressed in your addresses 
and speeches, for a previous boon that, when I go to Balti- 
more, I will find the practical spirit of its citizens ready, 
and as efficient in deeds as they are in words. That is my 
hope — my wish. I am not egotistical for myself, but I 
am extremely so for the sake of the great principles 
which constitute your glory and your fame — which give 
you the great privilege, not only to remain great, glori- 
ous and free, but also to become the glorious protectors 
of your less fortunate brethren and humanity. [Great 
applause.] 

This was the day fixed upon for the Corporation Dinner 
at the Irving House. So great was' the desire of our citi- 
zens to see and hear the eloquent exile and guest, that the 
committee were entreated, at all points, for tickets of ad- 
mission. One distinguished clergyman declared he would 
go, disguised as a waiter, if in no other way could permis- 
sion be had to 5^a?z(^ and hear his address. The commit- 
tee desired and endeavored to invite the most worthy and 
useful citizens, and to have all branches of trades repre- 



118 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

sented; and clergymen from all the various denominations 
were invited. The following are some of them: 

Rev. J. H. Price, of the Episcopal church, 
Doct. Vermilyea, " Dutch Reformed, 
S. H. Cone, " Baptist, 

F, A. Farley, " Unitarian, 

E. E. Griswold, " Methodist, 
C. C. Pise, " Catholic, 
H. W. Beecher, " Congregational. 
H. W. Bellows, 

F. Hawks, 
E. H. Chapin. 
Doct. Bethune, of Brooklyn. 

A Committee on Invitations had been appointed, and 

they addressed a copy of the following circular, to those 

invited: 

City Hall, New York, ) 
November 28th, 1851. ) 

Sir: — On behalf of the Common Council we beg leave 
to invite your attendance at a public dinner to be given 
to Louis Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian Indepen- 
dence, at the Irving House, at 5 o'clock, p. m., of the day 
succeeding that of his public reception in the city. 

With great respect, we remain 

Your obedient servants, 

GEO. H. FRANKLIN, } Committee 

FLORENCE McCARTHY, V on 
PATRICK KELLY, 3 Invitation. 

P. S. — Please present the accompanying ticket at the 
door of the dininff room. 



GOVBENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 119 

Enclosing a ticket, of which the following is a copy: 
MUNICIPAL DINNER 



IRVING HOUSE. 

The following are some of the answers to the invita- 
tions: 

letter prom hon. daniel webster. 

Washington, Nov. 14, 1851. 

To Geo. H. Franklin, Esq., Chairman of the Special 
Committee of the Common Council of New York: 

Sir: — I have to acknowledge the honor of your commu- 
nication of the 12th instant, inviting me, on behalf of the 
committee, to be present at New York, and address the 
distinguished stranger, who is now expected shortly to ar- 
rive in that city. 

I am obliged to say, my dear sir, that my ofi&cial duties, 
at a period so near the commencement of the session of 
Congress, render it quite impossible for me to leave Wash- 
ington. 

Governor Kossuth will be at no loss to understand, from 
the published letter from this Department to the American 
Minister, of the 28th of February last, the sympathy felt 
by the Government of the United States for his long cap- 
tivity and that of his companions; and the pleasure with 



120 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

which the President has executed the will of Congress, in 
providing for him and for them, a respectable conveyance 
to the shores of the country, 

I have the honor to be, 

With very great respect. 
Your obedient servant, 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 



LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 

Washington, Dec. 3, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — The Common Council of New York have 
highly honored me in asking my attendance at the public 
dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth, whose arrival in the 
United States is now daily expected; but my public duties 
render it quite impossible for me, at the present moment, 
to leave the seat of government. 

With great regard, 

I am, gentlemen. 

Your obedient servant, 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 

Geo. H. Franklin, Esq., Florence McCarthy, 
Esq., Patk. Kelly, Esq., Committee, &c. 



letter from HON. HENRY CLAY. 

Washington, Dec. 2, 1851. 
Gentlemen: — I have received the invitation, in behalf 
of the Common Council of New York, which you have 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 121 

done me the lionor to transmit, to attend the public dinner 
to be given to Louis Kossuth, the day succeeding that of 
his public reception in the city. 

It would afford me very great satisfaction to be able to 
unite in any demonstrations of the hospitality of our 
country to that highly distinguished gentleman; but I re- 
gret, that the delicate state of my health will not allow me 
the pleasure of accepting your invitation. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

H. CLAY. 

Messrs. Geo. H. Franklin, Florence 
McCarthy, Patrick Kelly, &c. 



LETTER PROM HON. LEWIS CASS. 

Washington, Dec. 3, 1851. 
Gentlemen : — I thank you for remembering me among 
those to be invited to the public dinner to be given by the 
Common Council of New York, to Louis Kossuth, the 
champion of Hungarian Independence, and regret that my 
duties here will prevent me from being present on that in- 
teresting occasion. But, though absent, I participate in 
the feeling which has led the commercial metropolis of our 
country to do honor to itself, by thus doing honor to the 
man and the cause so dear to every lover of human free- 
dom through the world. Glorious has been the career, 
and bright will be the fame of the Hungarian patriot and 
statesman. The struggle of his country, to break the iron 
yoke of Austrian despotism, was one of the noblest efforts 
ever made by an oppressed people to recover their lost lib- 
erty. It was marked by the most heroic services and 



122 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

sacrifices, and, amid all its vicissitudes of success and dis- 
aster, it commanded the respect of the world, and found 
its support in the breast of the whole Hungarian people. 
And valor and patriotism would have been crowned with 
their just reward, the establishment of a free government, 
had not the right of nations, and the best feelings of our 
nature been outraged by the interposition of Russia, and 
liberty fell before the union and the crusade of the Cos- 
sack and the Pandour. 

And now, the world-renowned exile is coming among us. 
The expatriated leader is seeking refuge in the New 
World from the injustice and oppression of the Old. At 
once the champion and the representative of a glorious 
cause — the cause of human freedom — he has a right to our 
esteem and affection, and such manifestations of popular 
favor as will convince both the oppressor and the oppress- 
ed, that, wherever a nation is struggling for freedom, the 
hearts and hopes of the American people are with it in 
the effort. May the land of Washington ever be the asy- 
lum of the exiled patriot, who, less fortunate than Wash- 
ington, but like him, devoted to his country, is doomed to 
abandon it, and to seek safety among strangers from the 
vengeance of arbitrary power. And in this spirit may the 
great Republic welcome her guest, and testify her re- 
spect for him, and her hope that he may, ere long, return 
to his beloved Hungary, to enjoy the gratitude and confi- 
dence of a free and happy people. 

I am gentlemen, 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

LEWIS CASS. ^^ 
George H. Franklin, Florence McCarthy, 

Patrick Kelly, &c. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 123 

LETTER FROM HON. JAMES SHIELDS. 

"Washington, Dec. 2, 1851. 
Gentlemen: — You do me the honor to invite me, in be- 
half of the Common Council of the city of New York, to 
attend a public dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth, the 
champion of Hungarian Independence, at the Irving House, 
at 5 o'clock, p. M. Gentlemen, you will please accept, for 
yourselves and the Hon. Common Council, my sincere 
thanks for this polite invitation. I deeply regret that 
my public duties, at the commencement of the session, will 
prevent me from attending on that highly interesting oc- 
casion. It would be extremely gratifying to me to be 
able to participate with you in the first great American 
demonstration to the illustrious exile; but, though denied 
this pleasure, I hope, as I joined in giving him a national 
invitation, to participate in the privilege, upon his arrival 
in Washington, of giving him a glorious National Repub- 
lican welcome. 

Gentlemen, I have the honor to be, 

"With great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES SHIELDS. 



letter FROM HON. WM. H. SEWARD. 

Washington, Dec. 4th, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I regret, most sincerely, that my engage- 
ments here will prevent me from accepting the invitation 
of the Common Council of New York, to attend the enter- 



124 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

tainment to be given to Kossutli, on Ms arrival within our 
"borders. 

Heartily sympathizing with that illustrious exile in his 
struggle for the redemption of his native land, and freely 
concurring with the Common Council in their estimate of 
his services to mankind, I have the honor to be with great 
respect, 

Your humble servant, 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
The Hon. Geo. H. Franklin, &c., Committee. 



LETTER FROM HON. HAMILTON FISH. 

Washington, Dec. 3, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I have the pleasure this day of receiving 
your invitation to the dinner to be given by the authorities 
of New York, to the world-renowned Governor Kossuth. 
I regret that I shall not be at liberty to unite with the 
public authorities and citizens of my native place in their 
demonstrations of regard and respect for this illustrious 
champion of Hungarian Independence, who, exiled from his 
own land, is to be welcomed by a nation ever ready to ap- 
preciate efforts in behalf of the oppressed, and for the ad- 
vancement of civil liberty. 

With sincere regard, 

I have the honor to be. 

Your very obedient servant, 

HAMILTON FISH. 

George H. Franklin, Florence McCarthy, 
Patrick Kelly, Committee. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 125 

LETTER FROM HOIST. ROBERT C. WINTHROP. 

Boston, Dec, 4, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I am greatly obliged and honored by the 
invitation, which you have kindly communicated to me, in 
behalf of the Common Council of New York, to attend the 
public dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth on his arrival 
in the United States. 

I regret that engagements at home will not alloAV me to 
witness the enthusiastic reception which awaits the elo- 
quent and distinguished Hungarian, and to unite in those 
words of welcome which Americans can never withhold 
from those who have labored and suffered in the cause of 
freedom. 

I am, gentlemen, 

With great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

ROBT. C. WINTHEOP. 

George H. Franklin, Florence McCarthy, 
Patrick Kelly, Esqrs., Common Council. 



letter from his excellency, WASHINGTON HUNT. 

Albany, Dec. 8, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I have the honor to receive your letter, in- 
viting me, in behalf of the Common Council of your city, 
to attend a public dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth, the 
champion of Hungarian Independence. Nothing but im- 



126 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

perative public duties could prevent my acceptance of this 
kind invitation. It would be most gratifying to my feel- 
ings to unite with you, in person, in greeting the illustrious 
patriot and exile with a cordial welcome, when he first 
steps upOn our soil as the invited guest of our nation. Be 
assured of my sincere participation in the patriotic senti- 
ments which prompt you to confer distinguished honors 
upon one who struggled nobly, and ventured all, in defence 
of the institutions and constitutional liberties of his 
country. 

With great regard, yours, 

WASHINGTON HUNT. 

To G-. H. Franklin, and others. 



letter from hon. christopher morgan. 

State of New York, Sec'y's Office, ) 

Department of Common Schools, > 

Albany, Dec. 1, lb51. ) 

Gentlemen: — I acknowledge, with thankfulness, the re- 
ceipt of your letter inviting me to attend a public dinner 
at the Irving House, to be given to " Louis Kossuth, the 
champion of Hungarian Independence." 

Kossuth is not merely the champion of Hungarian In- 
dependence, but of constitutional liberty throughout the 
world. He has already impressed himself upon the spirit 
of the age. 

His patriotism, his extraordinary genius and general 
versatility of talent are firmly established. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 12T 

He is destined to effect a greater chaDge in the policy of 
the civilized world than any other living man. 

I fear that my duties here vs^ill not permit me to unite 
with you in this demonstration of respect to Louis Kos- 
suth. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

CHRISTOPHER MORGAN. 

To Messrs. Geo. H. Franklin, &c.. Committee. 



LETTER FROM HON, J. H. HOBART HAWS. 

Washington, Dec. 4, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I have the honor to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of your invitation to the public dinner, to be given by 
the Common Council of New York, to Louis Kossuth, on 
his arrival at that city. 

It would be very gratifying to me to unite with you on that 
occasion, and to join my fellow-citizens generally in wel- 
coming, to these shores, the distinguished man who has so 
nobly exerted himself to extend the principles of liberty, 
and to promote the welfare and happiness of his fellow 
men; but I find my public duties here will not allow me 
the pleasure. Thanking you for the compliment intended 
by your invitation, I am, with sentiments of the highest 
respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. H. HOBART HAWS. 

To Geo. H. Franklin, Esq., Committee. 



128 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

FROM JUDGE EDMONDS. 

. City Hall, Dec. 3, 1851. 

Gentlemen: — I have your invitation to the Municipal 
Dinner to Louis Kossuth, and with great pleasure I accept 
it. Glad to avail myself of this opportunity to do honor, 
as far as in my power, to so noble a champion of constitu- 
tional freedom. 

I am, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. W. EDMONDS. 

Messrs. Franklin, McCarthy, Kelly, 
Committee, &g. 



FROM REV. E. H. CHAPIN. 

12 Warren STREET, Dec. 8, 1851. 
Dear Sirs: — I am happy to signify my acceptance of the 
invitation, with which I have been honored, of the Com- 
mon Council, to attend the dinner to be given to Governor 
Kossuth on Thursday next. 

Very respectfully, 
Yours, 

E. H. CHAPIN. 

Messrs. Franklin, McCarthy, Kelly, 
Committee, &c. 



FROM REV. DR. PRICE. 

December 3, 1851. 
Gentlemen: — The invitation so politely extended to 
me by you, in behalf of the Common Council, to attend a 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 129 

dinner, to be given to Louis Kossuth, the " Champion of 
Hungarian Liberty," my professional engagements compel 
me to decline. I exceedingly regret this, for nothing 
would give me greater pleasure than to contribute my 
mite to the cordial reception of one who belongs not to 
Hungary alone, but to the friends of human rights through- 
out the world. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

JOS. H. PRICE. 

Messrs. Feanklin, McCarthy, Kelly, 
Committee, &c. 



Of the Dinner itself, we give the account, as published 
the morning after, with the addresses, by the Mayor, Judge 
Edmonds, Rev. Mr. Bellows, N. B. Blunt, Esq., and 
others. 

The Municipal Dinner, to Governor Louis Kossuth, was 
given at the Irving House. 

The tables were spread in the large dining-room. 
Across the upper end of the room was a table, raised 
upon a platform, at which was Governor Kossuth and his 
suite, together with Mayor Kingsland, and a number of 
our most prominent citizens. From this table there were 
five other tables, stretching the entire length .of the room, 
which afforded commodious seats for over four hundred 
persons. 

The ceiling of the room was beautifully festooned with 
red, white and green hangings, the loopings being held in 
9 



130 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

eagles' beaks. The columns were twined with evergreens, 
and between each column was a wreath of evergreens 
surrounding the tri-colors of Hungary. Back of the chair, 
in which Kossuth was seated, was a canopy formed by the 
flags of Hungary, France, Germany, Italy, and the United 
States — the Hungarian flag being in the centre, and sup- 
ported on each side by the Stars and Stripes of the United 
States. In the corners of the room were the flags of Eng- 
land, France, Uermany and Italy. 

The tables, as they were spread, made a magnificent 
appearance, and reflected great credit upon the liberality 
and taste of Mr. Howard, the host of the Irving House. 

The following bill of fare shows the extent and variety 
of the dishes placed before the guests: 

SOUP. FISH. 

Green Turtle. [ Boiled Salmon, anchovy sauce. 

Printaniere, Baked Bass, a la Cliambord. 



REMOVES. 

Boiled Leg of Mutton, caper sauce, i Roast Westphalia Ham. 

Chicken, celery sauce. Capons, stuiFed with truffles. 

Turkeys, oyster sauce. Saddle of Mutton. 

Roast Sirloin of Beef. | Turkeys. 



COLD ORNAMENTAL DISHES. 



Bastions ornie des couleurs nation- 
ales, 
Hure de Sanglieur, ornie d'atelette. 
Galantine de Dindon, sur socle. 
Pigeons, a I'Anglaise, sur socle. 



Pain de Volatile, en Bellevue. 
Noix de Veau, en damier. 
Jambon, glace, sur socle. 
Aspic d'Huitres, decoree. 
Flying Birds, on a Pedestal. 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 



131 



Supreme de Volatile, aux truflfes. 
Fillets de Boeuf, aux champignons. 
Chatreuse de Gibier, a la chasseur. 
Aspic de fillets de Volatile. 
Ris-de-Veau, aux petis pois. 
Pate de Gibier, aux trufifes. 
Noix de Veau, aux epinards. 
Cotelettes d'Agneau, aux petits ra- 
cines. [noise. 

Maccaroni, en timbale, a la Mj'la- 



Mayonaise de Homard, decoree. 
Fillets de Chevreuil, sauce poivrade. 
Pate de foie gras, a la gelee. 
Casserolle de Ris, garnie d'un escal- 

lope de Lapereaux. 
Fillets de Poisson, sauce pluclie. 
Pate chaud de mauviettes, a la finan- 

ciere. 
Terrapin, stewed in Port Wine. 
Oysters, fried in butter. 



Sweet Potatoes. 
Oyster Plant. 
Cauliflowers. 
Potato Balls. 
Turnips. 
Onions. 



VKGETABLES. 

Fried Parsnips. 
<^ Green Peas. 
tr Boiled Rice. 
to Asparagus. 

Tomatoes. 

Spinach. 



Saddle of Venison,with currant jelly. 
Canvas Back Ducks. 
Larded Partridges. 
Red Head Ducks. 
Broiled Quails, with pork. 



GAME. 

Broad Bill Ducks. 
Brandt Ducks. 
Wild Turkey. 
Wild Geese. 
Broiled Squabs. 



Merengues, au Maraschino, 
Rissolles, aux confitures. 
Genoise, aux Amandes. 
Tartelettes de Fraises. 
Biscuits, a la cuiliere. 
Cheux, a la creme. 
Amandes grille. 
Macaroons. 



CONFECTIONERY. 

Croquette^ aux Amandes. 
Nougat, a la Parisienno. 
Biscuits, a la Vanille. 
Gateau, a la creme. 
Biscuits, au Punch. 
Bouche, a la reine, 
Feuilles, glacees. 
Champignons. 



132 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 



Charlotte Ptusse, a la Vanille. 
Gateau, a la President. 
Macedoine de Fruits. 
Merengues Suisse. 
Tarte de Peclies. 
Blanc-Mange. 



PASTRY. 

Charlotte de Pommes. 
Fromage Bavarios. 
Gelee, au Madere. 
Salad d'Orange. 
Plum Pudding. 
Mince Pies. 

DESSERT. 



Madeira Nuts, 


Brandy Pe 


aches, 


Oranges, 


Grapes, 


Brazil Nuts, 


Corn Pops 




Raisins, 


Apples, 


Filberts, 


Almonds, 

ICE CREAM. 




Prunes, 

LEMON ICE. 


Figs. 



COFFEE AND LIQUEURS. 



Many pieces of emblematic confectionery were upon tlie 
different tables. On the table, at which Kossuth was 
seated, was a magnificent mound, surmounted by a statue 
of the illustrious Magyar. Another piece represented a 
triumphal arch, with a scene of the landing of Kossuth, 
and a statue of Liberty. A third represented the cele- 
brated reception of the Austrian butcher, Haynau, at the 
brewery of Barclay, Perkins & Co. One lusty fellow is 
swashing the hat of the butcher, another is dashing dirty 
water in his face, while another is belaboring him with a 
broom. This group was carried around the room, after 
the dinner, and was received with shouts of laughter. 
Another piece was a ponderous quadrangular mound; 
the base was highly ornamented with wreaths of flowers, 
on one side was a painting of the steamer Humboldt at 
sea; on the other side was a view of the Battery, and the 
steamer coming up the bay. These views were supported 
by figures of American and Turkish soldiers. On the top 
was a representation of rocks and the sea, with a model 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 133 

of the steam-frigate Mississippi, " tossed and twirled by 
the restless waves " of the ocean. This was supported at 
each end by figures of the Graces. This piece surpassed 
any thing we have before seen. And there was a repre- 
sentation of " Arnold and Gorgey at home." Chained 
to a rock were the great traitors — the flames rising on 
each side of them, while two very impish-looking indivi- 
duals are stirring them up with toasting forks. There 
was an exquisite equestrian statue of Washington, " Tlie 
Warrior's Monument," on which were the emblems of 
glory and honor. A pyramid, surmounted by the Ameri- 
can and Hungarian flags, symbolical of the union of the 
two countries — " The Champions of Liberty — Washington, 
Lafayette and Kossuth," — life-like figures of the " Hun- 
garian Cavalry," and a "Fountain of Joy," that seemed 
almost to send up showers of sugary spray. In addition 
to these there were many pyramids composed of maca- 
roons, and vases filled with transparent flowers. 

Precisely at the hour appointed, the invited guests 
were admitted to the banquet-room, and, in an orderly 
manner, each passed to his alloted seat. Among the 
invited guests we noticed the following distinguished 
individuals: 

Hon. Robert Rantoul, of Massachusetts. 

Hon. Chauncey Cleveland, Governor of Connecticut. 

Hugh Maxwell, Collector. 

Hon. William V. Brady, Postmaster. 

Hon. John Young, U. S. Treasurer. 

Hon. J. P. Phoenix. 

Recorder Tallmadge. 

The Judges of the Courts of the city. 



134 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

The Commissioners of Emigration. 
The Boards of Aldermen and Assistant Aldermen. 
George W. Riblet, County Clerk. 
Thomas Carnley, Sheriff. 

Hon. J. Prescott Hall, U. S. District Attorney. 
Jo n Yan Buren. 
N. ", Blunt, District Attorney. 
Ogd* xloffman. 
Gon. L ames Watson Webb. 
Gen. Sandford and his Staff. 
Lieut. Nelson, of the U. S. S. Mississippi. 
Dr. A. Sidney Doane, Health Officer. 
Capt. Sands, of the St. Lawrence. 
Capt. Salters, of the Navy Yard. 
Col. Gardiner, of the U. S. A. 
Gen. Paez. 
■ — C. Forresti. 

C. Y. Anderson, Register. 

A. W. Bradford, Surrogate. 

Simeon Draper. 

Hon. Moses H. Grinnell. 

James S. Thayer. 

Conklin Brush, Mayor of Brooklyn. 

Charles O'Conor. 

Robert Schuyler. 

E. K. Collins. 

George Copway. 

Dr. Francis. 

Charles King. 

Dr. J. W. Francis. 

Hon. Dudley S. Gregory. 

M. 0. Roberts. 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 135 

James R. Whiting. 

Mr. Young, Engineer of the Hudson River Railroad. 
Colonels Ryer, Bogart, Postley, Yates, Warner, Peers, 
Duryea, Devoe, Ferris, Halsey, Morris and Stebbins. 

The following Hungarians were also present: 

Francis Pulsky. 

Colonels Asboth, Count Bethlen and Berczenzey. 
Lieut. Col. Ihasz. 

Paul Flajink, late Chief of the Police. 
Messrs. Peter Nagy and Adriah Lemimi, Secretaries. 
Dr. Spacyek. 

Captains Torek, Laszlo, Nemeth, Waigly, Frater and 
Grehenck. 

After the guests were seated, Mayor Kingsland and 
Gov. Kossuth entered the room. After the storm of ap- 
plause, that followed their entrance, had partly subsided. 
Alderman Shaw formally introduced to the company the 
City's Guest, Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary. A 
round of applause followed this introduction, which being 
stilled. Rev. Dr. Bethune offered up the following bene- 
diction : 

Almighty and bountiful Giver of all good, we look to 
thee for thy blessing upon these gifts of thine hand, and 
upon this occasion of our happy meeting. We bless thee 
for our country. We bless thee for the plenty which 
thou didst shower upon it. We bless thee for our liberties, 
and, above all, we bless thee for the knowledge of thy- 
self, through Jesus Christ, thy Son, by which our plenty is 
made a blessing, and our liberty secured through the in- 
telligence of our people. We earnestly pray thee, God, 
the Defender of the helpless, and the Liberator of those 



136 " REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

who are bound, that thou wouldst extend like blessings 
throughout all lands; everywhere break the might of the 
tyrant, and let those who are oppressed go free. Prepare 
the nations, God, to receive this great gift from thine 
hand, which, we know from thy Holy Word, it is thy bless- 
ed purpose to bestow. And now, God, we would thank 
thee, that thou wouldst, from among the children of men, 
raise up those whom thou, by thy providence, wouldst 
make and fit to be lights, and examples, and deliverers to 
the world. We thank thee for him thy servant, who is 
present with us at this time, and we pray thee that thou 
wouldst guide him, and direct him, and preserve him, and 
strengthen him for the great destiny to which we trust that 
thou hast called him. We thank thee that we are per- 
mitted to -Welcome him, and we hope the testimony of this 
united nation may go up unto thee, and throughout all 
the world, against all the cruelties of tyranny, and against 
all the consequences of bondage. We ask these blessings 
for Christ's sake. Amen. 

The company then turned their attention to the eatables 
before them, to which they did ample justice. After the 
tables had been cleared. Mayor Kingsland called to order, 
and requested the Yice President to read the letters which 
had been received by the Committee on Invitations. 

The letters having been read, the Mayor gave the first 
regular toast : 

The President of the United States . 

This was responded to by three cheers, and drank stand- 
ing. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 137 

The Mayor then said — 

Gentlemen — I am about to propose a toast, to which 
every one of you will give a most hearty response. 

It is our high honor to have with us, to night, the Gov- 
ernor and champion of Hungary. 

You know his history, his services, and his character. 
In parliament, in the field, and as the executive of a great 
nation, he has shown abilities and patriotism seldom par- 
alleled in national annals. 

His genius challenges the admiration of the world; his 
devotion to the welfare of his people, commends him to the 
warmest love of every American heart. It is not neces- 
sary that I should recite the brilliant history of his public 
life. It was through his efforts, and especially by his burn- 
ing and resistless eloquence, that the Hungarian peasants 
were placed upon a level with the highest nobles; that five 
millions of serfs were raised to the rank of freemen, and 
that popular rights and political equality were established 
in the very midst of the gigantic despotisms of Europe. 

It was his voice which roused his countrymen to the vin- 
dication of their rights against Austrian tyranny, and which 
inspired them with such matchless valor on the field of bat- 
tle. The unrivalled ability which he displayed in all these 
positions, the magical power which he exercised over his na- 
tion, and the high and sacred objects for which that power 
was always used, will be held in everlasting remembrance 
throughout the world. 

His name will stand forever upon the monuments of his- 
tory, pre-eminent among the champions of liberty and of hu- 
man rights. Inspired by his eloquence, the people of Hun- 
gary, after making all possible efforts to secure its peace- 
able recognition of their constitutional rights, efi'orts which 



138 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

were prostrated by evasions and perfidy of tliose upon 
whom success depended, declared their independence of 
Austria, and vindicated that declaration against her ut- 
most power. 

But they were not left to the free decision of that great 
question with their tyrant. Russia came to the aid of their 
oppressors; and the joint power of both those empires, 
aided by domestic treason, succeeded in crushing their na- 
tional existence. With this, all their ancient rights had 
been swept away, and Hungary now lies prostrate at the 
feet of despotic Austria. 

Gentlemen, our faith in the rights of man, and the justice 
of God, command us to believe that this will not last for- 
ever. While Kossuth lives there is still hope for Hun- 
gary. [Great applause. J The day of her resurrection is 
at hand. [Renewed applause.] The rightful sovereign, 
the chosen champion of her people is now upon the soil of 
America, making ready for that coming contest which must 
decide whether Europe's oppressed millions are to be trod- 
den in the dust forever . 

We have proclaimed to the world the inherent and in- 
defeasible right of every nation to choose its own rulers 
and establish its own laws. Hungary asks us, by the voice 
of her most gifted and devoted son, as one of the great fam- 
ily of nations, to claim for her the free exercise of that fun- 
damental right. I am sure there is no aid, which can be 
justly and properly extended in so holy a cause, that the 
people of the United States will not fully grant. 

Gentlemen, I give you 

Hungary — Betrayed, but not subdued. Her call for help 
is but the echo of our appeal against the tread of the ag- 
gressor. 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 139 

Amid the shouts of applause which followed the an- 
nouncement of this toast, Kossuth rose to respond. For 
many minutes it was impossible for him to be heard, but at 
last silence was obtained, and he addressed the company 
as follows : 

KOSSUTH'S SPEECH. 

Sir — In returning to you my most humble thanks for the 
honor you did me by your toast, and by the benefit of 
coupling my humble name with that cause which is the 
sacred aim of my life, I confess to be so overwhelmed with 
emotion by all it was my prodigious lot to experience since 
I am on your glorious shores, that, unable to find words to 
express my feelings, and knowing that all the honor I meet 
with has the higher meaning of principles, I at once beg 
leave to fall back to my duties, which are the lasting topics 
of my reflections, my sorrows, and my hopes. I take the 
present occasion for a highly important opportunity — I 
take it for such as will probably decide about the success 
or failure of my visiting the United States. I must, there- 
fore, humbly embrace your indulgence for a pretty long, 
plain, and in no case eloquent, development of my humble 
views to the benefit of that cause which the citizens of New 
York, and you, particularly, gentlemen, honor with gen- 
erous sympathy. 

When I consider the sympathy of the people of the 
United States for the cause of Hungary, so generally dif- 
fused as to be almost universal, and so resolutely pro- 
nounced as men pronounce those feelings, which are in- 
tended to be followed by noble and great deeds, I would 
feel inclined to take your generous aid for the restoration 
of my native land to its sovereign independence, already 



140 ■ REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

as granted in principle, and for me nothing left to do but 
to enter into a negotiation about the arrangement of the 
details, were my confident hopes not checked by that idea 
of non-interference in foreign, chiefly European, affairs, 
which, according to the numerous testimonials of your 
most distinguished politicians, we are told to be one of 
the ruling and lasting principles of the policy of the United 
States. 

I highly respect the source of this conviction, gentle- 
men. This source is your religious attachment to the 
doctrines of those great men, who highly proved to all 
posterity, their wisdom, by bequeathing to you the im- 
mortal ' work of that Constitution, which, aided by the 
unparalleled benefits of nature, has raised you, in the 
short period of seventy-five years, from the precarious 
position of an infant people to the prodigious strength 
of a giant nation. The beneficial results of the wisdom 
of the founders of your great republic you see, in a happy 
reality. What would be the consequences of the departure 
from that wisdom, you are not sure of. It is, therefore, 
natural that you feel an instinctive fear to touch, even 
with improving hands, the dear legacy of those great 
men. 

And, as to your glorious Constitution, all humanity can 
only wish, in the common interest of mankind, that you 
and your posterity may yet long conserve this religious 
attachment to its fundamental principles, which, by no 
means, exclude development and progress; and that every 
citizen of your great Union, thankfully acknowledging the 
immense benefits of this Constitution, may, even in the 
moments of the most passionate irritation, never forget to 
love that Constitution more than the momentary passion 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 141 

of his heart, or the egotistical interest of the passing 
hour. May every citizen of your glorious country, for- 
ever remember that a partial discomfort of a corner in a 
large, sure, and comfortable house, may be well amended, 
without breaking the foundation of it; and that amongst 
all possible means of getting rid of that corner's partial 
discomfort, the worst would be to burn down the house 
with our own hands. 

But, while I thus acknowledge the wisdom of your at- 
tachment to the fundamental doctrines of the founders 
of your United Republic, I beg leave, with equal frank- 
ness, to state that, in my opinion, there can be scarcely 
anything more dangerous- to the progressive development, 
of whatever nation, than to take for a basis that which is 
none ; to take for a principle that which is but the con- 
venience of the passing situation; to take for substan- 
tial that which is but accidental, or take for a con- 
stitutional doctrine that which was but the momentary 
exigency of administrative policy. Such a course of 
action would be like to that, when a healthy man would 
refuse to take substantial food, because, when he was once 
laboring under weakness of stomach, his physician ordered 
him a severe diet to keep. The consequence would be 
consumption — death. 

Let me suppose, gentlemen, that yonder doctrine of 
non-interference was really bequeathed to you by your 
Washington, and, that it was not, I will prove to you 
afterward ; and let me even suppose that your Washing- 
ton imparted such a meaning to yonder supposed doctrine, 
which were equivalent to the words of Cain, "Am I my 
brother's keeper ?" which supposition would be, of course^ 
a sacrilege. But suppose all this. And I believe that, 



142 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

even under sucti suppositions, I may be entitled to ask, is 
the dress wliich well suited the child, still convenient to 
the full-grown man ; nay, to a giant, which you are ? 
Would it not be ridiculous to lay the giant in the child's 
cradle, and to sing him to sleep by a lullaby ? 

In those times of the foundation of the United States 
you were an infant people, and the large dress of your 
then, comparatively not large territory, hung loose on your 
puerile limbs. In those times you had, of course, no wiser 
thing to do, but to grow; to grow, and still to grow ! V^ 

But now you are so far grown that there is no foreign 
power on earth from which you have any thing to fear for 
your own existence, — for your own security. This being 
your present condition, you have entered into the second 
stadium of political existence, the destination of which is, 
not only to exist for yourself exclusively, but to exist as 
a member of the great human family of nations, having 
the right to all claims, which are due from that family 
toward every one of its full grown members, but also 
engaged to every duty which that great family has the 
right to claim from every one of its full grown members. 

A nation may be in the situation, either by comparative 
weakness, or by choice and policy, as Japan and China, 
or by both these motives, as Paraguay, under Dr. Francia, 
to live a life secluded from the world, indifferent to the 
doctrines of mankind, in which it cannot, or will not, have 
any share; but then it must be prepared to become also 
excluded from the benefits of progress, civilization, and 
national intercourse. Such a nation may well say, " I 
don't care about the fate of whatever other nations in 
the world." 

But I am sure no citizen of the United States had, has, 
or ever will have, the wish to see this country degraded 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 143 

to the rotting vegetation of Paraguay, or the mummy 
existence of Japan and China ! The feeling of self-dig- 
nity, and the expansive quality of that enterprising spirit, 
which are congenial to freemen, would revolt against the 
very idea of such a degrading national captivity. But, if 
there were even a will to live such a mummy life, there 
were no possibility to do so ! 

The very existence of your great country, the principles 
upon which it is founded, its geographical position, its 
present state of civilization, and all its moral and material 
interests, would lead on your people, not only to maintain, 
but incessantly, more and more to develop, your inter- 
course with the world. 

Then, of course, being in so many respects linked to the 
world, connected with the world, you can have neither 
the will, nor be in the possibility, to remain indifferent to 
the condition of that outward world you are in so many 
respects connected with. And, if you cannot remain in- 
different, so you must feel resolved to put your own self- 
consistent weight into that balance, in which the fate and 
condition of the world is weighed. 

In a word, the glorious republic of the United States 
must feel resolved to be a power on earth — a power among 
the nations; or else itself would be doomed to continual 
decay, and soon cease to be great, glorious and free. 

You are a power on earth. You must be a power on 
earth. So, of course, you must also unhesitatingly accept 
all the natural consequences of this situation. You can- 
not allow that any power whatever, should dispose of the 
fate of that great family of mankind of which you are such 
a pre-eminent member; or else you would resign your 
proud position, and resign your still prouder future, and 
be a power on earth no more. 



144 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Thus, I hope, I have sufficiently shown, that, should even 
that doctrine of non-interference have been established by 
the founders of your republic, that which would have 
been very convenient to your infancy would not be con- 
venient to your manhood. 

It is a beautiful sentiment of Montesquieu, that republics 
are to be founded on virtue. And you know that virtue, 
as sanctioned by the Christian religion, is but the effective 
exercise of a principle — " Thou shalt do to others, as thou 
desirest others to do to thee." So, I am confident, that it 
were sufficient for me to rely simply — for the decision of 
the question 1 have the honor now to treat — upon the vir- 
tuous feeling of your generous republican hearts, and the 
consistency of principles. But still I beg leave to men- 
tion, also, in material respects, some essential differences 
I between your present condition and that of yore. 
T Then, your infant republic, composed of thirteen states, 
was restricted to the borders of the Atlantic. Now, your 
giant republic spreads to the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific, 
and your territory is a world. Your right hand reaches 
Europe, over the waves; while your left hand reaches over 
the Pacific, the east of Asia; and, then, in the midst of 
two great continents, there you stand, in proud immensity, 
a world yourself! 

Then, you were a small people of three and a-half mil- 
lions ; now, you are a mighty nation of twenty-four mil- 
lions ; and more than nineteen millions, out of these 
twenty-four, are over yonder immense territory, the 
richest in the world, employed in the cultivation of the 
soil — that honorable occupation, which, in every age, has 
proved to be the most inexhaustible, the most unfaltering 
source of public welfare, and of private happiness; as 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 145 

also, the most unwavering ally of the love of freedom, the 
most faithful preserver of all those straight, noble, and 
generous sentiments, which the constant occupation with 
ever young, ever great, ever beneficial nature imparts to 
man. Add to this consideration, that this immense agri- 
cultural interest, which, deriving large markets, and 
affording, at the same time, a most solid basis also to your 
manufactural industry, and to your commerce, has devel- 
oped, in such an immense proportion, makes such a bound- 
less difference between the infant republic of the time of 
Washington and your present giant republic, that 
though you may very well be attached to your original 
constitutional principles, because the princples of liberty 
are everlastingly the same; but in respect to the exigencies 
of your policy, it is impossible not to feel that, if you are 
to be regulated in your policy by interest, then your 
country has other interests to-day than it had then; and if 
ever you are to be regulated in your policy by the higher 
consideration of principles, then you are already strong 
enough to feel that the time has come to do so. And I, 
standing here before you to plead the cause of oppressed hu- 
manity, I resolutely declare, that there may, perhaps, never 
again come a time when the elevation of your policy to 
the high level of principles, identified with liberty, could 
prove either more glorious to you, or more beneficial to 
humanity; because we, in Europe, are apparently on the 
eve of that day, when either the hopes or the fears of op- 
pressed nations will be crushed for a long time. 

Having stated, so far, the difference of the situation, I 
beg leave now to state, that it is entirely an unfounded 
supposition, that the doctrine of non-interference in foreign 

matters had been, to the people of the United States, by 
10 



146 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

your great Washington, bequeathed to be a constitutional 
principle to you. 

No ! that is not the case. 

Firstly. Washington never even recommended non-in- 
terference, or indifference, to the fate of other nations, to 
you. He has only recommended neutrality. And there is 
a mighty difference between these two ideas. 

Neutrality is an idea which has reference to a state of 
of war between two belligerent powers, and it is this case 
which Washington contemplated when he, in his Farewell 
Address, advised the people of the United States not to 
enter into entangling alliances. Let quarreling powers, 
— let quarreling nations war; you consider your own con- 
cerns, and let foreign powers quarrel about ambitious 
topics, or scanty, particular interests. Neutrality is a 
matter of convenience, not of principle. 

But even as neutrality has reference to a state of war 
between belligerent powers the principle of non-inter- 
ference has, on the contrary, reference to the sovereign 
right of nations to dispose of their own domestic con- 
cerns. 

Therefore, these two ideas of neutrality and non-inter- 
ference are two entirely dijcerent ideas, having reference 
to two entirely different matters. 

The sovereign right, of whatever nation, to dispose of 
itself, to alter its institutions, to change the form of its 
o?.'n government, is a common public law of nations, com- 
mon to all, and, therefore, put under the common guarantee 
of all. 

This sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, 
you, the people of the United States, must recognize, be- 
cause it is a common law of mankind, in which, being a 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 147 

common law of mankind, every nation is equally inter- 
.ested. You must recognize it; secondly, because the very 
existence of your great republic, as also the independence 
of every nation, rests upon this basis — rests upon this 
ground. If that sovereign right of nations were no com- 
mon public law of mankind, then your own independent 
existence would be no matter of right; but only a matter 
of fact, which might be subject, to whatever time, to what- 
ever chances of power and of violence. 

And where is the citizen of the United States who 
would not feel revolted against the idea, that the exist- 
ence of this great republic, is not a righteous nor a 
lawful one, but only a mere accident, a mere matter of 
fact? 

If it were so, you were not entitled to invoke the pro- 
tection of God for your great country ; because the pro- 
tection of God cannot, without sacrilege, be invoked but 
in behalf of justice and right. You had no right to look 
to the sympathy of mankind for yourself, because you 
would profess an abrogation of the laws of humanity, 
upon which is founded your own independence, your own 
existence. 

Now, gentlemen, if these be principles of common law, 
of that law which God has given to all, and to every na- 
tion of humanity; if the faculty to dispose of itself is the 
common, lawful right of every nation, then the interfer- 
ence with this common law of all humanity, the violent 
act of hindering, by armed forces, a nation from exercis- 
ing that sovereign right, must be considered as a violation 
of that common public law, upon which your very exist- 
ence rests, and which, being a common law of all human- 
ity, is, by God himself, placed under the safeguard of all 



148 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

humaiiity, because it is God himself who commands us to 
love our neighbor as we love ourselves, and to do toward 
others as we desire others to do toward ourselves. 
/^_„, Upon this point, you cannot remain indifferent. You 
may well remain neutral to every war between two bel- 
ligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to the 
violation of the common law of humanity. That indiffer- 
ence Washington has never taught you. I defy any 
man to show me, out of the eleven volumes of Washing- 
ton's writings, a single word to that effect. He recom- 
mended neutrality in the case of foreign wars, but he 
never recommended indifference to the violation of the 
common laws of humanity, by interference of foreign pow- 
ers with the sovereign right of nations to dispose of them- 
selves. 

And he could not have recommended this indifference 
without ceasing to be wise as he was; because there is, 
without justice, no wisdom on earth. He could not have 
recommended it without becoming inconsistent; because 
it was this common law of mankind which your fore- 
fathers invoked, before God and mankind, when they pro- 
claimed your independence. It was he himself, your great 
Washington, who not only accepted, but asked, again and 
again, foreign aid, foreign help, for the support of that 
common law of mankind, in respect to your own inde- 
pendence. 

Knowledge and instruction are so universally spread 
amongst the enlightened people of the United States; the 
history of your country is such a household science, at the 
most lonely hearths of your remotest settlements, that it 
may be sufficient for me to refer, in that respect, to the 
instructions and correspondence between Washington and 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 149 

the minister at Paris; the equally immortal Franklin, the 
modest man, with the proud epitaph which tells the world 
that he wrested the lightning from heaven, and the sceptre 
from the tyrant's hands. 

This I have proved, I believe, that Washington never 
bequeathed to you the principle of non-interference, 
against the violation of the sovereign right of nations to 
dispose of themselves, and to regulate their own institu- 
tions ; but he taught you only neutrality in respect to the 
wars of foreign nations. 

I will go further. And I state that even that doctrine 
of neutrality he taught and bequeathed to you, not as a 
constitutional principle, a lasting regulation for all future 
time, but only as a matter of temporary policy. I refer, 
in that respect, to the very words of his Farewell Ad- 
dress. There he states explicitly, that, " It is your polity 
to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the 
foreign wo7-ld." These are his very words. Policy is the 
word, and you know policy is not the science of princi- 
ples, but of exigencies; and that principles are, of course, 
by a free and powerful nation, never to be sacrificed to 
exigencies. The exigencies are passing away like the 
bubbles of a rain, but the nation is immortal. It must 
consider the future also, and not only the egotistical com- 
fort of the passing hour. It must be aware that, to an 
immortal nation, nothing can be of higher importance 
than immortal principles. 

I will go yet further ; and state, that even this policy of 
neutrality Washington taught you, not as a permanent 
rule but as a temporary convenience. 

I prove it again, by referring to the very words of his 
Farewell Address, when he, in reference to his policy of 



150 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

neutrality, explicitly says, that, " With him (Washington) 
a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to 
your country to settle and m-ature its institutions, and to pro- 
gress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and con- 
sistency which is necessary to give it the command of its own 
fortunes.^' 

These are highly memorable words, gentlemen. Here 
I take my ground, and casting a glance of admiration 
over your glorious land, I confidently ask you, gentlemen, 
are your institutions settled and matured, or are they 
not? Are you. Or are you not come to that degree of 
strength and consistency to be the masters of your own 
fortunes. 

Oh, my God ! how I thank thee for having given me the 
glorious view of this country's greatness, which answers 
this question for me ! 

Yes ; you have attained that degree of strength and 
consistency, when your less fortunate brethren in mankind 
may well claim your brotherly, protecting hand. 

And here I stand before you, to plead the cause of 
these, your less fortunate brethren, the cause of humanity. 
I may succeed, or I may fail. But I will go on, pleading 
with that faith of martyrs, by which mountains were 
moved; and, I may displease you, perhaps, still, I will say 
] with Luther, "Jlfay God help me — I can do no otherwise/" 

One word more, to prove that Washington never 
attached to his doctrine of neutrality more than the sense 
of temporary po cv. I refer to one of his letters, written 
to Lafayette, wherein he says : " Let us only have twenty 
year,? of peace, and our country will come to such a degree 
of power and wealth, that we will be able, in a just cause, 
to defy whatever power on earth !" 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 151 

"la a just cause!" Now, in the name of eternal truth, 
and by all that is sacred and dear to man, since the his- 
tory of mankind is recorded, there has been no cause 
more just than the cause of Hungary ! Never was there 
a people, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, 
more treacherously, and by fouler means attacked, than Hun- 
gary ! Never has crime, cursed ambition, despotism, and 
violence, in a more wicked manner, united to crush down 
freedom, and the very life, than against Hungary! Never 
was a country more mortally offended than Hungary is. 
Ail your sufferings — all your complaints, which, with so 
much right drove your forefathers to take up arms, ore 
but slight grievances, in comparison of those immense, 
deep wounds out of which the heart of Hungary bleeds. 
If the cause of my people is not sufficiently just to insure 
the protection of God, and the support of good, willing 
men, then there is no just cause, and no justice on earth. 
Then the blood of no new Abel will move toward Hea- 
ven. Then the genius of Charity, Christian love and 
justice, will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will 
upon morality fail, oppressed men despair, and only the 
Cains of humanity walk proudly, with impious brow, about 
the ruins of liberty on earth. 

I have shown, gentlemen, that "Washington has never 
bequeathed to his country the doctrine of not caring 
about the violation of international law; has not be- 
queathed the doctrine of indifferentism to his countrymen, 
but only neutrality. I have shown that these two ideas 
are essentially different. I have shown that even the 
doctrine of neutrality he never intended to recommend to 
his countrymen, as a lasting constitutional principle, bat 
only as a measure of temporary policy, advisable until the 



152 EEPOPwT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

United States should progress in strength and consis- 
tency, to which end he judged twenty years to be suffi- 
cent; after which he himself declared to be resolved to 
espouse any just cause. Now, allow me briefly to consider 
how your policy has been developed, in the course of 
time, with respect to the principle of non-intervention in 
foreign concerns. 

I will only recall to your memory, the message of Presi- 
dent Monroe, when he clearly stated, that the United 
States would take up arms to protect the American Span- 
ish colonies, now free republics, should the so-called Holy 
(rather unholy) Alliance make an attempt, either to aid 
Spain to reduce the new American republics to their an- 
cient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political 
systems more conformable to the policy and views of that 
alliance. I entreat you to mark well, gentlemen, not 
only the forced introduction of monarchical governments; 
but, in general, the interference of foreign powers in 
the contest for independence of the Spanish colonies, was 
declared sufficient motive for the United States to protect 
the natural right of those nations to dispose of them- 
selves. 

I beg leave to desire you to remember that this declara- 
tion of President Monroe, was not only approved and con- 
firmed by the people of the United States, but that Great 
Britain itself joined the United States, in the declaration of 
this decision, and this policy. 

I further recall to your memory, the instructions given, 
in 1826, to our envoys to the Congress of Panama, Richard 
Anderson and John Sargeant, where it is clearly stated, 
that the United States would have opposed, with their 
whole force, the interference of Continental powers with 
that struggle for independence. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 153 

It is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to 
protect the independence of foreign states against foreign 
interference, was not oiilj restricted to the continent of 
America ; but President Monroe declares, in his message, 
that the United States can have no concern in European 
struggles, being distant and separated from Europe by the 
great Atlantic ocean. 

But I beg leave to remark, that this indifference to Eu- 
ropean concerns, is again a matter, not of principle, but of 
temporary exigency; the motives of which have, by the lapse 
of time, entirely disappeared — so much that the balance 
even turned to the opposite side. 

President Monroe mentions distance as a motive of the 
above-stated distinction. Well, since the prodigious de- 
velopment of your Fulton's glorious invention, distance is 
blotted out of the dictionary, or rather replaced by the 
word ti7ne. Distance is no more calculated by miles, but 
by hours. And, being so, Europe is, of course, less dis- 
tant from you than the greater part of the American con- 
tinent. But, let even the word distance be taken in a nomi- 
nal sense, Europe is nearer to you than the greatest part 
of the American continent; yea, even nearer than perhaps 
some parts of your own territory. 

President Monroe's second motive is, that you are sepa- 
rated from Europe by the Atlantic. Now, at the present 
time, and in the present condition of navigation, the At- 
lantic is no separation, but rather a connecting benefit ; 
the facilitating source of that commercial intercourse 
which brings the interests of Europe home to you, con- 
necting you with it with every tie of moral as well as ma- 
terial interest. 

It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to speak 
so; because New York is, by innumerable ties, connected 



154 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

"with Europe — more connected than several parts of Eu- 
rope itself. 

It is the agricultural interest of this great country 
which chiefly wants an outlet, and a market. Now, it is 
far more Europe than the American continent to which 
you have to look, in that respect. This very circumstance 
cannot allow you to remain indifferent to the fate of free- 
dom on the Euro'pean continent; because, be sure, gentle- 
men — and let me have spoken this chiefly to the gentlemen 
of trade — should absolutism gain ground in Europe, it 
will — it must, make every possible obstacle to the com- 
mercial intercourse of republican America, because com- 
mercial intercourse is the most powerful locomotive of prin- 
ciples; and be sure the victory of absolutism on the Eu- 
ropean continent will, in no quarter, have no more inju- 
rious national consequences than in the vast extent of 
your agricultural and commercial interests. 

Then, why not prevent it — while yet there is a possi- 
bility to do so, with none, or comparatively small sacri- 
fices — rather than to abide that fatal catastrophe, and to 
mourn the immense sacrifices it would then cost? 

Even in political considerations, nowadays, you have 
stronger motives to feel interested in the fate of Europe 
than even in the fate of the central or southern parts of 
America. Whatever may happen in the institutions of 
these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institu- 
tions afi'ected by it. ; But let Europe become absolutistical 
— as without the restoration of Hungary to its independ- 
ence, and the freedom of Italy so strongly connected with 
Hungary, to be sure it will — and your children will see 
those words, which your National Government spoke in 
1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were meant, that 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 155 

" the absolutism of Europe] will not be appeased until every 
vestige of human freedom' had } been obliterated even hereT 
And ( h ! do not rely too fondly upon your power. It is 
great, to be sure. You have not to fear whatever single 
power on earth; but look to history. Ancient Rome has 
fallen, and mighty empires have vanished from earth. Let 
not the enemies of freedom grow too strong. Yictorious 
over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong 
even for you ! And, be sure, they hate you with an in- 
fernal hatred. They m.ust hate you even more than me. 
They consider you as their most dangerous opponents. 
Absolutism cannot tranquilly sleep while the republican 
principle has such a mighty representative as your coun- 
try is. 

Yes, gentlemen: it was the fear from the political re- 
action of absolutistic principles, which induced your great 
staiesmen — that principle which they professed for Cen- 
tral and Southern America, not to extend to Europe, also, 
and by no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. 
Every manifestation of your public life, out of those times, 
shows that I am right to say so. Europe's nations were, 
about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you 
must have felt anxious not to come into any political con- 
tact with that pestilential atmosphere of Europe, when, as 
Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech about the emancipa- 
'tion of South America, " Paris was transferred to St. 
Petersburgh." 

But scarcely has, within a year later, the Greek nation 
come, in its contest, to an important standing, which gave 
you hope that the spirit of freedom is waking again, and 
at once you abandoned your principle of political indiffer- 
ence for Europe. You know how your Clays and your 



156 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my 
Tery case. You know how your citizens acted, in behalf 
of that struggle for liberty in that part of Europe which 
is more distant than Hungary; and again, when Poland 
fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States.^ 
So I have shown you how Washington's doctrine of 
perfect neutrality in your foreign relations, has, by-and- 
by, changed into the declaration to oppose, with all your 
forces, absolutistical Europe, interfering with the inde- 
pendence or republican institutions of Central and South- 
ern America. I have shown you why this manly resolu- 
tion was not extended then to Europe. I have shown you 
the further difference between your present convenience 
and that of the time of President Monroe — not less im- 
portant than those between Monroe's and Washington's 
time. But one mighty difference I must still commemo- 
rate. That is, that your population has, since Monroe's 
time, nearly doubled, I believe — at least, increased by 
millions. And what sort of men are these millions ? Are 
they only native-born Americans ? No ! European emi- 
grants they are; men who, though citizens of the United 
States, are, by the most sacred ties of relationship, at- 
tached to Europe's fate. That is a consideration Vv^orthy 
of the reflection of your calmest and wisest men, who, after 
calm reflection, must agree with me, that in your present 
condition you are, at least, as much interested in the fate 
of Europe, as your fathers, twenty-eight years ago, de- 
clared themselves interested in the fate of Central and 
Southern America. 

And, really, so it is. The unexampled, immense, pro- 
digious sympathy for the cause of my country, which I 
met with in the United States, proves that it is so. Your 



GOVERNOR LOUIS. KOSSUTH. 157 

general interference with the Turkish captivity of the 
Governor of Hungary proves that it is so. And this 
development, rather than change, in your foreign policy, 
is not even more an instinctive ebullition of public opin- 
ion, which is called, by-and-by,,to impart a direction to 
your National Government policy; the direction is already 
imparted, and the opinion of the people is already an 
avowed principle of the policy of the Government. 

I have a good, I have a most decisive authority, to rely 
upon, in saying so. It is the message of the President of 
the United States, his Excellency, Millard Fillmore, com- 
municated to the Congress a few days ago. There I read 
the paragraph — " The deep interest which we feel in the 
spread of liberal principles, and the establishment of free 
governments, and the sympathy with which we witness 
every struggle against oppression, forbid that we should be 
indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign 
power is invoked to stifle public sentiment, and repress the 
spirit of freedom in any country J^ Now, gentlemen, here is 
the ground which I take for my earnest endeavors to bene- 
fit the cause of Hungary. I have only respectfully to ask, 
. is a principle, which the public opinion of the people of 
the United States so resolutely profess, and the Govern- 
ment of the United States, with the full sentiment of its 
responsibility, declares to your Congress to be a ruling 
principle of your National Government, is that principle 
meant to be serious ? Indeed, I confess that it would be 
the most impertinent outrage toward your great people, 
and your National Government, to entertain the oifending 
opinion, that what the people of the United States and its 
National Government, in such a solemn, diplomatic man- 
ner, profess to be a ruling principle of your policy, should 



158 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

not be meant to be but a joke about the most sacred inter- 
ests of humanity. God forbid that I should feel the im- 
pertinent arrogance to think so ! Therefore, I take the 
principle of your policy as I find it established, without 
any interference; and I come, in the name of oppressed 
humanity, to claim the natural, logical, unavoidable, prac- 
tical consequences of your own freely-chosen government 
policy, which you have avowed to the whole world, the 
right to claim the realization of those expressions which 
your sovereign people of the United States have chosen, 
out of your own accord, to raise in the bosom of my coun- 
trymen and of oppressed humanity. You will excuse me, 
gentlemen, for having dwelt so long about that principle 
of non-interference with European measures; but I have 
found this rock thrown in my way when I spoke of what I 
humbly request of the United States. I have been charged 
to have the arrogance to change your existing policy; and 
as, in one speech, I, of course, cannot exhaust the whole 
mighty complex of my mission, I choose, for the present 
opportunity, to develop my views about that fundamental 
principle of not caring about European concerns. And 
having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it is 
a mistake to think that you had, at whatever time, such 
apology, and having shownthat, should you ever have en- 
tertained such a policy, you had abandoned it, and were 
forced by circumstances to abandon it; so much, at least, 
I hope to have achieved. My humble requests to your 
operative sympathy may be still opposed by, I don't know 
what other motives; but that objection I will never more 
meet — not to interfere with European concerns — this ob- 
jection is disposed of, and forever, I hope. It remains 
now to investigate, that having professed not to be in- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS EOSSUTH. 159 

different to the cause of European freedom, is the cause of 
Hungary such as to have just claims to your active and 
operative assistance and support? It is, gentlemen. 
To prove this, I do not now intend to enter into 
an explanation of the particulars of our struggle, 
which I had the honor to direct. As the chosen 
chief magistrate of my native land — it is highly gratify- 
ing to me to see the cause of Hungary is — excepting some 
ridiculous misrepresentations of ill-will — correctly under- 
stood here. I will only state one fact, and that is, that 
our eudeavorings for independence were crushed down 
by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power — • 
the principle of all evil on earth — Russia. And, stating 
this fact, I will not again intrude upon you with my own 
views, but recall to your memory the doctrines established 
by your own statesmen. Firstly, again I return to your- 
great Washington. He says, in one of his letters to La- 
fayette, " My politics are plain and simple. I think every 
nation hj:.3 a right to establish that form of government 
under which it conceives it can live most happy, and that 
no governments ought to interfere with the internal con- 
cerns of another." Here 1 take my ground — I take my 
ground upon a principle of Washington — a principle, and 
no doctrine of temporary policy, calculated for the first 
twenty years of your infancy. Russia has interfered with 
the internal concerns of Hungary, and by doing so, has 
violated the policies of the United States, established as a 
lasting principle by Washington himself. It is a lasting 
principle. I would invoke, in my support, the opinion of 
every statesman in the United States, of every party, of 
every time. But, to save time, I come, from the first Pres- 
ident of the United States, at once to the last, and recall 



160 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

to your memory this word o the present annual message 
of His Excellency, President Fillmore, " Let every people 
choose for itself, and make and alter its political institu- 
tions to suit its own condition and convenience." Here 
again I take my ground upon this principle established by 
Washington, making the basis of your own existence, and 
professed and acknowledged by your very present gov- 
ernment, only to show that I am aware of the policy and 
political opinion of your present government a]so. I 
beg leave to quote your present Secretary of State, Mr. 
Webster's statement, who, in his speech on the Greek 
question, speaks so — " The law of nations maintains that 
in extreme cases, resistance is lawful, and that one na- 
tion ha-s no right to interfere in the affairs of another." 
Well, that precisely is the ground upon which we Hunga- 
rians stand. But I may perhaps, meet the objection — I am 
sorry to say I have met it already — " well, we own that it 
has been violated by Russia in the case of Hungary ; 
after all, what is Hungary to us? Let every people take 
care of itself, what is that to us?" So some speak; it is 
the old doctrine of private egotism, " every one for him- 
self and God for all." I will answer the objection, not 
by my own humble views, but again by the words of Mr. 
Webster, who, in his alluded-to speech on the Greek ques- 
tion, having professed the sovereign right of every nation 
to dit^pose of its own concerns, to be a law of nations, thus 
is going on, " But it may be asked, ' What is all that to 
us?' The question is easily answered. We are one of 
the nations, and we, as a nation, have precisely the same 
interest in international law as a private individual has in 
the laws of his country." You see, gentlemen, I had again 
a good authority to quote. The principle which your hon- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 161 

orable Secretary of War professes, is a principle of eter- 
nal truth. No man can disavow it, no political party can 
disavow it. Thus I am in the happy condition to address 
my humble prayers in that respect, not to a party, but to 
the whole people of the United States, which I will go on 
to do so long as I have no reason to contemplate any party 
opposite or indifferent to my country's cause, because else 
of course I would have to address those who are friends, 
and not those who are either indifferent or antagonistic. 
But it may be from some quarters avowed, " Well, we ac- 
knowledge the justice of that principle, of every nation's 
sovereign right to acknowledge it to be a law of nations, 
that no foreign power has a right to interfere in the aifairs 
of another, and we are determined to respect this common 
law of mankind ; but if others do not respect that law, it is 
not our business to meddle with them." Let me answer 
by analysis : — " Every nation has some interest in the in- 
ternational career as a private individual has in the laws 
of his country." That is an acknowledged principle of 
the United States. Consequently every nation is, in re- 
spect to international law, precisely in the same condition 
as a private individual is in respect to the laws of his coun- 
try. Well, where is the condition of a private individual, 
in respect to the laws of his country ? Is it only that he 
has himself not to violate the law, or is it that so far as is 
in his power, he should also prevent others to violate the 
law ? Suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob 
— to murder your neighbor, or to burn his house, will you 
wrap yourself in your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, 
"I don't rob — don't murder — don't burn; but what others 
do is not my business. I am not my brother's keeper. I 
sympathize with him; but I am not obliged to help him 
11 



162 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

that lie may not be robbed, murdered, or burnt." What 
honest man of the world would answer so ? None of you. 
None of the people of the United States, I am sure. That 
would be the damned maxim of the Pharisees of old, who 
thanked God that they were not as others were. Our Sa- 
viour was not content to go himself treading in the hall of 
the temple, but he had driven out those who were treading 
there. Now, what the duty of an individual is, in respect 
to the laws of his country, the same duty has a nation, in 
respect to international law. The duty has no other limit, 
but only the power to fulfill it. Of course, it cannot be 
expected that the Republic of St. Marino, or the Prince of 
Morocco, should stop the Czar of Russia in his ambitious 
annoyance. It was ridiculous when the Prince of Modena 
refused to recognize the government of Louis Phillipe; but 
" to whom much is given much will be expected from him," 
says the Lord. And every condition has not only its 
rights, but also its own desires, and any which is in the 
condition to be a power on earth has the duty to consider 
himself as a part of the executive power of mankind, called 
to maintain the law of nations. Wo, a thousand-fold wo 
to humanity, should there nobody on earth be to maintain 
the laws of humanity. Wo to humanity, should even 
those, who are as mighty as they are free, not feel interested 
in the maintenance of the laws of mankind — because they 
are laws — but only in so far as some scanty money inter- 
ests would desire it. Wo to humanity, if every despot of 
the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity 
and no free nation arises to make respected these laws. 
People of the United States, humanity expects that your 
glorious republic will prove to the world, that republics 
are formed on virtue. It expects to see you the guardians 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 163 

of the laws of liumanity. Well, I will come to the last 
possible objection. I may be told, " You are right in your 
principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy; 
but after all we cannot go to war for your country; we 
cannot furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot iight your 
battle for you." There is the rub. Who can exactly tell 
what would have been the issue of your own struggle for 
independence, though your country was in a far happier 
geographical position than we, poor Hungarians, should 
France have given such an answer to your forefathers in 
1778 and 1781, instead of sending to your aid, a fleet of 
thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary troops, and 24,000 
muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions. And when I 
take far more than all this, does it not show that France 
resolved with all its power to espouse the cause of your in- 
dependence ? But, perhaps, I will be told that France did 
this not out of love of freedom, but out of hatred against 
England. Well, let it be, but let me also ask, shall the 
cause of olden times — hatred — be more efficient in the des- 
tines of mankind, than love of freedom, principles of jus- 
tice, aad the laws of humanity ? Perhaps I will be told 
that Europe is so far from America. But let me ask, is 
America, in the days of steam navigation, more distant to 
Europe to-day, than Prance was to America seventy-three 
years ago ? However, I most solemnly declare that it is 
not my intention to rely literally upon this example. It 
is not my wish to entangle the United States in war, or to 
engage your great people to send out armies and fleets to 
restore Hungary to its sovereign independence. Not at 
all, gentlemen, I most solemnly declare that I have never 
entertained such expectations, such hopes — and here I 
come to the practical point. 



164 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

The principle of evil in Europe is the enervating spirit 
of Russian absolutism. It is upon this rests the daring 
boldness of every petty tyrant to trample upon oppressed 
nations, and to crush down liberty. To this Moloch of 
ambition has fallen a victim my poor native land. It is 
this with which Montalembert threatens the French repub- 
licans. V It is Russian intervention in Hungary which gov- 
erned French intervention in Rome, and gave the temerity- 
to German tyrants to crush down all the endeavors for 
freedom and unity in Germany. > The despots of the Eu- 
ropean continent are leagued against the freedom of the 
world. That is a matter of fact. The second matter of 
fact is that the European continent is on the eve of a new 
revolution. It is not necessary to be initiated in the se- 
cret preparations of the European democracy to be aware 
of that approaching contingency. It is pointed out by the 
French constitution itself, prescribing a new presidential 
election for the next spring. Now, suppose that the ambi- 
tion of Louis Napoleon, encouraged by Russian secret aid, 
awaits his time, (which I scarcely believe,) and suppose 
that there will be a peaceful solution, such as would make 
contented the friends of republic in France, of course the 
first act of the new French President must be, at least, to 
recall the French troops from Rome. Nobody can doubt 
that a revolution will follow, if not precede this recall in 
Italy. Or, if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a 
revolution, then every man knows that whenever the heart 
of France boils up, the pulsation is felt throughout Europe, 
and oppressed nations once more arise, and Russia again 
interferes. Now, I humbly ask, with the view of these 
circumstances before my eyes, can it be convenient to such 
a great power, as this glorious republic, to await the very 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 165 

outbreak, and then only to discuss and decide what direc- 
tion you will be willing to take in your foreign policy ? 
It may come again, as under the late president, at a late 
hour, when agents were sent to see how matters stood in 
Hungary. Russian interference and treason achieved 
what the sacrilegious Hapsburgh dynasty failed to achieve. 
You know the old words, " While Rome debated, Sagun- 
tum fell." So I respectfully entreat the people of the 
United States, in time, to express its will as to what course 
it wishes to be pursued by its National Government in the 
case of the approaching events I have mentioned. And I 
most confidently hope that there is only one course possi- 
ble consistent with the above recorded principles. If you 
acknowledge the right of every nation to alter its institu- 
tions and government to be a law of nations — if you ac- 
knowledge the interference of foreign powers in that sov- 
ereign right to be a violation of the law of nations, as you 
really do — if you are forbidden to remain indilferent to 
this violation of international law, as your president 
openly professes that you are, then there is no other course 
possible than not to interfere in that sovereign right of 
nations, but also not to admit whatever other powers to in- 
fer e. 

But you will, perhaps, object to me that, is, so much as 
to go to war. I answer no; that is so much as to prevent 
war. What is wanted to that effect ? It is wanted, that 
being aware of the precarious condition of Europe, your 
national government should, as soon as possible, send in- 
structions to your Minister at London, to declare to the 
English government that the United States, acknowledging 
the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of its own 
domestic concerns, have resolved not to interfere; but also 



166 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

not let to interfere whatever foreign power with this sov- 
ereign right, in order to repress the spirit of freedom in 
any country. Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. 
James to unite with the United States in this policy, and 
to declare that the United States are resolved to act con- 
jointly with England in that decision in the case of that 
approaching crisis, on the European continent, which is im- 
possible not to foresee. If the citizens of the United States, 
instead of honoring me with the offers of their hospitality, 
would be pleased to express this their will, by passing 
convenient resolutions, and ratifying them to their national 
government — if the people, by all constitutional means — if 
the independent press would hasten to express the public 
opinion in a similar sense — if, in consequence of this, the 
National Government would instruct its Minister in Eng- 
land accordingly, and by a convenient communication to 
the Congress, give, so as it is wont to do, publicity to this 
his step, I am entirely sure that you would find the people 
of Great Britain heartily joining this direction of policy; 
nobody in the world could feel especially offended by it, 
and no existing relation would be broken or injured, and 
still the interference of Russia in the restoration of Hun- 
gary to its independence (formally declared in 1849,) pre- 
vented. Russian arrogance and preponderance checked, 
and the oppressed nations of Europe soon become free. 
There may be some over-anxious men who perhaps would 
say, " But if such a declaration of your government will 
not be respected, and Russia still does interfere, then you 
would be obliged, by this previous declaration, to go to war, 
and you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems 
to me like as if somebody would say, " If the vault of Heaven 
breaks down, what will we do ?" My answer is, " But it 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH, 16T 

will not break down;" even so I answer — bnt your decla- 
ration will be respected — Russia will not interfere — you 
will have no occasion for war; you will have prevented 
war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice, consider to pro- 
voke against itself, besides, the roused jury of nations — 
besides the legions of republican France; also the Eng- 
lish Leopold, and the star-surrounded Eagle of America. 
Please to consider the fact that you, united to England, 
have made already such a declaration, not to admit any in- 
terference of the European absolutistical powers, into the 
affairs of the formerly Spanish Colonies of America, and 
has this declaration brought you to a war ? Quite the 
contrary; it has prevented war; so it would be in our case 
also. Let me, therefore, most humbly entreat you, gentle- 
men — let me entreat you on this occasion by means of pub- 
licity — the people of the United States to be pleased to 
give such practical directions to its generous sympathy for 
Hungary, as to arrange meetings and pass such resolu- 
tions here and there, and in every possible place of this 
great Union, as I took the liberty to mention above. Why 
not do so ? I beg leave to reiterate what I had the honor 
to say yesterday to a committee of Baltimore. Suppose 
there should, in Cuba, a revolution occur; a revolution 
from the inhabitants of Cuba themselves, and whatever 
European power should send down a fleet to support Spain 
against this revolution, would you admit this foreign in- 
tervention in a foreign country ? I am confident there is 
not one in the United States who would not oppose this 
intervention. Then, what is the difference between this 
supposed case and the case of Hungary ? Is there a differ- 
ence in principle? No. Then what. The difference is 
that Cuba is at six days distance from New York, and the 



168 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

port of Hungary, S^iume, at eighteen days distance. That 
is all, and who would afl&rm that the policy of such a great, 
free and glorious nation as the United States, shall be 
regulated by hours and not by principles ? Allow me to 
remark that there is an immense truth in that which the 
French Legation, in the United States, expressed to your 
government, in an able note of 27th October past, which 
I beg leave to quote : " America is closely connected with 
Europe, being only separated from the latter by a distance 
of scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by one of the 
most important of general interests — the interest of com- 
merce. The nations of America and Europe are at this 
day so dependent upon one another, that the effects of any 
event, prosperous or otherwise, happening on one side of 
the Atlantic, are immediately felt on the other side. The 
result of this community of interests, commercial, political, 
and moral, between Europe and America — of this fre- 
quency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that 
it becomes as difficult to point out the geographical degree 
where American policy shall terminate, and European po- 
licy begins, as it is to trace out the line where American 
commerce begins and European commerce terminates — 
where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which 
are in the ascendant in Europe and America?" The 
second measure which I beg leave to mention has reference 
to commercial interest. There has, in later times, a doc- 
trine stolen into the code of international law, which is 
even as contrary to the commercial interests of nations as 
to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world 
has the faculty to exclude your commerce from whatever 
port it pleases to do so. He has only to arrange a block- 
ade and your commerce is shut out; or if down-trodden 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 169 

Venice, bleeding Lombardy, or my down-oppressed, but 
resolute Hungary, rises to shake off the Austrian tyrant's 
yoke, as surely they will, that tyrant believes to have the 
right from the very moment to exclude your commerce with 
the risen nations. 

Now, this is an absurdity — a tyrannical invention of 
tyrants, violating your interests — your own sovereign in- 
dependence. The United States have not always regarded 
things from this point of view. I find, in a note of Mr. 
Everett, Minister of the United States in Spain, dated, 
" Madrid, January 20, 1826," these words : " In the war 
between Spain and the Spanish American Colonies, the 
United States have freely granted to both parties the 
hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed 
the agents of both to procure, within their jurisdiction, in 
the way of lawful trade, any supplies which suited their 
convenience." Now, gentlemen, this is the principle 
which humanity expects, for your own and for mankind's 
benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder fa- 
tal course, which admits to tyrants to draw from your 
country whatever supply of oppression against their na- 
tions, but forbids to nations to buy the means of defence. 
That was not the principle of your Washington; when he 
speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, 
he always takes care to speak of nations, and not of 
governments — still less of tyrants, who subdue by foreign 
arms. The sacred word of nation, with all its natural 
rights, should, at least, from your political dictionary, not 
be blotted out; and yet, I am sorry to see that the word 
nation, is replaced by the word government. 

Gentlemen, I humbly wish that public opinion of the 
people of the United States, conscious of its own rights, 



170 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

should highly and resolutely declare that the people of 
the United States will carry on trade, and continue its 
commercial intercourse with whatever nation, be that 
nation in revolution against its oppressors or not; and 
that the people of the United States express, with confi- 
dence from its government, to provide for the protection 
of your trade. I am confident that your national govern- 
ment, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it 
.convenient to augment your naval forces in the Mediter- 
ranean; and to look for some such statement for it as 
would not force the navy of republican America to such 
abrogations toward tyrants, which cannot be consistent 
with republican principles or republican dignity, only be- 
cause the king so-so, be he even the cursed king of Naples, 
grants you the favor of an anchoring place for the naval 
forces of your republic. I believe your glorious country 
should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner 
of liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make 
itself dependent on whatever respect of the glorious smiles 
of the Kings Bombaste Compagne. The third object of 
my humble wishes, gentlemen, is the recognition of the 
independence of Hungary. Your glorious Declaration of 
Independence proclaims the right of every nation to as- 
sume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and 
equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's 
God entitle them. The political assistance of your glori- 
ous republic is founded upon this principle, upon this 
right. My nation stands upon the same ground, and there 
is a striking resemblance between your cause and that of 
my country. On the 4th of July, 1776, John Adams 
spoke thus, in your Congress, " Sink or swim, live or die, 
survive or perish, I am for this Declaration. In the be- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 171 

ginning we aimed, not at independence, but there is a 
divinity that shapes our ends." These noble words were 
present to my mind on the 14th of April, 1849, when I 
moved the Declaration of Independence in the National 
Assembly of Hungary. Our condition was the same, and 
if there be any difference, I dare say it is in favor of our- 
selves. Your country was, before this declaration, not a 
self-consisting, independent state; Hungary was. Through 
the lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude 
of this long period, while nations vanished and empires 
fell, the self-consisting independence of Hungary was 
never lost, but recognized by all powers of the earth, 
sanctioned by treaties, lost with the Hapsburgh dynasty, 
when this dynasty, by the free will of ni}^ nation, and by 
a bilateral part was invested with the kingly crown of 
Hungary. 

Even more, this independence of Hungary was ac- 
knowledged to make a part of the international law of 
Europe, and was guaranteed, not only by the foreign Eu- 
ropean governments, such as Great Britain, but also by 
several of those, when yet constitutional nations, which 
belonged formerly to the German, and, after its dissolu- 
tion, to the Austrian empire. This independent condition 
of Hungary is clearly defined in one of our fundamental 
laws of 1791, in these words — " Hungary is a free and 
independent kingdom, having its own self-consistent ex- 
istence and constitution, and not subject to any other ■ 
nation or country in the world." This, therefore, was our 
ancient right. We were not dependent from, nor a part 
of, the Austrian empire, as your country was dependent 
from England. It was clearly defined that we were to 
Austria nothing but good neighborhood; and the only 



1T2 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

tie Tbetween us and Austria was, that we elected, to be our 
kings, tlie same dynasty wliicli were also the sovereigns of 
Austria, and occupied the same line of hereditary succes- 
sion of our kings; but by accepting this, our forefathers, 
with the consent of the king, again declared that, though 
she accepts the dynasty to be our hereditary kings, all the 
other franchises, rights and laws of nations shall re- 
main in full power and intact; and our country shall not 
be governed like the other dominions of that dynasty, but 
according to our constitutionally established authorities. 
We would not belong to the Austrian empire, because 
that empire did not exist, while Hungary did already 
nearly two years exist, and existed some two hundred and 
eighty years under the government of that Hapsburghian 
dynasty. The Austrian empire, as you know, was only 
established in 1806, when the Rhenish confederacy of 
Napoleon struck the death-blow to the German empire, of 
which Francis II. of Austria was not hereditary, but 
elected emperor. That -Hungary had belonged to the 
German empire, that is a thing which no man ever im- 
agined yet; it is only now when the Hapsburghian tyrant 
professes the intention to melt Hungary into the German 
confederation. But you know this intention to be in so strik- 
ing opposition to the European public law, that England 
and France solemnly protested against this intention, 
which is not carried out even to-day. The German em- 
pire having died, its late emperor, Francis, also king of 
Hungary, has established the Austrian empire in 1806; 
but even in that fundamental charter of the new established 
Austrian empire, he solemnly declared that Hungary and 
its annexed provinces are not intended, and will not make 
a part of the Austrian empire. Subsequently we entered, 



GOYEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 173 

with this empire into the German Confederation of 1805; 
but Hungary, as well as Lombardy and Yenice, not 
making part of the Austrian empire, remained again 
separated, and were not entered into the confederacy. 
The laws which I succeeded to carry in 1848, did, of 
course, nothing alter in the old chartered condition of 
Hungary. We transformed the peasantry into freeholders, 
free proprietors; abolished feudal encumbrances. We re- 
placed the political privileges of aristocracy by the 
common liberty of the whole people; gave political rep- 
resentation to the people for the legislature; transformed 
our municipal corporations into Democratic corporations; 
introduced equality in rights and duties, and before the 
!aw, for the whole people; abolished the immunity of tax- 
ation of the nobility; secured equal religious liberty to all; 
secured liberty of the press and of association; provided 
for the public gratuitous instruction, for the whole people, 
of every confession and of whatever tongue; but not 
injuring, in any way, the rights of the king. We replaced 
our own aristocratical constitution by a Democratic con- 
stitution, founded upon nearly universal suffrage of the 
whole people — of whatever religion, of whatever tongue. 
All these were, as you see, internal reforms which did in 
no way interfere with our allegiance to the king, and were 
carried lawfully in peaceful legislation, with the sanction 
of the king. Besides this, there was another thing which was 
carried. We were formerly governed by a Board of Council, 
which had the express duty to govern according to sure 
laws, and be responsible for doing so; but we saw, by long 
experience, that this responsibility is an empty sound, be- 
cause a corporation cannot really be responsible ; and 
here was the reason why the absolutistical tendency of 



174 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

the dynasty succeeded to encroach upon our liberty. So 
we replaced the Board of Council by ministers; the 
empty responsibility of a board, by the individual respon- 
sibility of men, and the king consented to it, I myself 
was named by him Minister of the Treasury, That is all. 
But precisely here was the rub. The tyrant could not 
bear the idea that I would not give to his ambitionary 
disposal, the life-sweat of my people. He was not con- 
tented with the one million five hundred thousand dollar 
loans which we generously appropriated to him yearly; 
he would have his hands in our pockets; and he could not 
bear the idea that he should never more be at liberty to 
dispose, without any control, of our brave army, and to 
crush down the spirit of freedom in the world. There- 
fore, he resorted to the most outrageous conspiracy, and 
attacked us by arms; and, by a false report of a victory 
which never was won, issued a proclamation, declaring 
that Hungary shall not more exist; that its independence, 
its constitution, its very existence is abolished, and it shall 
be melted, like a farm or fold, into the Austrian empire. 
To this we answered, " Thou shalt not exist, tyrant, but 
we will;" and we banished him, and issued the declaration 
of our independence. So you see, gentlemen, that there 
is a very great difference between yours and ours — it is in 
our favor. There is another similar difference. You 
declared your independence when it was yet very doubtful 
if you would be successful. We doubted ours, when we, in 
legitimate defence, were already victorious; when we had 
beaten our enemies, and so proved, before our declaration, 
that we had strength and power enough to become one of 
the independent powers on earth. One thing more; our 
declaration of independence was not only voted unani- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 175 

mously in our Congress, but every county, every munici- 
pality, has solemnly declared its consent and adherence to 
it; so it become not the supposed, but by the whole realm 
positively, and sanctioned by the fundamental laws of 
Hungary. And so it is, even now. There happened since 
nothing contrary to this declaration, on the part of the 
nation. No contrary law, no declaration issued. Only 
one thing happened — a foreign power, Russia, came, with 
his armed bondsmen, and, aided by treason, overthrew us 
for awhile. Now, I put the question before God and hu- 
manity, to you, free, sovereign people of America, can this 
violation of international law abolish the legitimate char- 
acter of our declaration of independence? If not, then 
here I take my ground; because I am, in this very decla- 
ration of independence, intrusted with the charge of Gov- 
ernor of my father-land. I have sworn, before God and 
my nation, to endeavor to maintain and secure this act of 
independence. And so may God, the Almighty, help me, 
as I will — I will, until my nation is again in the condi- 
tion to dispose of its government, which I confidently 
trust; yea, more, I know will be a republican. And then 
I retire to the humble condition of my former private life, 
equaling, in one thing at least, your Washington, not in 
merits, but in honesty, that is the only ambition of my life. 
Amen. So my third humble wish is, that the people of 
the United States would be pleased, by all constitutional 
means of its wonted public life, declare that, acknowledg- 
ing the legitimate character of the declaration of inde- 
pendence of Hungary, it is anxious to greet Hungary 
amongst the independent powers of the earth; and invite 
the government of the United States to recognize this in- 
dependence at the earliest possible time. That is all. 



176 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Let me see the principle announced; the rest may be left 
to the wisdom of your government, with some confidence 
in my own respectful direction also. And so, gentlemen, 
I have respectfully stated what are my humble requests to 
the sovereign people of this country, in its public and 
political capacity. It is, that the people of the United 
States may be pleased, by all constitutional means, to de- 
clare : 
/ First, That, feeling interested in the maintenance of 

the laws of nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of 
every people to dispose of its own domestic concerns, to 
be one of these laws, and the interference with this sove- 
reign right to be a violation of these laws of nations; the 
people of the United States — resolved to respect, and to 
make respected, these laws— declares the Russian past inter- 
vention in Hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, 
if reiterated, would be a new violation, and would not be 
regarded indifferently by the people of the United States; 
that you, therefore, invite your government to act accord- 
ingly, and so invite Great Britain to unite with the United 
States in this policy. 

Second, That the people of the United States are resolved 
to maintain its right of commercial intercourse with the 
nations of Europe, whether they be in a state of revolu- 
tion against their governments or not; and that, with the 
view of approaching scenes on the continent of Europe, 
the people invite the government to take appropriate 
measures for the protection of the trade of the people of 
the Mediterranean, and 

Third, That the people of the United States pronounces 

its opinion in respect to the question of independence of 

\ Hungary, so as I had the honor to state. I hope nobody 



GOYERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. ITT 

can reproacli me to have done, by this, any thing inconsist- 
ent with the high regards which I owe to the United 
States, or not appropriate to my capacity. I would re- 
gard it as a very judicious and beneficial thing, if those 
generous men who sympathize with the cause of Hungary, 
would form committees, through the different parts of the 
United States, with the purpose to occasion appropriate 
meetings, to pass such resolutions as I had the honor hum- 
bly to suggest. So much for the generous people of the 
United States, in its public and political capacity. And, 
if that sympathy which I have the honor to meet with in 
the United States, is really intended to become beneficial 
to the cause of my poor native land, then there is one 
humble wish more which I anxiously entertain ; but that 
is a private business ; it is a respectful appeal to the 
generous feelings of individuals. Gentlemen, I would 
rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on foreign 
aid; but, for my country's freedom, I would not be 
ashamed to go a-begging from door to door. [Great cheer- 
ing.] Gentlemen, I mean financial aid; money to assist 
the cause of freedom, and independence of Hungary. I 
took the advice of some kind friends, if it be lawful to 
express such a humble request, because I feel the honora- 
ble duty, neither to offend, nor to evade your laws. I am 
told it is lawful. There are two means to see this, ray 
humble wish, accomplished. The first is from spontaneous 
subscription, to put the offerings of kind friends at my dis- 
posal, for the benefit of my country's cause. The second 
is a loan. As to this loan, that is business of a more pri- 
vate nature, which, to be carried on in an appropriate 
way, requires private consultation in a more close circle. 
So here I only mention, that if there are such generous 
12 



/ 



178 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

men who are willing to enter into the idea, provided it 
will be arranged in an acceptable way, I would most hum- 
bly entreat them to enter into a private communication 
about the subject with me ; and, secondly, I express my 
conviction that even this matter of loan could be effi- 
ciently promoted by the other measure of free, gratuitous 
subscriptions, which would afford me the means necessary 
for the practical initiation of the loan itself. Now, as to 
these subscriptions. The idea was brought home to my 
mind by a plain, but very generous letter which I had the 
honor to receive, and which I beg to read. It is as fol- 
lows : 

Cincinnati, Ohio, Friday Nov. 14th, 1851, 
M. Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary : 

Sir : — I liave autliorized the office of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Com- 
pany, in New York, to hand you drafts on me for one thousand dollars. 

Respectfully yours, 

W. Smead. 

I beg leave here publicly to return my most humble 
thanks to the gentleman, for his ample aid, and the deli- 
cate manner in which he offered it ; and it came to my 
mind, that where one single individual is ready to make 
such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may, perhaps, 
be many who would give their small share to it, if they 
were only apprised that it will be thankfully accepted, 
however small it may be. 

And it came to my mind then that drops of millions 
make an ocean, and the United States number many mil- 
lions of inhabitants, all attached, with warm feelings, to the 
principles of liberty, agglomerated by single dollars, is 
even so one million of dollars, as if it were one single 
draft, to me yet more precious, because it would practi- 
cally show the sympathy of the people at large. I will 
consider it highly beneficial, should I be so happy to see 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 179 

that generous men would form committees throughout the 
tJnited. States, to raise, out of the free offering of the peo- 
ple, some material aid to assist the second course of free- 
dom and independence of Hungary. It is a delicate mat- 
ter, gentlemen, for me to speak so. It is perhaps, one of 
the greatest sacrifices to my country that I do so. [Great 
applause.] But I love my country. [Renewed cheering.] 
And readily I will undergo even this torturing humilia- 
tion for her sake. Would I were so happy as your Wash- 
ington was, when for your glorious country's sake, in the 
hours of your need, he also called for money in France. 
Sir, I have done. Conscious of no personal merit, I came 
to your shores a poor, persecuted exile, but you poured 
upon me the the triumph of a welcome, such as the world 
has never yet seen, and why ? Because you took me for the 
representative of that principle of liberty which God has 
destined to become the common benefit of humanity ; and 
it is a glorious sight to see a mighty, free, powerful peo- 
ple, come forth to greet, with such a welcome, the principle 
of freedom, even in a poor, persecuted, penniless exile. 
Be blessed for it ! Your generous deed will now be re- 
corded through all posterity; and, as even now, millions 
of Europe's oppressed victims will raise their thanksgiv- 
ings to God for the ray of hope, which you by this, your 
act, have thrown on the dark night of their fate ; even so, 
through all posterity, oppressed men look to your memory 
as a token of God, that there is a hope for freedom on 
earth, because there is a people like you to feel its worth 
and to support its cause. 

This speech was repeatedly interrupted by the applause 
of the company, and when the great Magyar resumed his 



180 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

seat, the entire company rose to tlieir feet, and gave three 
hearty cheers for the speaker, and the cause he had so elo- 
quently advocated. 

Alderman Shaw then rose and said : 

Gentlemen — We have heard from the lips of the per- 
secuted Governor of Hungary his humble requests. We 
have all heard his three distinct propositions. I rise now 
to put to you the question; shall the three propositions, 
submitted by the Governor of Hungary, stand as the reso- 
lutions of this meeting ? [Loud cries of " Aye, aye — put 
them."] Gentlemen, is there a contrary opinion in this 
body ? If so, let it be heard. (No response.) I thank my 
God that such is the first token given by the first assembly 
in this country upon the hopes, upon the prayers of down- 
trodden Hungary. [Great applause.] 

His Honor the Mayor, then gave the third regular 
toast : 

The Guest of the JYation — The man of the age; exile tried 
his virtues — misfortunes tests his greatness — his glory 
waits upon the deliverance of his country. 

To this toast, Hon John W. Edmonds, as first Vice 
President, responded as follows : 

Mr. President and Gentlemen — I rise with undissem- 
bled pleasure to discharge the duty imposed upon me by the 
Committee of the Common Council, to respond to the sen- 
timent just uttered, because I am thus afforded an oppor- 
tunity to add my rill to the torrent of enthusiasm which 
flows through this hall at the presence of our distinguished 
guest, and at the mention of the country which he loves 
and serves so well. 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 181 

In performing this grateful task, I shall not be so super- 
fluous as to dwell with any minuteness upon the events 
which attended her struggle for freedom, or the acts which 
have marked his career, and given him so strong a hold on 
our affections — so powerful a claim to our sympathy. 
There is not one in this company — scarcely one in the 
whole country to whom they are not familiar. His deeds, 
like those of our Washington, are written on the world's 
wide page, and engraved on the free hearts of every land. 

But I should not be doing justice to your feelings, or my 
own, if I did not pause to give utterance to the admiration 
of his views and the sympathy for his cause, which I know 
so well beats in every heart that is around me. 

The views which thus elicit our approbation, embrace a 
freedom so enlarged and liberal, and so coincident with 
the principles which we inherit from our fathers of the 
Revolution, which are instilled into us in our infancy, and 
which accompany us through manhood to the grave, that 
we can almost imagine that he was born and instructed an 
American citizen. 

The liberty which he advocates is not that ignis fatuus 
which some pursue — the right to cut our neighbor's throat 
or rob him of his property; but that with which we are so 
familiar — the right of high and low, of rich and poor, of 
the wise and the feeble alike, to pursue their own happi- 
ness in their own way, without interference with, or molest- 
ation from others. 

It contemplates something more than merely striking 
the fetters from our limbs. It embraces the freedom of 
the mind — the progress and advancement of man to his due 
position as the highest and most perfect of Heaven's works 
■«— and, above all, that, without which all else is vain, un- 



182 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

stable and illusory, namely, religious freedom; the right of 
the immortal mind of man to be free in all respects, to sink 
or swell as nature pleases. 

While such is the foundation of our admiration, our sym- 
pathy has a broader basis; for stepping beyond the cause, 
involves the sacrifices and sufferings which he has endured 
for its sake. 

After periling, for his country's emancipation, all that 
was dear to him as a man, and escaping the death and 
dungeons which, like sleuth-hounds haunted his footsteps, 
until he found refuge under our flag, he might have sought 
a safe and obscure retreat, and have suffered the impend- 
ing storm to pass innoxious over him. But such was not 
his choice. Hazarding again all that he had saved from 
the ruin which overwhelmed him and his country alike, he 
has gone forth into the highways of nations, an Apostle of 
Liberty, to preach her holy cause. Holding her emblem 
aloft, and, with her cross emblazoned on his shoulder, he 
proclaims, throughout Christendom, a crusade against ty- 
ranny and oppression. His stirring eloquence strikes a 
chord to which every free heart responds, and he is awak- 
ening the might which slumbers in the people's arm. God 
grant that he may yet return to the Palestine of his af- 
fections, attended by such hordes of followers, as will ena- 
ble him to wipe the defilement of infidel despotism from 
the holy sepulchre in which its freedom is entombed. 

I am glad to know, that in all this all will join with me. 
But for my own part, I am prepared to go still further. 
In doing so, however, I desire to be understood as uttering 
my own sentiments merely. I am the organ of the Com- 
mon Council only so far as to respond, in fitting terms, to 
the sentiment just uttered. Indeed, my position compels- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 183 

me to move in so contracted a circle, that I do not even 
know that my feelings will meet with a response from any 
considerable number of my countrymen. But they are 
buried deep in my heart, and I cannot withhold their utter- 
ance, leaving it to your intelligent and good sense, to give 
them such reception as you may deem them to merit at 
your hands. 

The principle of non-intervention in the affairs of other 
nations, has been a cardinal one with us from the organi- 
zation of our government. When first promulgated, it was 
eminently wise and necessary, for we were a feeble people, 
thinly scattered over a comparatively unsettled country, 
and " entangling alliances" might then have strangled our 
national existence in its infancy, and have blotted out, from 
among men, the success of freedom, which has since so 
overshadowed the earth. 

But sixty years have rolled into the bosom of eternity, 
and we have become a mighty people, fully capable of " as- 
suming, among the powers of the earth, the separate and 
equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's 
God," entitle us. Our territory extends from the frozen 
regions of the north to the burning heats of the equator. 
Our shores are washed by the two vast oceans that divide 
the earth. Twenty-five million hearts here beat in unison 
at freedom's touch, and the number is constantly augment- 
ing by the tide which bears to our shores the hard hands 
and sturdy hearts of the old world, by thousands upon 
thousands. Have we not then attained the condition when 
we can safely assume the position that belongs to us ? Nay, 
more. It is to the spirit of freedom, which is now invoked 
in behalf of his country, that we are indebted for the hap- 
piness and prosperity to which we enjoy to so large an ex- 



184 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

tent that wliicli is our daily bread. Do we not, for all 
this, owe something- to the Giver of all good beyond mere 
barren thanks ? Do not love to man and gratitude to God 
demand of us something more than mere lip service ? 

For my part I deeply feel, and am ready to acknowledge 
the obligation which rests upon us as a people, free enough 
to be happy, wise enough to be discreet, yet full mighty to 
achieve. And I am prepared to see our country enforce 
upon others the policy of non-intervention, to which we 
have been so faithful, and to proclaim despotism, wherever 
it may be found, that as we do not interfere even in behalf 
of struggling freedom, it shall not interfere to crush it. 

If this policy is wise for us, it is equally wise for others. 
If we have been justifiable in resisting the cry for aid, 
which has once and again come up to us from the down- 
trodden masses, it must be equally obligatory upon others 
to disregard the prayer for help to enslave and oppress. 

I have not adopted these views in unconsciousness of the 
consequences that may follow. But I confess I do not an- 
ticipate that any warlike conflict will ensue from their 
adoption. 

The time has gone by when the sword alone settled the 
destinies of man. The purse and the pen are now the 
great instruments of emancipation. 

Think you, if the free nations of the earth should unite 
in urging upon governments the adoption of this policy, 
that any despot in Europe would have the hardihood to 
withstand it ? How soon would the purse be emptied and 
the resources be exhausted that had hitherto depended for 
their strength upon subsidies and loans from those free na- 
tions? How soon would the feeling of resistance, which 
now slumbers, but is not dead, amid the subjects of despo- 
tism, be awakened to fearful _action ? 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 185 

Think you, if England and America, aye and France, if 
France should ever happen to be free, of which there is in- 
deed some prospect — think you if they should unite, that 
they would not form the centre of a great moral army, 
with its left wing resting on Sweden and its right on Italy, 
before which despotism would wither and fall down ? 

The great conflict between freedom and despotism is 
yet to be fought, and come when it may, we cannot hope 
to escape being involved in it. And how much wiser and 
beneficial would it be, by adopting such a policy in due 
season, to give to that conflict a moral rather than a phy- 
sical character — a garment rather of mind than force. 
Then and thus may America earn the position that may 
become her in the vanguard of freedom, proclaiming peace 
on earth and emancipation to men. 

At the conclusion of Judge Edmonds' speech, in response 
to the sentiment to Constitutional Liberty, N. Bowditch 
Blunt, Esq., took the floor : 

Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen: — It would be strange, 
indeed, if, under the circumstances connected with this 
festival, after listening to the burning words and glowing 
inspirations of him who may well be termed the great 
apostle of modern freedom, I should hesitate to respond 
to your call. And, as yet, I feel myself almost literally 
impelled to silence. The emotions which have been 
aroused in my breast by the scenes of this evening; the 
presence amongst us of the illustrious exile, whose won- 
derful eloquence seems to point him out as the chosen 
man, ordained by heaven to work out in this, our day and 
generation, the emancipation of the oppressed masses of 
Europe; the remembrance of the dread sufferings through 



186 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

■which, he and his people have passed; their heroic courage 
and devotion; the ruthless and unsparing barbarities prac- 
ticed by their oppressors, alike upon the weak and strong, 
the young and the aged, the sturdy man and the tender 
female ; the horrors of the past and the hopes of the future, 
crowd upon me almost to impede my utterance. But cold, 
indeed, must be the heart that could not borrow inspira- 
tion from our honored guest — tame and passionless the 
man who does not, in feeling, at least, respond to that un- 
shaken trust and confidence with which, under God and 
through his providence, the noble patriot still looks for- 
ward to the freedom of his father-land. When, but a few 
years since, the storm of revolution broke over the conti- 
nent of Europe — when the panting millions, whose life- 
blood had been so long drained to uphold and maintain a 
few pampered despots, had risen from their lethargy, and, 
in the language of our noble friend, " the spirit " of free- 
dom moved throughout the land — when from France went 
forth the cry of Liberty and Equality; and fair Italy, 
catching the glorious sound, answered from her ancient 
hills — when, like the fiery cross calling the clansmen of 
Roderick to the gathering, the glorious summons was 
sped through the isles of the Adriatic, and penetrated 
Germany and the father-land, who does not remember the 
feeling of common rejoicing and gratulation which per- 
vaded our land? And, as the throne of despot after des- 
pot tottered and crumbled, as concession after concession 
was yielded to the uprisen people, as constitutional and 
representative liberty, began to take the place so long 
usurped by absolutism and despotism, again and again 
went forth the joyous greeting and cheer of triumph from 
every American heart. When, too, treachery and perfidy 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 187 

began to perform its work, and valor and trutli succumbed, 
for a time, to treason and falsehood — when the light of 
freedom began to pale in Italy, ungrateful France, lend- 
ing her aid to extinguish its fires, we still looked forward 
with hope and exultation, as the fiery messengers of the 
deep, day by day, brought to us the glad tidingsof the 
glorious struggle of Hungary and the Magyars. And 
when, at last, the northern despot threw his sword into 
the scale, and the traitor Gorgey accomplished that which 
the combined forces of the banded despots had failed to 
do, and the perfidious House of Hapsburgh set its polluted 
foot on the neck of Hungary, who can forget the emotions 
of sympathy and sorrow, and the deep and solemn feeling 
of distress and gloom, which spread as a pall over the en- 
tire land ? But, again, we felt there yet was hope. Kos- 
suth was still alive. He had escaped the fangs of the 
blood-hounds of tyranny; and, thanks to the youthful, gal- 
lant and generous Sultan of the Moslem, he is here among 
us, consorting with freemen, and welcomed by them as 
freemen well know how to welcome a champion of liberty. 
We are taught by Holy Writ, that our Savior commanded 
his apostles to go forth and preach the glad tidings of sal- 
vation to all mankind. The history of the middle ages 
tells us, also, of the religious zeal, which, aroused by the 
fervid eloquence of Peter the Hermit, led the myriads of 
Christian Europe to the Holy Land, in the crusade to 
rescue the holy city and sepulchre from the grasp of the 
Infidel. And who shall justly complain if, in this nine- 
teenth century of the Christian era, Louis Kossuth, gifted 
with an eloquence equal to, if not surpassing that of his 
religious prototype, influenced by as noble motive as ever 
governed the human mind, and actuated by those holiest 



188 KEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

of human objects — civil and religious liberty — strives to 
arouse a crusade in behalf of human freedom ? God grant 
that he may succeed; and while, as an American citizen, I 
desire to see my country at peace with all mankind, in the 
language of President Fillmore, " the deep interest which 
we feel in the spread of liberal principles, and the estab- 
lishment of free governments, and the sympathy with 
which we witness every struggle against oppression, forbid 
that we should be indiiferent in a case in which the strong 
arm of a foreign power is invoked to stifle public senti- 
ment, and repress the spirit of freedom in any country." 
I will detain you no longer. The character of our illus- 
trious guest is well defined by the poet : 

" He wears no crown upon his brow — 
But prouder than the proudest king, with flaming plume and crest. 
He shines among a nation's stars, the brightest and the best," 

The Mayor then gave : 

The Governor of the State of JYew York. 

Constitutional Freedom — The triumph of privilege over 
prerogative. It finds its origin in the intelligence of the 
people; its bulwark in the judicial power. 

No responses were made to the two toasts. 

The Mayor then announced the sixth regular toast, as 
follows : 

The Press — The orga.nized voice of freedom. It whis- 
pers hope to the oppressed, and thunders defiance at the 
tyrant. 

Mr. Eaymond, of the Daily Times, rose to respond to 
this toast, and General J. W. Webb, of the Courier and 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 189 

Enquirer, rose at the same time. This circumstance gave 
rise to considerable confusion, there being loud cries for 
" Raymond" and others, for " Webb" from different parts 
of the house. Some degree of silence having been re- 
stored, 

Mr. Raymond proceeded, saying that he rose simply to 
perform a duty which had been assigned to him. 

General Webb — Mr. Mayor — 

The cries were renewed, and great confusion followed. 

After a protracted altercation, in the course of which 
the police came forward and interposed. General Webb 
sat down, and 

Mr. Raymond proceeded to say, that he rose simply to 
perform a duty which had been assigned to him; and he 
had persisted in its performance, from a habit of finishing 
whatever he undertook. He had merely, on behalf of the 
profession to which he had the honor to belong, to return 
thanks for the compliment which had just been paid it. 
High, though, perhaps, not wholly undeserved, as it was, 
it was needless for him to say, that it derived ten-fold 
weight from its connection with that occasion. Men, of 
all parties and professions, from all ranks and pursuits, 
had assembled to render a tribute of respect to the most 
illustrious statesman of the age; to the man who stood fore- 
most among the champions of liberty of the present day. 
They had come to thank him for his services in the past, 
and to promise their sympathy, their hope, and their aid 
for the struggle that was yet to come. [Cheers.] No 
presence was so fitting, in which to declare the hostility 
of the Press to tyrants, and the hatred of tyrants to the 



190 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

Press. We of the Press are proud to know that this 
illustrious champion of liberty began his brilliant career 
as a member of the Press. We feel that it is not unbe- 
coming in us here, to exult in the recollection that it was 
through the Press that he struck his first great blow at 
the despotism of Austria. [Cheers.] He has pined in a 
dungeon because his press was hostile to tyrants. He 
knows, as we know, that the compliment which has been 
paid to the Press is just and true. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Raymond said, it had been his duty, as a working 
member of the Press, to follow the history of the Hun- 
garian struggle. And he felt that he could say, and he 
believed it to be the sentiment of this whole company, 
that no nation ever made a more glorious struggle, or one 
in which the contest was more clearly for popular rights, 
and for popular liberty. [Cheers.] That struggle, said 
he, is not yet over. Hungary seems to have gone down, 
but only to rise again. We may say to her as the great 
heroic poet of England said of Lycidas : 

"Weep no more, woful shepherds, weep no more, 

For, Lycidas, your sorrow is not dead, 
Sunk though he be beneath the watery floor : — 

So sinks the day-star in the ocean bed, 
And yet anon repairs his drooping head. 

And tricks his beams, and with new spangled ore. 
Flames in the forehead of the morning sky." 

The morning-star of Hungary has risen here to-night ! 
[Cheers.] We have seen the radiance of that rising; we 
shall soon see the brightness and the strength of its me- 
ridian splendor. [Cheers.] We have heard to-night, 
from the lips of a foreigner, who, ten days ago had never 
placed his foot on American soil, such an exposition of 
American law and American duty, as few of us — as I, cer- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 191 

tainly, never heard before. [Loud cheers.] The accuracy 
with which historical events were traced; the clearness, 
and the force with which sophistries were set aside, and 
the truth and power which marked his exposition of 
American principle and American law, have excited in 
my breast, as I am sure they did in the breasts of every 
one present, sentiments of the most profound astonish- 
ment. [Cheers.] 

But the practical question remains, and the practical 
question is precisely the only question of importance in 
this connection; will that exposition of national law and 
national duty be accepted by the people of the United 
States ? For the Press, for the independent Press, at 
least for that portion of the Press which judges events 
without prejudice, and with cool impartiality, at all events, 
for that press which is under my control, I can safely an- 
swer that it will. [Cheers, and cries from the Press — 
"Answer for all, we all say so too !"] The Press will be 
on the side of freedom, of Plungarian freedom, as well as 
freedom throughout the world. I can speak, of course, 
but for a portion of the Press; but, so far as I can speak, 
not one of those sentiments shall want at least one advo- 
cate upon these republican shores. [Cheers.] I am con- 
vinced that this is duty. And when we are satisfied 
what our duty is, why should we not perform it ? Are 
we to forego its performance because we are afraid ? If 
timidity is to prevent our doing what we see to be our 
duty; if fear of tyrants' frowns, of the hatred of despots, 
or of any thing else, is to restrain us from doing what we 
know we ought to do, then have I mistaken the spirit and 
the temper of the American people. [Cheers.] Our in- 
dependence grew out of our courage. We established it 



192 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

by our firmness, we have maintained it by the fearless 
assertion of our rights. When we resign these rights, or 
refuse to assert and to defend them whenever they may be 
in danger, then is the best security of an independence 
destroyed forever. [Cheers.] 

But I have no fear of war; I am satisfied, as, those who 
have heard the argument upon this subject to-night, must 
be satisfied, that the true method of preventing war is to 
take our position firmly, and show that we are not afraid 
of war. Washington proclaimed the right of every nation 
to be sovereign over its own affairs. Our fathers fought 
for it — we live and exist upon it; and if we allow it to be 
trodden under foot, anywhere on the face of the earth, or 
by any power whatever, then is our existence secured, not 
by principle and by right, but by the accidents of time, and 
the weakness of tyrants. [Cheers.] 

And now, said Mr. Raymond, I have but one word 
more. I believe I may safely say that the Press of the 
United States — the greater portion of that Press, at 
least — will steadily and earnestly urge upon the govern- 
ment and tlie people, the adoption of each of those three 
measures, which Hungary has asked at our hands to-night. 
[Cheers.] I rely on the opinion of the illustrious Gover- 
nor of Hungary, for the belief that those measures will 
secure to Hungary her independence. I believe, nay, I 
know from the history of the past, that flungary is able 
of herself to withstand the utmost power of Austria, the 
only nation that has any possible pretence of right to en- 
force her allegiance. And Hungary, too, has the right to 
claim of us that the laws of nations shall be respected ; 
that no foreign power shall interfere to crush her inde- 
pendence and her sovereign existence. I trust our gov- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 193 

ernment will declare, firmly and plainly, her protest 
against any such interference; and, while I believe that 
protest will be sufficient, I have no doubt that it will, at 
all events, and in any case, be sustained. [Loud cheers.] 
That great battle will soon, I trust, be fought again; and 
victory, I cannot doubt, will crown the efforts of the illus- 
trious champion of Hungarian independence. In antici- 
pation of that great event, I give you as a sentiment : 

The first Minister Plenipotentiary from the Independent 
Republic of Hungary — may he hasten to receive the wel- 
come which awaits him on these shores. 

This toast was received with loud applause. 

General Webb again took the floor, and immediately 
commenced loud cries of " Sit down !" " Hear him !" 
"No ! No 1" " Order, order !" &c. 

The Mayor stated it as the desire of the distinguished 
guest that the gentleman should be heard. The confusion 
continuing, Mr. Raymond, obtaining the attention of the 
assembly, said it was his wish, and, he believed, the wish 
of all the members of the Press, at least who were pre- 
sent, that the gentleman, against whom such signs of dis- 
approbation •\vere expressed, should be allowed to speak. 
Silence was then restored, and General Webb proceeded 
to read some remarks,, from a printed slip, upon the fre- 
quent duty of the Press to resist public opinion, &c., but, 
after being once or twice interrupted, he was at last 
forced to desist, by the cries, hisses, and noises of all the 
company. 

To the toast to the " Clergy ^^ the Rev. Mr. Bellows 
spoke as follows: 

13 



194 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Mr. Mayor : — I certainly have not sought this post. 
Indeed, it has fallen upon me within a short time; and 
those clerical gentlemen who were previously invited to 
take it, for some reason or other, have been compelled to 
decline. I can only say that I wish I had more reputation 
and more popularity, if these were any thing to risk on 
this occasion, in speaking for myself alone, for our minis- 
ters here are not banded together in any such way that 
they can speak, any one for his class — as a minister of 
religion, and in giving whatever sanction can proceed from 
a mind devoted to that sacred subject, to the high occa- 
sion and the noble man whom we are assembled to honor. 
Sir, the clergyman has a right to be heard whenever the 
rights of man are in question, [applause;] for to him, as 
the expounder of the great charter of human rights — to 
him, and not to the Press alone, must the voice come forth, 
which is to animate and inspire the people. And I would 
say to gentlemen of the Press, that while they have one 
half of this great charter to hold up, some of us feel as if 
we had, at least, the other half. This question, which is 
brought to us by the arrival of the great missionary of 
freedom from the Eastern continent, is a religious question, 
and the religious form of discussing it is in considerations 
of patriotism and philanthropy. The clergymen are 
friends of patriotism, enlarged and elevated by philan- 
thropy ; on that ground, we insist that America must 
intervene in all constitutional ways. Our country is 
situated between two great oceans of the globe, to admit 
all people, of all climes, to approach us freely, and to 
permit us to go forth with the moral power we are able to 
exert, whenever civil and religious liberty are in danger. 
Our patriotism is to consist in being, not only the home of 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 195 

the oppressed, but also the right arm of liberty whenever 
it is in danger. [Applause.] Why do we place the stars of 
heaven upon our flag, if it is not to show that the prin- 
ciples, under which we gather, are as broad as the earth on 
which these stars shine down ? [Applause and cheers.] 
Sir, as a religious man, I behold the providential man 
here among us — the man whom God has raised up from 
Asia, whence our race first started, and our religion came, 
coming through England, whence our liberties were first 
brought to this country, here to stand up with the voice 
of all religion and of all liberty on his tongue, and from 
hence to go back, charged with our wealth, to throw over 
the whole Eastern world the chord which is to bind, in 
one great sympathetic union, the great brotherhood of 
nations, in favor of religious and political freedom. [Ap- 
plause.] And this man is a providential man in another 
respect — it is, that though an oriental man, he speaks in that 
tongue which is the only tongue of constitutional liberty. 
[Applause.] He stands before us the man of the age — tlie 
cosmopolite, inspired with the same spirit which inspired 
the Savior of the world. Let us not flatter ourselves that 
we have got out of the old world into the new. There is 
but one world — the old and the new world — the old that 
is ever growing new ; and we must not conclude that we 
are to leave a sinking ship, laden with provisions, to foun- 
der and go to the bottom. [Applause.] 

The Rev. gentleman concluded by giving, in behalf of 
Religion, a welcome to Kossuth. 

The speech of Rev. Mr. Chapin was to this effect : 

Gentlemen : — I appear here only to say that I do 
not shrink from any duty; but I feel that I am not worthy 



196 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

now to prolong these cliords wMcli have been swept by a 
master-hand, and which are now echoing in your souls. 
It is not for me to speak, but simply to respond to the re- 
marks which have preceded me, and to assure you that 
there is no cause so intimately bound up in religion as 
that of liberty and the rights of man. Unless I have 
read history backward, unless the Magna Chai'ta is a 
mistake, and the Bill of Rights a sham, and the Declara- 
tion of Independence a contumacious falsehood ; unless 
the sages, and heroes, and martyrs, who fought and bled, 
were impostors; unless the volumes of modern history, 
and the records of Parliament, in the archives of England, 
are at fault; unless the story of the May Flower b.e a 
fiction; then is no cause so intertwined with the interests 
and well-being of religion, as Democratic liberty. [Ap- 
plause.] Sir, I hold that the physical movements of 
the age are on our side. Nature is republican. The 
discoveries of science are republican. Steam and 
electricity, the giant forces which have jerked the nine- 
teenth century a thousand years ahead, are not the ser- 
vitors of a class, but of the whole people. Does not 
the poor man of to-day ride in a car dragged by forces 
such as never waited on kings, or moved the wheels of 
triumphant chariots. Does he not stand up, ministered 
unto by the conduits of a free Press, touching with mag- 
netic nerves the four quarters of the globe ? These pow- 
ers, depend upon it, are on the side of political freedom. 
The steam engine is a democrat. [Great cheering.] It 
has a popular heart, that throbs in its iron pulse with the 
electric telegraph, while on the walls of despotism it writes 
with the finger of lightning, " Mene, mene, tekel, upharsin/" 
A process is going on in the political world, similar to 
that in the physical world, like that which is evolved in 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 197 

the granite ribs of the old saurian forms, brealdng up the 
landmarl?:s; and working under Neapolitan dungeons and 
Austrian thrones, it will tumble over your Ferdinands and 
Metternichs, and convert them into fossils. [Applause.] 

With a few further remarks, and in a most eloquent 
peroration, the reverend gentleman concluded his- speech 
amidst another round of applause. 

The eighth regular toast was then given as follows : 

The three-fold defence of the country — the Militia, the JYavy, 
the Army — Discipline secures success — Humanity tempers 
its victories. 

General Sandford responded briefly, especially on be- 
half of the militia. He returned thanks for the honor con- 
ferred on him, and the compliment to the militia, who had 
always been on the side of liberty. The right of the peo- 
ple to bear arms was one of those demanded by our ances- 
tors, and achieved in the revolutionary struggle. He al- 
luded to the similarity existing between our own case, in 
this respect, and Hungary's. In conclusion, he gave. 

The Representatives, noiolpresent, of the Militia of Hungary 
— May they soon again head the columns of their country 
in sweeping away the tyrants who oppress them. 

The ninth regular toast was then given. It was : 

Madame Kossuth — The heroic wife — she bears with her 
husband the defence of her rights, and gathers her glories 
from the endearments of home. 

M. PuLSKY responded : 

It was the pride of Madame Kossuth always to perform 
the duties of wife and mother, and it was the greatest bless- 



198 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ing of Mr. Kossuth to have met with such a wife. The 
Governor of Hungary had his reward in the love of the 
nation ; but M. Kossuth found it in the love of his amiable 
wife. 

Theo. B. Tomlinson, Esq., also responded to the toast 
to Madame Kossuth, giving in conclusion: 

The Wife of the Governor of Hungary. — A model for the 
mothers, the wives, the sisters, and the daughters of our 
land. 

James R. Whiting, Esq., was next called up. He ex- 
cused himself from making a speech, by reading some poetic 
lines of welcome to the guest of the evening. He also 
proposed the following sentiment : 

The City of JYew York — When she spreads her banquet, 
invites her guest, and provides her pageant, she will not 
close her door upon him. 

Mr. William E. Robinson replied, as an Irishman wel- 
coming Kossuth to the City of New York and the United 
States. In the course of his remarks, he suggested that 
the Irish had not been mentioned there to-night. 

M. Kossuth rose, and said : 

Gentlemen — I beg leave to return my humble thanks 
for the sentiments and feelings expressed in the remarks 
expressed toward me and my cause in the remarks first 
made. But as the gentleman was pleased to allude to the 
fact that I, in my humble speech, did not say a single word 
about Ireland, I deem it my duty to explain why I did not 
mention them. In the first speech I had the honor to make 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 199 

after landing upon your shores, I declared that, claiming 
for my own country the sovereign right of every nation to 
dispose of its own domestic concerns, I, during my stay 
among you, should respect the same principle. Conse- 
quently, I have not addressed any single blood or party, 
but the people of the United States. And I am entirely 
certain that when I address the people of the United States, 
I address every man, who, proud of his own freedom, sym- 
pathizes for all who are oppressed. [Applause.] In those 
words, " the people of the United States," are confined all. 
I know no Irishmen, no Germans, no Anglo Saxons. I 
know you all as the people of this land; and as such I ad- 
dress to you my words of explanation, and entreaty for my 
cause. [Great applause.] 

Simeon Draper, Esq., was next called up. He said : 

He certainly knew too well the impression that rested 
upon the company under the influence of the eloquence of 
the distinguished orator who had addressed them, to hope, 
for a moment, to express any sentiments that would have 
the effect of sending them to their homes with any stronger 
feelings in behalf of Hungary. But he had a pleasant and 
a practical duty to perform — one of the pleasantest of his 
life. A gentleman, well known to them all, finding that he 
would not have the opportunity to do what he felt to be 
his duty, had imposed its performance upon him. He had 
the honor to announce that the gentleman referred to had 
placed in his hands, at the disposal of the committee, which 
he, (the speaker) proposed to organize, the sum of one 
thousand dollars. [Cheers.] I ask, concluded Mr. D., 
whether I have not made, next to the illustrious guest, the 
best speech of to-night. 



200 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

Thus closed one of the most magnificent banquets that 
was ever given in this country; and it was very gratifying 
to the committee, to hear the many expressions of satisfac- 
tion by the numerous company present, at the order, plan 
and the whole arrangement of the same, and we are con- 
vinced that all left the room well pleased with the host 
and the wonderfully eloquent guest. 

We continue to give a report of the addresses delivered 
by Kossuth in reply to the many and various committees 
that waited upon him daily until his departure from the 
city for the seat of the General Government. 

UELEGATION FROM HARTFOPtD. 

A delegation of the citizens of Hartford, Conn., were intro- 
duced ; and, through their Chairman, presented to Gover- 
nor Kossuth a copy of a series of resolutions passed at a 
public meeting of the citizens of Hartford, sympathizing 
with him and his down-trodden country, and inviting him 
to visit their city and partake of their hospitality. 

Kossuth replied : 

I beg leave to return you my most humble thanks for 
your sentiments. I have already stated to-day, that hav- 
ing come here with a practical view to the sacred cause of 
Hungary,'! had the expectation, and I still have the expect- 
ation that I will meet with practical results. Therefore, 
the citizens of Hartford, with those generous feelings, of 
which I have in my hand the testimonials, will excuse me 
if I should not accept their hospitalities myself. I can go 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 201 

to no place, because it is not my individual pleasure wliich 
brought me to your shores, but the duties toward my coun- 
try, whose cause is highly connected with the cause of hu- 
manity. Let me, therefore, hope that that sympathy which 
ojffers me hospitality in the city of Hartford will take an- 
other course more beneficial to that cause — a course which 
I will honor with more deep gratitude, a course in accord- 
ance with some of the principles laid down in these reso- 
lutions, which principles I desire to see become the prin- 
ciples of the citizens of the whole republic of the United 
States. One thing you will permit me to mention; in one 
of these resolutions you say the city of Hartford sticks to 
the principle of not entering into entangling alliances. 
There is, in the development of mankind's destiny, per- 
haps, nothing more dangerous, than that words, which may 
allow very different interpretation, are pronounced as ob- 
stacles to the practical aid and benefit of the cause of hu- 
manity. I know that the moral power of civilization lias 
a great weight, but I also know that the arrogance and 
material force of deposits will never retire before that 
moral power, if we are anxious to declare that we will not 
support, will not back this moral force in case of necessity, 
by the manly resolution of deeds. But in case we had 
such a resolve, such an exception to the word moral force 
— then the moral force of nations may develop in such a 
manner as to prevent that intervention which it would not 
have prevented, if, beforehand, we declared that we will 
in no case go further than only the moral expression of 
our principles. [Applause.] You will excuse me for these 
simple remarks, for I consider it my duty to be rather 
plain than to let pass a single opportunity in which I can, 
by thus speaking, benefit my country's cause. 



202 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

The Chaieman of the Delegation. — Allow me to say 
that we wish it to be understood that the resolutions are 
very pointed. It says that though it is the policy of the 
government that we should enter into no such alliance, yet, 
if even a thing of that kind should occur, we, as a city, 
would speak forth our sentiments. [Applause.] 

Kossuth.— Let me say something more. I improved 
the opportunity, last night, at the dinner, to express my 
humble wishes for that action in respect to that course 
which would be most beneficial and most practical ; and 
let me entreat you, sir, and tlirough you, your fellow-citi- 
zens, who have honored me with your resolution of sym- 
pathy, which I shall conserve, together with other valuable 
mementoes of my life, not to consider that the little time will 
be lost which you might, perhaps, employ, in giving your 
attention to those wishes which I expressed yesterday, 
and which the great engine of civilization, the Press, is 
this day wafting to the extremest parts of your great re- 
public. Let those wishes be considered; and if you will 
really benefit the cause I represent, give your consent to 
render me assistance by your practical aid in that direc- 
tion, which I had the honor yesterday to solicit. 

The Chaieman. — We promise to do it. 

DEIEGATI0NS FKOM TRENTON AND JERSEY CITY. 

The delegations from Trenton and Jersey City being 
in attendance, were presented to Governor Kossuth. 
They presented addresses strongly urging him to visit 
their respective cities. To these addresses Governor 
Kossuth responded, as follows : 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 203 

Gentlemen : — I hope you will be so kind as to unite 
my answer to both in one, and it will be very brief. 
From those parts of the Union to which such historical 
reminiscences of great deeds, for the achievement of the 
freedom and independence of this country, are connected, 
it must be congenial warmly to sympathize with a similar 
cause of freedom in any other part of that earth what- 
ever, which is given to man, and destined to become the 
home of liberty; because bliss in heaven and freedom on 
earth, is the destiny of man. I thank you for your senti- 
ments; the more, gentlemen, because I find here expressed 
in them both the realization of my humble wishes, in the 
way which I consider most beneficial to the future of that 
cause which I have the honor to represent, in the way 
which I had the honor last night to point out. You have 
anticipated those wishes, and, therefore, I have only to 
thank you for it. I most humbly entreat you to give me 
the document containing that resolution of your city. I 
confidently hope that the national government of this coun- 
try will note down these, your resolutions, which you have 
offered to me, as the expression of the sentiments of the 
citizens of your entire city, as one of the expressions of 
the people of the United States, which, by your constitu- 
tion, is entitled to give direction to the policy of your 
government. Let me hope, as you have already antici- 
pated one of my humble wishes, that now, being ac- 
quainted with the rest of those wishes, you will also ten- 
der me your aid, in regard to them, with the same readi- 
ness and kindness with which you have anticipated that 
one wish, without any request of mine. That will be the 
best hospitality you can offer, [applause,] and it will be 
the best hospitality the people, from whatever part of the 



204 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

great Union, can offer to me. This will be the hospitality 
which will be regarded, in the memory of my nation, by 
our children and by our children's children, down to the 
remotest posterity, as the hospitality which has aided my 
own nation to assert its sovereign right of independence; 
and to become, not so great as you, but as free. [Ap- 
plause.] Circumstances may hinder me to accept your 
kind invitation. I cannot now determine in regard to 
that, because I must take into consideration all similar in- 
vitations with which I am honored, and with which I may 
yet be honored; I must consider, geographically as well 
as practically, what course to pursue. Perhaps it may be 
convenient for me to enjoy the honor of meeting you at 
your own home. In that case, I shall, of course, feel 
honored by it. But one thing I hope, and that is, that you 
will go on in your generous work to accomplish those 
other wishes I have had the honor to make known, as you 
have anticipated me in regard to one of those wishes, so 
that I shall have the gratification of being presented with 
another address to me, in which you will say : " We have 
offered you hospitality, and if you come you shall be wel- 
come; but, whether you come or not,here is our hospitality 
to you." [Great applause.] 

PRESBYTERY OF BROOKLYN. 

Eev. S. H. Cox, D. D., on the part of the Presbytery 
of Brooklyn, in company with many other members of the 
Presbytery, then entered the room, and took his station at 
the end of it, opposite to Governor Kossuth. The crowd, 
being very great, the delegates from Jersey City and 
Trenton not having yet withdrawn, Dr. Cox said : 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 205 

If my countrymen will be pleased to enlarge this circle, 
I will send my voice, tliroughit, to Hungary. [Laughter.] 

He then proceeded to read the address of the Presby- 
tery. One of its striking points, was the expression of the 
sentiment that diplomacy was taking . the place of the 
sword, and moral force was being substituted for physical, 
in determining the destinies of nations. The address, 
also, alluded to one of the acts in the life of Kossuth, in 
which he firmly refused to abjure his religion for the sake 
of release from captivity. In conclusion, the virtues of 
Madame Kossuth were mentioned, and she was compli- 
mented as conjux conjugi nobilissimo digna. 

M. Kossuth. Sir : — You* have relieved me from answer- 
ing your address, and I will be brief. You mention one 
act of my life in words as if it was an act of personal 
merit worthy of your attention. I pray you to consider 
it not so. I believe it was an act which every honest man 
in the world would have done, and any thing which an 
honest man would do is, of course, not to be considered as 
a merit, but simply as a duty. In giving the consolation 
of your enlightened views, you told me that diplomacy 
was gaining ground and war was losing. 

I do not know if this is a benefit if it is so; because, I 
beg leave to state, that all the armies of the Russian Em- 
pire together, would not have been a match for the de- 
cided, honest sons of Hungary, when inspired by freedom, 
but the diplomacy of Russia is too much for them entirely. 
[Laughter and applause.] That is a thing with which 
they would be no match. If it were a convenient time 
and place, I could give you numerous examples and in- 
stances which would prove to you, and convince you, that 



206 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the preponderance of Russia over Europe — 'wliicli is the 
curse of humanity, and upon which leans the despotic and 
absolutistic principles of Europe — was not won by armies, 
but by skill of diplomacy. Diplomacy, when not em- 
ployed for the benefit of mankind, is far more dangerous 
to humanity than open force. An open enemy I can meet, 
but his undermining stratagem I cannot. [Applause.] 
And, therefore, let me humbly entreat you, do not praise 
diplomacy; but, let me entreat you rather, and all the peo- 
ple of the United States, to support me in the endeavor to 
do away with diplomacy, in order that its secret agency 
may be replaced by the public, free opinions of the world. 
A free nation has the right and the power to dispose of 
itself. Diplomacy pretends to arrange the matters of the 
people without their consulting previously the wishes of 
the people. Now, I hope the day may be not far distant 
when every nation of the world will understand, that, be- 
ing the master of its own fate, it is one of its duties, not 
only to watch the interior concerns of the people, but 
also to direct those interior concerns. You have quoted 
the examples of the Apostles of our Savior, to show that 
an ultimate hope of the issue attended their endeavors ; 
and, though they were persecuted, they did not despair, 
nor were they forsaken. Now, I am not in despair. I 
have the manly resolution to sacrifice every moment of 
my life, not only to a sense of duty, but also ,with the con- 
fidence of success, to attain which is the object of my life. 
I am thus resolved, because I believe that God will event- 
ually bless a just cause. So I am not in despair. Neither 
am I forsaken, because I have your sympathy for my cause; 
and that man, though he be a poor exile, is not forsaken 
when the sympathy of such a great people as this attends 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 207 

him. You have mentioned my wife. I thank you for it. 
I say to you, freely and frankly, that my life was such a 
very tempest-tossed one, that few moments were there in 
it allotted to me for private happiness, because it was ab- 
sorbed, in the way of duty to my country. Still I aim at 
happiness, and I thank God for giving me a companion 
that can contribute so much to it. [Applause.] You offer 
me your prayers. Be thanked for it. But, let me hum- 
bly entreat you, gentlemen, and all with whom you are 
connected, to remember those words of Holy Writ — "Pray 
and be watchful."' Pray, gentlemen, and be watchful, 
with the resolution which becomes such a great people as 
you are ; be watchful, that the principle of despotism may 
not crush the honest endeavors of man for freedom. That 
is my request. Be so kind as to convey to your fellow-citi- 
zens of the city of Brooklyn — the oldest partner of the city 
of New York, and the fairest one — my humble wish that 
they, having offered me their hospitality, will afford me the 
practical aid, in accomplishing those wishes which I had 
the honor yesterday to express. That will be hospitality 
given to the principle of freedom; that will be hospitality 
given to my down-trodden, but not broken native land ; 
that will be hospitality given to Europe's oppressed na- 
tions. That is worth more than hospitality given to man. 
[Applause.] 

Dr. Cox : — I wish to make a single explanation. Words 
are ambiguous. I have used the word diplomacy as my 
countrymen have done, from the nomenclature, and from 
the books of Washington and Webster. The diplomacy 
of the Czar of Russia, we, who love the Bible, have under- 
stood. In the year 1826, when it suited his despotism, he 



208 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

saw fit to arrest its distribution in his mighty empire. In 
respect to prayer, sir, we never think of praying without 
acting. [Applause.] 

COLUMBIA COLLEGE. 

The next reception was given to the Faculty and Stu- 
dents of Columbia College, according to previous appoint- 
ment. President King addressed a few words to Kossuth, 
in which he said that this College was the oldest in the 
State of New York, and one of the first in the United 
States. He assured him of their deep sympathy in his 
struggle and sufferings for his country. Mr. Harvey 
Taylor, the head of the Senior Class, then addressed Gov. 
Kossuth in Latin. He replied as follows: 

I most cordially thank you for the honor of this atten- 
tion you have bestowed upon me, and for the sympathy 
you have expressed for the cause and principles which are 
the only motives which make me welcome on your shores. 
I beg leave to state, that I highly appreciate the value of 
these, your kind manifestations, because I consider that it 
is public instruction upon which the future security, the 
fate, and the direction of the destiny of every nation chiefly 
and fundamentally rests. Happy the country where 
science and public instruction are not subservient to such 
governmental principles as are contrary to the common 
right of man's freedom ! Happy the country where the 
people derive the knowledge, how, practically, to love their 
country, their home, and their institutions, from public in- 
struction, which takes for its aim to enlighten the mind 
and to impress the seal of conviction upon those feelings 
which are so congenial to freemen ! T have marked with 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 209 

liigh. satisfaction, that here in the United States, public 
instruction is happily united on a humanitary basis with 
the real direction of science. And I take this opportunity 
to express my conviction about the matter — that inasmuch 
as 1 consider public instruction, of a humanitarian charac- 
ter, not to be quite the best means to raise man to that 
height where he makes a turning-point of further develop- 
ment, even so I consider that the utilitarian direction of 
the so-called real instructions can never impart to man 
this very basis of human feelings which are calculated to 
ennoble the heart; but that the unity of both these direc- 
tions, humanitary directions, which impart the seed of 
broad civilization over man's mind, and utilitarian direc- 
tion, which raises him to a mastery of human sciences; 
these two directions, united together, make the really en- 
lightened man. I find it difficult to express my thoughts 
in your language as I desire, but your kindness will ex- 
cuse my faults, and your high understanding has, of course, 
caught the meaning of the idea I wanted to express. [Ap- 
plause.] Our present moments soon pass. In the turn of 
a hand the present becomes the past, and the future comes 
home to our present necessities — to our present sorrows — 
fo our present woes. It must be so with a nation that is 
immortal. Therefore, in taking a view of a nation's great- 
ness, to every thinking man nothing can be more interest- 
ing than to regard the youth who are destined to become 
the masters of the future of that country. And I am highly 
gratified to see that, under your wise direction, sir, such a 
direction, is imparted to the youth of this country, as, 
while it teaches them science, it at the same time indicates 
a warm sympathy for liberty. Science and attachment to 
liberty. These are the two mighty engines which are 
14 



210 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

called to develop the destiny of humanity, in which des- 
tiny my poor country, notwithstanding its misfortunes, 
still hopes to have a place — a place, if not so glorious, at 
least worthy of that sympathy which you have expressed 
for it now. [Applause.] Perhaps it may be written in 
the book of Providence that this glorious country is call- 
ed, and will be called, to bestow not only its approbation 
upon the struggles of freedom throughout the Avorld,butto 
afford practical aid to those struggles; and when the time 
comes, humanity expects several classes of this great 
country to be in readiness to help humanity; but to none 
do we look with the same confidence as to the generous 
youth of this country, who, under the Divine direction, at 
an early period of their lives, were in the happy condition 
to take the developing and fostering benefit of science to 
strengthen their sentiments of freedom, which you have in- 
herited from your fathers, and which you will consider, I 
hope, as a treasure intrusted to you, to science, and to 
guarantee in your times, a lasting benefit for all posterity. 
I am not in trim for speaking, and my language is very 
bad. A few moments ago I could speak better. It is al- 
most impossible, in a foreign language, to express my mo- 
mentary thoughts. 

President King — Permit me to say, on behalf of the 
students, that you have imparted an impression which they 
will not forget. 

CUBAN DELEGATION. 

! A delegation of Cubans waited upon Governor Kossuth 
;and delivered an address in Spanish, the purport of which 
iwe did not gather. Governor Kossuth replied briefly, 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 211 

thanking them for their sympathy, and saying that the 
destiny of humanity, in whatever part of the world, was 
identical, and the achievement of liberty, in any country, 
was a common gain for all. 

BOARD OP EDUCATION. 

The committee of this Board consisted of E. C. Bene- 
dict, Esq., President of the Board; Hon. Luther Bradish, 
Hon. James W. Beekman, Hon. Henry Nicoll, Cyrus 
Lawton and Thomas Denny, Esqrs. They were severally 
introduced by the President of the Board, when Mr. Brad- 
ish delivered the following address: 

Sir: — The Board of Managers of the city of New York, 
desirous of testifying its respect for your personal charac- 
ter, and its high appreciation of your distinguished public 
services rendered to your country, the cause of national 
independence, and personal freedom, has deputed my col- 
leagues and myself, to express to you the deep sympathies 
of the Board in your memories of the past, and in the hopes 
for the future. It has also been made our agreeable duty 
to request that you will be pleased to afford the Board a 
more general and fitting opportunity for presenting to you 
their personal respects, and the expression of their sense 
of the connection of popular education with the progress 
of civil and religious liberty. And should you, sir, accede 
to these expressed wishes of the Board of Education, as 
we fondly hope you may, it is our further duty to make 
the arrangements as to the time and place necessary to 
carry out the wishes of the Board in this regard, and to 
give effect to your compliance with them. With this view, 
sir, we have now the honor of placing in your hands, the 



212 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

resolution of the Board of Education, and await your plea- 
sure on the subject. 

Resolved, That a Committee of five members be appointed 
to express to Governor Kossuth, the sympathies of this 
Board with him in his memories of the past, and his hopes 
for the future, and to make suitable arrangements to pre- 
sent to him the respects of the Board, and their sense of 
the connection of popular education with the progress of 
civil and religious liberty. 

Governor Kossuth replied — Accept my thanks for your 
sympathies. The great cause to which you are devoted — 
public education — in such a free country as this, must, of 
course, be considered intimately connected with the prin- 
ciple of freedom, of which you, by the struggles of your 
fathers, are the happy inheritors. The people of Hungary 
are resolved to struggle for it until they come into your 
happy condition. Popular education I regard as a high 
calling to develop man's intellect sufficiently to appreciate 
the benefit of liberty. There is a link in the sympathy 
you have been so kind as to express. As to the invitation, 
allow me to remark, that I do not understand it exactly. 
What are the arrangements that are made for the occa- 
sion ? 

Mr. Bradish said it was desired that Governor Kossuth 
should appoint some convenient time when he could meet 
the members of the Board, and all the individuals con- 
nected with the system of popular education, to meet in 
some such place as Tripler Hall. 

Some conversation here ensued, in which Gov. Kossuth 
begged leave to decline, for various reasons. His time 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 213 

was limited; lie must employ it to the most practical use; 
lie was in the hands of the committee; if he met one board 
or association, he would be obliged to meet another; and 
to leave his rooms for such a meeting would consume more 
time than he could spare. He, however, referred them to 
the committee, who could judge better than he as to what 
course he should take. 

DELEGATION OF MACHINISTS. 

A delegation of one thousand workmen, from the Novelty 
Iron Works, called on Governor Kossuth and presented a 
set of resolutions. The resolutions being read, 

Governor Kossuth replied — Gentlemen, I have listened 
with great interest to the principles and sentiments em- 
bodied in your resolutions. I beg leave to assure you that 
from no class of people in the United States, do I more 
dearly prize the sympathy than from that of the working 
men. I thank you for these resolutions which you have 
offered, and the great interest you manifest in Hungary's 
cause. I hope when you present your resolutions to Con- 
gress — which you give me the hope you will — you will 
petition Congress not only to endeavor to do something, 
but not to admit foreign interference with the domestic 
concerns of whatever country. Because, happily, the 
United States are in a condition to be such a mighty, such 
a powerful people, that in a just cause, she stands not only 
in a position to endeavor to do something, but in a posi- 
tion to demand non-interference. It is a great calling — a 
noble, proud calling of such a great nation as yours to 
check such interference. It is no word for the United 
States to endeavor. They must not endeavor — they must 



214 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

do. [Applause,] Because, animated by such principles 
and such feelings as you have expressed, they should ele- 
vate their will to the level of their principles; and then 
there is no longer such a word as endeavor. 

The spokesman of the delegation said that they hoped 
to furnish some of the sinews of war when the ranks of 
the Hungarian army was opened. Then they would no 
longer have words to offer but sinews. 

Governor Kossuth (smiling) — I thank you; that is the 
word which I like. 

A young Hungarian was then introduced as a member 
of the delegation, at which the Governor seemed pleased, 
especially when he was told that they would send him 
back to Hungary when the country wanted him to fight. 

|fltiiriint[, irtmkr 1311;. 

DELEGATION OF AUSTRIAN^. 

About 10 o'clock, on Saturday morning. Governor Kos- 
suth commenced receiving delegations. 

The first delegation presented was the Austrian refugees, 
in this city. Their chairman made a long address in the 
German language, and Governor Kossuth made his reply 
in the same language. The following is the substance of 
his reply : 

Gentlemen: — Accept my thanks for the attentions, the 
earnest sympathy, which you demonstrate towards me; 
but more than for this, I thank you for the confidence and 
determination with which, according to your words, you 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 215 

look toward our future. Circumstances of the last past 
period prevented me, for some time past, from speaking 
German, and my head has become a perfect Babel of 
languages. Hence, it may, perhaps, not be possible for 
me to express to you my feelings and sentiments in such 
a manner as I could wish, incredible as it may seem, that 
I should not now fully master the German language, 
which I have spoken since childhood. In your address, 
you have used expressions most flattering and most honor- 
able to myself, to which I can only reply that I believe 
that whatever a man may do or create, it is less his own 
merit than it is his duty, to be grateful to God that divine 
Providence assigned him a place where it was in his 
power to render great good. 

Gentlemen, it is a great mishap, owing to past ages, 
that dynasties, not only absorbed nations themselves, but 
even their names; and hence Hungary is often named in 
opposition to Austria. I have had occasion, in England, 
to express myself upon this point, namely — that when I 
name Hungary in opposition to Austria, I do not mean 
the Austrian nation, toward whom I, as well as my nation, 
have entertained feelings of the warmest attachment. In 
my much varied and eventful life, one of the most peculiar 
and unexpected surprises to myself, was the sympathy 
with which, unprepared and unexpected, I was received 
at Vienna on the 15th of March, 1848. Gentlemen, you 
call it an error that you should not be able to account to 
yourselves for the aim of your endeavors in the whirlpool 
of those days, as you could see it in after days, or as it is 
now before you; but I should call that confident devotion 
to the hopes of that revolution, a virtue; for it was not 
the faith in the dynasty of the House of Hapsburgh, but 



216 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the surprise of the people itself, which prevented the 
people of Vienna to become perfectly clear and acquainted 
with its own position. Never was I in doubt about the 
position of my country opposite the house of Hapsburgh; 
and, from the moment of the appointment of Jellachich 
for Ban, the conviction that it was intended for our 
destruction became firm in my own mind. But my people 
thought not so at that time, and the confidence which I 
afterward gained among them, in so great a measure, is 
founded on my early perception of the villainy of the 
government. Meanwhile, however, these various elements 
had attached themselves to the army, and were known to 
have gained such an influence in it, that never afterward, 
without injury to that body, they could be exterminated. 
As long as Hungary has a history, it will and must grate- 
fully remember Vienna in October; but the best reward 
the inhabitants of Vienna must find in their own breasts. 
I endeavored to act in the moment of Vienna's need. My 
people knew their debt of gratitude, and I succeeded, 
upon the short route from Pesth to Pavendorf, in raising 
twelve thousand men and twenty cannon, to bring as a 
reinforcement to the army. The battle of Schweihat is a 
proof that it was our earnest desire to render aid; the 
unfortunate result of that battle arose from the cowardly 
want of determination on the part of the military leaders. 
On the other side, however, in Vienna also, the necessary 
determination was wanting; and my ambassadors, who 
were to get from Vienna the orders for the advance of 
the Hungarian army, were sent from one authority to 
the other, without receiving satisfactory answers. But 
let us be silent about this, at present, yet never forget it. 
Concerning my personal views, it is certainly no news 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 217 

that I should acknowledge a republican faith; but it is 
certainly new, and an immense proof of the advance of 
the popular mind, that one may make this confession in 
monarchical England, without losing any of England's 
favors. In my present principles, and in my past life, no 
inconsistency can be shown. The aim which now is be- 
fore me — the sovereignty of the people — is the one which 
I have always endeavored to attain. It was the un- 
changeable goal and end of all my labors. But it is 
otherwise with the realization of principles by deeds, in 
the development of a nation; for then it becomes a prac- 
tical question, at the solution of which we must apply 
those means which oifer themselves, and select that road 
which may lead most readily to the end, for it is every 
man's duty to do all he can toward it. I have a maxim, 
which I adhere to, and to which I have ever been faithful 
— "Never to speak more than is necessary." Inconse- 
quence of this principle, I have allowed calumnies against 
myself to pass unheeded, which would fill every man with 
indignation; but I suppressed my feelings, as I did not 
think their expression of service to the great cause. 
However, I never entertain the extravagant idea of being 
known by all the world, or of having my honest endeavors 
duly appreciated; but this much I do know, and it is 
enough for me, my people know me, have never doubted 
me, and are fully impressed with the sincerity and honesty 
of my endeavors. It is a great misfortune for Europe, and 
I am sorry to say that I have personally convinced myself 
of it, that the German agitation party is not united, and if 
the next revolution shall not again be fruitless for Ger- 
many, and end, as of yore, in the Frankfort Parliament, 
in empty wordy war, it is necessary that confidence should 



218 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

be centered in one person. It is a great deal to ask that 
the guidance of the revolutions of all nations should come 
from one point; but a single nation must be led in a revo- 
lution by one man — not by a man of words, but by a man 
of deeds. I declare to you, gentlemen, that no place is 
of more importance to the triumphs of liberty in our nearest 
future, than Vienna. You declare that the next revolu- 
tion will demand many sacrifices; well then, Yienna is in 
the situation, in the happy situation, to save for Europe 
many of these sacrifices. Gentlemen, I speak to you 
openly and fraternally. I have no ambition; my longings 
were ever for a quiet life; unknown, I desired to do good, 
as the violet emits its odor unseen. I could not follow 
these desires; fate designed for me a different career, and I 
endeavor to follow its commands to the best of my abilities, 
for I consider it a great fortune for Hungary, that she has 
concentrated her strength in her confidence upon one man. 
May God give to the nations of Austria, and to the popu- 
lation of Yienna, a similar fortune, for I believe that 
unity of the guidance and agitation of a state, is, above 
all other things, necessary to the successful issue of a 
revolution. If you have connections with Yienna, use 
them to work for that unity; for hitherto it has not existed. 
A revolutionary committee, consisting of one hundred 
and fifty members, can obtain no unanimous aid ; and thus 
Yienna will only rush upon many troubles, and cannot 
fulfill its task. To discuss your principles is not my object, 
nor can you expect that I shall allude to them. It is my 
opinion, that every nation must judge of those things for 
itself, as the people best know what they are in need of. 
It is very difficult to know all the interior arrangements 
of a country, and a lifetime is required to become ac- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 219 

quainted with the necessities of a people. May the God 
of freedom lend you wisdom to do the best. I have 
spoken to you frankly and fraternally, and I hope, that as 
we to-day greeted each other in the land of liberty, so 
may we meet again in the land of liberty, which will be at 
the same time our father-land. 

The Austrians warmly cheered this address, and at its 
conclusion they all shook his hand. 

THE NEWARK DELEGATION. 

While Kossuth was addressing the Austrians in the 
small dining room, the Newark delegation, accompanied 
by a large number of citizens of New Jersey, assembled 
in the larger room, where the banquet was given on 
Thursday night. On the appearance of the Governor, 
their chairman delivered an address full of expressions 
of sympathy for himself and the cause of Hungary, and 
inviting him to visit their city. 

To this address Kossuth replied: 

I return you my thanks for your warm welcome for my- 
self and my companions — a warm welcome, such only as 
men, happy in their freedom, and therefore sensible to the 
misfortunes of those who are bereft of it, can bestow 
upon such a cause. But permit me to remark, that 1 come 
not to your shores to plead principles, because I can only 
state such principles as are already household words with 
you. I come to claim your generous aid for those princi- 
ples, the enjoyment of which makes you great, glorious, 
and free, and gives might and power to your hands to aid 
those who are your brethren. And for that word, I thank 



220 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

you most cordially, because I know full well that brother 
is not an empty word upon your lips, but among such free- 
men as you and your constituents, it is a word of life, of 
brotherly feeling, of brotherly faith. Let me humbly 
entreat you to take for an excuse, in regard to your invi- 
tation, my circumstances, and the aim and object for 
which I came. I scarcely believe that it will be possible 
for me to enjoy the honor of your invitation. Of course, 
all my doings must be regulated by the consideration, in 
what way I can accomplish the greatest benefit; or rather 
by the opportunity of achieving the greatest benefit for 
that cause, in reference to which you honor me with your 
sympathy. Therefore, although it would be highly 
gratifying to me to see your city, its houses, churches, 
and manufactories, I have no time to do it. But I have 
seen your people at large, and that is the great thing. I 
have seen a people, conscious of the great blessings enjoy- 
ed by this great country, who, so far as the convenience 
and welfare of their country will admit — which is always 
the first duty to be regarded by every patriot — have 
manfully resolved to stand forth with brotherly aid for 
those who need it, in a just cause — a cause like that for 
which your Washington stood forth. Should circum- 
stances advise me to take such a course, I may include 
your city of Newark in my course. I know it stands upon 
sacred ground. I am acquainted with its history; but 
my visit to your city must be regulated entirely by cir- 
cumstances, and should they not permit me to go there, I 
entreat you to convey to your fellow-citizens, not only 
my most humble thanks for their welcome, but also my 
most humble request that they will be pleased to consider 
those wishes which I availed myself of the opportunity to 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 221 

express yesterday, openly and frankly to express, before 
— not the city of New York, but the public opinion of the 
whole people of the United States. And let me further 
entreat you, having taken these wishes into consideration, 
to act, so far as your wisdom and kind sentiments may 
induce you to act, and to support, with brotherly love, 
that cause which I have the honor to represent — I, whom 
you have called your brother, for which word of honor 
I again return you my most hearty thanks. 

Having shaken hands with the members of the delega- 
tion, Kossuth inquired how far it was to Newark. 

The Chaieman — Nine miles only — forty minutes ride. 

Kossuth — rForty minutes to go, but a day to remain. 
[Laughter.] 

The Chaieman — Yes a month, if you could stay. 

Kossuth — I make New York my head quarters, and 
possibly, on my return I may be able to visit your city. 
But my stay is necessarily brief — it cannot be long. The 
fate of nations invites me not to spend much time away 
from my country, but to hasten to return to my home. I 
shall probably go to Washington next. The Senate of 
the United States has passed a resolution to bid me wel- 
come in the name of your great nation. I am entirely 
aware of the value of this welcome — the more, because an 
amendment was appended to that resolution, declaring 
that this welcome should have no political meaning; but 
that amendment was not carried, and, therefore, I consider 
that the opposite opinion prevails, and that the resolution 
has a political meaning. 



222 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

The Chairman — Our deputation is composed of no 
party. Here are wliigs and democrats. 

Kossuth — I have no intention to enter into private 
conversation about your domestic concerns. That is not 
my concern. It is a matter of principle with me not to 
enter into your party politics, or domestic concerns. But 
I have learned something from the history of your country, 
and am somewhat acquainted with the real meaning of 
those party denominations, Whig and Democrat. I know 
the words have quite a different signification in Europe. 
It is a mere distinction about matters of political economy. 
But the yiiovds,freedo7n, liberty, Qjind. sympathy, are no party 
questions here, and it is your universal privilege to sym- 
pathize with me and my people. 

Mr. Frelinghutsen — There is one distinguished per- 
son connected with you, whom we most cherish. I am a 
delegate from my wife, to present your wife, Madame 
Kossuth, with this bouquet, through you. [Great laughter 
and applause.] 

Mr. Frelinghuysen held out a magnificent bouquet to 
Kossuth. 

M. Kossuth — No, sir, not through me; you will present 
it yourself. [Roars of laughter.] 

The deputation then left the room, and proceeded to an 
adjoining room to meet Madame Kossuth. The rush was 
tremendous, and it was with the greatest difficulty the 
crowd could be kept out. 

Mr. Frelinghuysen, being iatroduced by a member of 
Kossuth's suite, then presented the bouquet, for .which 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 223 

Madame Kossutli expressed her thanks in French, as also 
for the sympathy and kindness shown to her husband and 
the cause of Hungary. 

Madame Pulsky acted as interpreter between Madame 
Kossuth and the deputation. 

The deputation then withdrew, after being all presented, 
individually, to Madame Kossuth. 

THE WILLIAMSBURG}! DELEGATION. 

Kossuth, in reply to the delegation from Williams- 
burgh, spoke a few words in a low and almost inaudible 
tone, expressing his thanks, as usual, for the tender of 
their hospitalities, but declining, for reasons assigned in 
other similar cases. Then, with a louder tone, he said : 
I beg leave to express my humble request to all those 
generous, kind friends who sympathize with the cause of 
Hungary, no longer to tax my time, but to let me have 
time to work; because, since my first coming to the 
United States, I have had scarcely a single moment in 
which to do any thing. Until now, nothing has been 
done. I have not even answered my correspond- 
ents, and the first mail-steamer has left without my 
writing a single letter. Now, let me hope that the time 
for addresses is past, and that the sympathy, which shall 
be shown me for the future, will be a practical, effectual 
sympathy. I beg leave to state that in no time, perhaps, 
in the history of mankind, is recorded, of such extreme, 
immense importance as now, to the future welfare of 
Europe. Every moment that is lost may injure the cause 
of humanity. Such is the present situation of Europe. 
Therefore, if any man in the world ever had a request to 



224 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

ask of Ms fellow-men, to act in a practical manner, I am 
that man. 

Kossuth then requested a copy of the letter of the de- 
putation, which he desired to conserve, with others, and 
to leave to his children, and children's children, as a 
valuable treasure, out of which they might learn that, for 
the honest endeavor to fulfill the duties toward one's coun- 
try, there is a great reward, so long as there was such a 
great people as the people of the United States, who 
would sympathize with their struggling brethren. [Ap- 
plause.] 

ALMS-HOUSE COMMISSIONERS. 

Mr. Simeon Draper, on behalf of the Ten Governors of 
the City of New York, who had charge of its charities, 
presented the deputation, and requested the pleasure of af- 
fording him the opportunity to examine the institutions 
under their charge. He also introduced to him several 
distinguished gentlemen of this city, who desired the plea- 
sure of a personal interview at their residences. 

Kossuth replied : 

I am obliged to you, gentlemen, for the opportunity 
tendered to me for an interview at your houses, but beg to 
be excused on account of the shortness of the time. I am 
anxious, as soon as possible, to go to Washington, there to 
express personally, my humble thanks for the protection 
already experienced from the Congress of the United 
States. I can go now, because I am made welcome. That, 
I consider a very high benefit — the more because, as you 
have perhaps remarked, an amendment was introduced to 
the resolution of welcome, to give it the effect to declare 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 225 

that it had no political meaning. But that amendment 
was not carried — therefore it has a political meaning. This 
is a great benefit, and it of course deprives me of the pri- 
vate pleasure of seeing the distinguished gentlemen to 
whom I am honored with an introduction this morning, at 
their own homes. It is impossible for me, in my present 
condition. I beg the gentlemen, therefore, to excuse me, 
and I humbly recommend the cause, which I represent, to 
their very valuable protection. In regard to your chari- 
table institutions, you must show them to me, that I may 
see by what rules those charities, so famous throughout the 
world, are dispensed. I love to see gentlemen of such 
standing, having them in their hands. It shows that they 
are a very important branch of your institutions, and I 
shall be happy to be made acquainted with them. 

Mr. Draper — You have only to express your wish, and 
at any moment we will afford you the opportunity. 

Kossum — As soon as I can give a moment, I will em- 
ploy it for that purpose. 

This was the last public reception on Saturday. About 
12 o'clock. Gov. Kossuth called around .him the Hun- 
garians who came to this country in the Mississippi, and 
addressed them in the Magyar language. It was a private 
meeting, to which the reporters were not admitted. 

AT THE OPERA. 

The military suit and the lady of Gov. Kossuth appeared 
at the Astor place early on Saturday evening. The first act 
of the opera had commenced, but as Madame Kossuth en- 
tered the centre box in the dress circle, up stairs, the per- 
15 



226 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

formance was arrested, and the whole audience rose re- 
spectfully to greet the party. Soon after the curtain rose 
for the second act, the Governor himself appeared, accom- 
panied by part of the city authorities, when an outburst of 
enthusiasm was manifested, the equal of which had never 
before manifested itself in that house. The plaudits were 
three cheers for Kossuth, and three times three for the 
cause of Hungary, which being given with heartfelt en- 
ergy, and most gratefully acknowledged by the Governor, 
quiet was for a few moments restored. Anon, the great 
duo of the Puritans came on, at the closing strains of 
which, the whole audience were again brought to their 
feet, the plaudits renewed, and the Governor again made 
the cynosure of all eyes — many of them, of course, bright 
and pretty ones — the duo was repeated, and another ac- 
knowledgment made by the illustrious guest. The party 
remained to the close of the opera, and Kossuth was loud- 
ly cheered as he left the house to his carriage. Credit is 
due to the management for the liberal and eligible ar- 
rangements made for the guests of the evening, and for all 
who were in any way connected with the City Corpora- 
,tion and desired to attend. The box occupied by Gover- 
nor Kossuth was decked off with the united colors of 
Hungary and the United States; and in the betrothal 
scene of the first act, Signora Bosio wore a rich tri-colored 
scarf, in compliment to the cause and the occasion. Signors 
Badiali and Marini, acquitted themselves in the duo with 
a heartiness and effect which largely contributed to the 
enthusiasm of the moment. 

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Having come to the United States to avail myself, for 
the cause of my country, of the sympathy, which I had 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 22*7 

reason to believe existed in the hearts of the nation, I 
found it my duty to declare, in the first moments of my ar- 
rival, that it is my mission to plead the independence of 
Hungary and the liberty of the European continent, be- 
fore the great Republic of the United States. My prin- 
ciple in this respect, is, that every nation has the sover- 
eign right to dispose of its own domestic affairs, without 
any foreign interference; that I, therefore, shall not med- 
dle with any domestic concerns of the United States, and 
that I expect it from all the friends of my cause not to do 
any thing in respect to myself, that could throw difficulties 
in my way, and, while expressing sympathy for the cause 
would injure it. 

It is with regret that I must feel the necessity of again 
making that appeal to the public opinion of this country, 
and particularly to those who profess themselves to be the 
friends of my cause, to give one proof of their sympathy 
by avoiding every step which might entangle me into dif- 
ficulties in respect to that rule which I have adopted, and 
which I again declare to be my leading principle, viz: not 
to mix, and not to be mixed up with whatever domestic 
concerns or party questions, 

L. Kossuth. 

New York, Dec. 12, 1851. 

Innkif, DBiBiiiliBr 14tlj; 

Kossuth attended the German Lutheran Church, in Wal- 
ker street. 

Muh^ mmi% Mmkx Uilj, 

Having accepted an invitation to a banquet, given by the 
the Press, attended at the Astor House, which had been 



228 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

selected to get it up, and the President, "W. C. Bryant, 
Esq., addressed him as follows : 

Let me ask you to imagine the contest, in which the 
United States asserted their independence of Great Britain, 
had been unsuccessful, that our armies, through treason or 
a league of tyrants against us, had been broken and scat- 
tered, that the great men who led them, and who swayed 
our councils, our Washington, our Franklin, and the ven- 
erable President of the American Congress, had been 
driven forth as exiles. If there had existed at that day, in 
any part of the civilized world, a powerful republic, with in- 
stitutions resting on the same foundations of liberty, which 
our own countrymen sought to establish, would there have 
been in that republic any hospitality too cordial, any sym- 
pathy too deep, any zeal for their glorious but unfortunate 
cause, too fervent or too active to be shown toward these 
illustrious fugitives? Gentlemen, the case I have sup- 
posed is before you. The Washingtons, the Franklins, 
the Hancocks of Hungary, driven out by a far worse ty- 
ranny than was ever endured here, are wanderers in for- 
eign lands. Some of them have sought a refuge in our 
country — one sits with his company our guest to-night, 
and we must measure the duty we owe them by the same 
standard which we would have had history apply, if our 
ancestors had met with a fate like theirs. 

I have compared the exile Hungarians to the great men 
of our own history. Difficulty, my brethren, is the nurse 
of greatness; a harsh nurse, who roughly rocks her foster 
children into strength and athletic proportion. [The mind 
grappling with great aims and wrestling with mighty in- 
gredients, grows, by a certain necessity, to their stature. 
Scarce anything so convinces me of the capacity of the liu- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 229 

man intellect for indefinite expansion in the different stages 
of its being, as this power of enlarging itself to the com- 
pass of surrounding emergencies.] These men have been 
trained to greatness by a quicker and surer method than a 
peaceful country and a tranquil period can know. 

But it is not merely or principally for their personal 
qualities that we honor them; we honor them for the cause 
in which they failed so gloriously. Great issues hang upon 
that cause, and great interests of mankind are crushed by 
its downfall. I was on the continent of Europe when the 
treason of Gorgey laid Hungary bound at the feet of the 
Czar. Europe was at that time in the midst of the reac- 
tion; the ebb tide was rushing violently back, sweeping all 
that the friends of freedom had planned into the black 
bosom of the deep. In France the liberty of the press was 
extinct — Paris in a state of siege — the soldiery of that 
republic had just quenched in blood the freedom of Rome 
— Austria had suppressed liberty in Northern Italy — ab- 
solutism was restored in Russia, along the Rhine, and in 
the towns and villages of Wirtemburg and Bavaria, troops 
withdrawn from the barracks, and garrisons filled the 
streets and kept the inhabitants quiet with the bayonet at 
their breast. Hungary at that moment alone upheld, and 
upheld with a firm hand and dauntless heart, the blazing 
torch of liberty. To Hungary were turned the eyes, to 
Hungary clung the hopes of all who did not despair of 
the freedom of Europe. 

I recollect that while the armies of Russia were moving 
like a tempest from the north upon the Hungarian host, 
the progress of events was watched with the deepest solic- 
itude by the people of Germany. I was at that time in 
Munich, the splendid capital of Bavaria. The Germans 



230 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

seemed for tlie time to have put off their usual character, 
and scrambled for the daily prints, wet from the press, with 
such eagerness that I almost thought myself in America. 
The news of the catastrophe at last arrived; Gorgey had 
betrayed the cause of Hungary, and yielded to the de^ 
mands of the Russians. Immediately a funeral gloom 
settled like a noonday darkness upon the city. I heard 
the muttered exclamations of the people, " It is all over — 
the last hope of European liberty is gone." 

Russia did not misjudge. If she had allowed Hungary 
to become independent, or free, the reaction in favor of 
absolutism had been incomplete; there would have been 
one perilous example of successful resistance to despotism 
— in one corner of Europe a flame would have been kept 
alive, at which the other nations might have rekindled, 
among themselves, the light of liberty. Hungary was sub- 
dued; but does any one who hears me believe that the pre- 
sent state of things in Europe will last ? The despots 
themselves fear that it will not; and made cruel by their 
fears, are heaping chain on chain around the limbs of their 
subjects. 

They are hastening the event they dread. Every added 
shackle galls, into a more fiery impotence, those who wear 
them. I look with mingling hope and horror to the day 
— a day bloodier, perhaps, than we have yet seen — when 
the exasperated nations shall snap their chains and start 
to their feet. It may well be that Hungary, made less 
patient of the yoke by the remembrance of her own many 
and glorious struggles for independence, and better fitted 
than other nations, by the peculiar structure of her insti- 
tutions, for founding the liberty of her citizens on a ra- 
tional basis, will take the lead. In that glorious and haz- 



GOVERNOR L0UI9 KOSSUTH. 231 

ardous enterprise, in that hour of care, need, and peril, I 
hope she will be cheered and strengthened with aid from 
this side of the Atlantic; aid given not with the stinted 
hand, not with a cowardly and selfish apprehension, lest we 
should not err on the safe side — wisely if you please. I 
care not with how broad a regard to the future, but in 
large, generous, effectual measure. 

And you, our guest, fearless, eloquent, large of heart 
and of mind, whose one thought is the salvation of op- 
pressed Hungary, unfortunate but undiscouraged, struck 
down in the battle of liberty, but great in defeat, and 
gathering strength for future triumphs, receive this action 
at our hands, that in this great attempt of man to repossess 
himself of the rights which God gave him, though the strife 
be waged under a distant belt of longitude, and with the 
mightiest despotism of the world, the Press of America 
takes part with you and your countrymen. I give you — 

Louis Kossuth. > 

M. Kossuth proceeded to address the company as fol- 
lows : 

Gentlemen: — Rising, respectfully, to return my most 
warm thanks for the honor of the toast, and the high 
benefit of the sympathy manifested by this solemn demon- 
stration; it is, with a mingled feeling of joy and fear, that 
I address you, gentlemen ! 

I address you with joy, because, conscious of the immen- 
sity of the power which you wield, it is natural to feel 
some awe in addressing those in whose hands the success 
or the failure of our hopes is placed; still, I equally know, 
that in your hands, gentlemen, the independent republican 
press is a weapon, but a weapon to defend truth and justice, 



232 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

and not to offend; it is no screen to hide, no snuffers to 
extinguish the light, but a torch lit at the fire of immortal- 
ity, a spark of which is glistening in every man's soul, to 
prove its divine origin; a torch which you wield loftily 
and high, to spread light with it to the most lonely regions 
of humanity. 

And as the cause of my country is the cause of justice 
and truth; as it has, in no respect, to fear light, but rather 
wants nothing but light to see secured to it the support 
and protection of every friend of freedom, of every noble- 
minded man ; these are the reasons why I address you 
with joy, gentlemen. 

The more with joy, because, though it is sorrowful to 
see that ill-willed misrepresentations or secret Austrian 
intrigues, distorting plain, open history to a tissue of 
falsehood and lies, kuow how to find their way even to a 
small, insignificant part of the American press; still, I am 
proud and happy to see that the immense majority of the 
American press not only proved inaccessible to these veno- 
mous intrigues, but, conscious of the noble vocation of an 
independent press, and yielding to the generous inclina- 
tion of freedom, of protecting truth and justice against the 
dark plots of tyranny, has, without any interference from 
my part, come forth to protect the sacred cause of Hun- 
gary. 

The independent press of this great republic has, in this 
very case, also, proved to the world, that even against the 
mischievous power of calumnies, the most efiicient protec- 
tion is the freedom of the press, and not preventive mea- 
sures, condemning human intellect to eternal minority. 

I address you, gentlemen, the more with joy, because, 
through you, I have the invaluable benefit to address the 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 233 

•whole university of the great, glorious and free people of 
the United States. 

That is a great word, gentlemen, and yet is literally true. 

While, eighty years ago, immortal Franklin's own press 
was almost the only one in the colonies, now there are 
over three thousand newspapers in the United States, 
having a circulation of five millions of copies, and amount- 
ing, in their yearly circulation, to the prodigious number of 
nearly four and a half hundred millions; every grown man 
in the Union reads, on the average, two newspapers a 
week, and one hundred and five copies a year; nearly 
eighteen copies fall, in the proportion to the population, 
to every human being in the Union — man, woman and child. 

I am told that the journals of New York State, alone, 
exceed in number those of all the rest of the world 
beyond your great Union ; and the circulation of the 
newspapers of this city, alone, nearly exceeds those of 
the whole empire of G-reat Britain. 

But there is yet one particularly remarkable fact, which 
I cannot forbear to mention, gentlemen. 

I boldly declare, that beyond the United States, there 
exists scarcely a practical freedom of the press; at least in 
Europe, not except, perhaps, Norway, of whose condition 
in that respect I am not quite aware. You know, gentle- 
men, how the press is fettered throughout the European 
continent, even, for the present, in France itself, whose 
great nation, by a strange fate, sees, under a nominally 
republican, but centralized government, all the glorious 
fruits of their great and victorious revolutions withering 
between the blasting fingers of centralized administrative 
and legislative omnipotence. You know how the inde- 
pendent press of France is murdered, by imprisonment of 



234 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

their editors and by fees ; you know how the present 
government of France feels unable to bear the free word 
of public opinion — so much, that in the French republic 
the very legitimate shout of " Vive la Republique" has 
almost become a crime. This very circumstance is suffi- 
cient to prove, that, in that glorious land where the warm 
and noble heart of the French nation throbs with self-con- 
fidence and noble pride, a new revolution is an unavoidable 
necessity. It is a mournful view which the great French 
nation now presents, but it is also an efficient warning 
against the pi-opensities of centralization, inconsistent with 
freedom because inconsistent with self-government; and it 
is also a source of hope for the European continent, be- 
cause we know that things in France cannot endure thus 
as they are; we know that, to become a true republic, is a 
necessity for France; and thus we know, also, that who- 
ever be the man, who, in the approaching crisis, will be 
honored by the confidence of the French nation, he will, 
he must be faithful to that great principle of fraternity 
toward the other nations, which, being announced by the 
French Constitution to the world, raised such encouraging, 
but bitterly disappointed expectations, through Europe's 
oppressed continent. 

But it is chiefly, almost only. Great Britain, in Europe, 
which boasts to have a free press; and, to be sure, during 
my brief stay in England, I joyfully saw that really there 
is a freedom to print, almost an unlimited one, so far that 
I saw printed advertisements spread at every corner, and 
signed by the publishers, stating that Queen Victoria is 
no lawful queen — that she ought to be sent to the Tower, 
and all those who rule ought to be hanged. Men laughed, 
and nobody cared about the foolish extravagancy. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 235 

And yet, I dare say, and I hope the generous people of 
Great Britain will not feel offended at my stating the 
fact, that there is no practical freedom of the press. 

The freedom of the press, to be a practical one, must be 
a common benefit to all — else it is no freedom, but a 
privilege. It is wanting two ingredients — freedom of 
printing and freedom of reading. Now, there is no free- 
dom of reading there, because there is no possibility for 
the people at large to do so. Because the circulation of 
newspapers, the indispensable moral food of human intel- 
lect, is, by a heavy taxation, checked. The press is a 
source of public revenue, and by the incumbrance of stamp, 
and paper, and advertisement duties, made almost inacces- 
sible to the poor. Hence it is that the newspapers in the 
United States are only one-tenth, and, in some cases, one- 
twentieth the price of English or French papers ; and 
hence, again, is the immense difference in their circula- 
tion. In the United States, several of the daily papers 
every morning reaching from thirty to sixty thousand 
readers; whereas, the London Times is considered to be 
a monster power, because it has a circulation of from 
twenty-five to thirty thousand copies, of which, I was told 
during my stay in England, that the good, generous sense 
of the people has abated some six thousand copies, in con- 
sequence of its foul hostility to the just and sacred cause 
of Hungary. 

Such being the condition of your press, gentlemen,Mt 
must, of course, be a high source of joyful gratification to 
me, to have the honor to address you, gentlemen; because, 
in addressing you, I really address the whole people of the 
United States — not only a whole people, but a whole in- 
telligent people, gentlemen. 



236 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

That is the highest praise which can upon a people be 
bestowed, and yet is no praise — it is the acknowledgment 
of a real fact. The very immensity of the circulation of 
your journals proves it to be so; because this immense cir- 
culation is not only due to that constitutional right of 
yours to speak and print freely your opinions; it is not 
only due to the cheap price, which makes your press a 
common benefit to all, and not a privilege to the rich; 
but it is chiefly due to the universality of public instruction, 
which enables every citizen to read. It is a glorious 
thing to know, that in this flourishing young city alone, 
where streets of splendid buildings proudly stand, where, 
a few years ago, the river spread its waves or the plough 
tilled, nearly one hundred thousand children receive public 
education annually. 

Do you know, gentlemen, where I consider the most 
glorious monuments of your country ? If it be so as I 
have read it once, it is that fact, that when in the steps of 
your wandering squatters your engineers go on to draw 
geometrical lines, even in the territories where the sound 
of a human step never yet has mixed with the murmurs by 
which virginal nature is adoring the Lord; in every place 
marked to become a township, on every sixteenth square, 
you place a modest wooden pole, with the glorious mark, 
"POPULAR EDUCATION STICK." That is your 
proudest monument. 

However, be this really the case or not, in every case, 
in my opinion, it is not your geographical situation, not 
your material power, not the bold, enterprising spirit of 
your people which I consider to be the chief guaranty of 
your country's future, but the universality of education; 
because an intelligent people never can consent not to be 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 237 

free. You will be always willing to be free, and you are 
great and powerful enough to be so good as your will. 

My humble prayers to benefit my country's cause, I 
must so address to the public opinion of the whole intel- 
ligent people of the United States. You are the mighty 
engineers of this sovereign power upon which rest my 
country's hopes; it must be, therefore, highly gratifying 
to me, to see not isolated men, but the powerful complex 
of the great word " Press," granting me this important 
manifestation of generous sentiments and of sympathy. 
Still, I address you with fear, gentlemen, because you are 
aware that since my arrival here, I had the great honor 
and valuable benefit to see my whole time agreeably 
occupied by the reception of the most noble manifesta- 
tions of public sympathy, so much that it became entirely 
impossible for me to be thus prepared to address you, 
gentlemen, in a language which I but very imperfectly 
speak — as the great importance of this occasion would 
have required, and my high regard for yourselves, had 
pointed out as a duty to me. 

However, I hope you will take this very circumstance 
for a motive of excuse. You will generously consider 
that, whenever and wherever I publicly speak, it is always 
chiefly spoken to the Press; and, lowering your expecta- 
tions to the humility of my abilities, and to the level of 
the principal difficulties of my situation, you will feel in- 
clined to some kind indulgence for me, were it only out of 
brotherly generosity for one of your professional colleagues, 
as I profess to be one. 

Yes, gentlemen, it is a proud recollection of my life that 
I commenced my public career in the humble capacity of 
a journalist. And, in that respect, I may, perhaps, be 



238 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

somewhat entitled to your brotherly indulgence, as you, 
in the happy condition which the institutions of your 
country insure to you, can have not even an idea of the 
tortures of a journalist who has to write with fettered 
hands, and who is more than fettered by an Austrian 
arbitrary preventive censorship. You have no idea what 
a torture it is to sit down to your writing-desk, the breast 
full of the necessity of the moment, the heart full of 
righteous feelings, the mind full of convictions and of 
principles — and all this warmed by the lively fire of a 
patriot's heart; and to see before your eyes the scissors of 
the censor, ready to fall upon your head, like the sword of 
Damocles, lopping your ideas, maiming your arguments, 
murdering your thoughts; and his pencil before your eyes, 
ready to blot out, with a single draught, the work of your 
laborious days and of your sleepless nights; and to know 
that the people will judge you, not by what you have felt, 
thought and written, but by what the censor wills; to 
know that the ground upon which you stand is not a 
ground known to you, because limited by rules, but an 
unknown, slippery ground, the limits of which lie but 
within the arbitrary pleasure of your censor, doomed by 
profession to be stupid, and a coward, and a fool; to know 
all this, and yet not to curse your destiny; not to deny 
that you know to read and to write, but to go on, day by 
day, in the torturing work of Sysiphus. Oh ! it is the 
greatest sacrifice which an intelligent man can make to 
father-land and humanity I 

And this is the present condition of the press, not in 
Hungary only, but in all countries cursed by Austrian 
rule. Our past revolution gave freedom to the press, not 
only to my father-land, but, by indirect influence, also to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 239 

Vienna, Prague, Lemberg — in a word, to the whole em- 
pire of Austria. This very circumstance must be sufficient 
to insure your sympathy to my country's cause; as, on the 
contrary, the very circumstance that the victory of the 
Hapsburghian dynasty, achieved by treason and Russian 
arms, was a watchword to oppress the press in Hungary, 
in Austria, in Italy, in Germany — nay, throughout the 
European continent. The contemplation that the free- 
dom of the press, on the European continent, is inconsist- 
ent with the preponderance of Russia; and the very 
existence of the Austrian dynasty, this sworn enemy of 
freedom, and of every liberal thought; this very circum- 
stance must be sufficient to insure your generous support, 
to sweep away those tyrants, and to raise liberty where 
now proud oppression proudly rules. 

Gentlemen, a considerable time ago there appeared, in 
certain New York papers, a systematic compound of the 
most foul calumnies, falsehood and misrepresentations 
about the Hungarian cause, going so far, as with unexam- 
pled effrontery to state, that we struggled for oppression, 
while it was the cursed Austrian dynasty which stood 
forth for liberty. Now, there is a degree of effrontery, 
the temerity of which becomes astonishing even to me, 
who, having seen the unexampled treachery of the house 
of Russia, became familiar with the old Roman maxim, 
" nil admirari/^ through my tempest-tost life. We may 
be misrepresented, scorned, jeered, charged with faults; 
our martyrs, the blood of whom cries for revenge, may 
be laughed at as fools; and even heroes, commanding the 
veneration of history, may be represented as Don Quix- 
ottes of tragi-comedy; all this I could, if not bear, at least 
conceive. I have seen strange specimens of the aberra- 



240 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

tions of the human mind; but that, in the midst of the 
most mournful sufferings, not even the honor of an unfor- 
tunate nation should be sacred to some men, who enjoy 
the benefit of free institutions, and profess to be republi- 
cans — that is too much I it is a sorrowful page in man- 
kind's history. 

You cannot, of course, expect to see me, on this occa- 
sion, entering into a special refutation of this astonishing 
compound of calumnies. I will reserve it for my pen, so 
soon as I can have a free day for it. It will be very easy 
work, because all artificial compounds of misrepresenta- 
tions must fall into dust before the dispassionate, plain 
statement of facts, the greatest part of which, I thank- 
fully have to acknowledge, are already not unknown to you. 

Permit me rather to make some humble remark upon 
the question of " nationalities" which play such an impor- 
tant, and, I dare say, such a mischievous part in the desti- 
nies of Europe. I say mischievous, because no word 
ever was so much misrepresented or mistaken as the 
word " nationality;" so that it would indeed be a great 
benefit to humanity could I succeed to contribute some- 
thing to the rectification of this idea, the misrepresenta- 
tion of which became the most mischievous instrument in 
the hands of absolutism against the spirit of liberty. 

Let me ask you, gentlemen, are you, the people of the 
United States, a nation or not? Have you a JYational 
Government or not ? 

Have you ? You answer yes ; and yet you, the people 
of the United States, are not all of one blood, and speak 
not one language. Millions of you speak English, others 
French, others German, others Italian, others Spanish, 
others Danish, and even several Indian dialects— and yet 
you are a nation I 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 241 

And your government, even the government of your 
single states, nay, tlie municipal governments of your dif- 
ferent cities, are not legislating, and governing, and admin- 
istering in all and every language spoken in your Union, 
in the respective states, and in the respective cities them- 
selves, and yet you have a National Government ! 

Now, suppose that one part of the- people of the United 
States, struck by a curse like that with which the builders 
of Babel were once struck, should at once rise and say — 
" The Union in which we live is an oppression to us. Our 
laws, our institutions, our state and city governments, 
*our very freedom, is an oppression to us ! What is Union 
to us ? what rights ? what laws ? what freedom ? what 
history ? what geography ? what community of interests ? 
They are all nothing. Language — that is all. Let us 
divide the Union; divide the states; divide the very 
cities. Let us divide the whole territory, by, and accord- 
ing to languages, and then let the people of every lan- 
guage live distinct, and form each a separate state; be- 
cause every nation has a right to a national life, and, to 
us, the language is the nation — nothing else; and your 
Union, your rights, your laws, and your freedom itself, 
though common to us, is an oppression to us, because lan- 
guage is the only basis upon which states must be founded. 
Every thing else is tyranny." 

What would you say of such reasoning ? What would 
become of your great Union ? What of your Constitution 
— this glorious legacy of your greatest man — those immor- 
tal stars of mankind's moral canopy ? What would be- 
come of your country itself, whence the spirit of freedom 
spreads its mighty wings and rising hope clears up the fu- 
ture of humanity ? What would become of this grand, 
16 



242 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

mighty complex of your republic should it ever be attack- 
ed, in its consistency by the furious hands of the fanaticism 
of language ? Where now she wanders and walks among 
the rising temples of human happiness, she soon would 
tread upon the ruins of liberty, mourning over the fragil- 
ity of human hopes. 

Happy art thou, free nation of America, that thou hast 
founded thy house upon the only solid basis of a nation's 
liberty ! Liberty ! A principle steady like the world, 
eternal like the truth, and universal for every climate, for 
every time, like Providence. Thou hast no tyrants among 
thee to throw the apple of Eros in thy Union. Thou hast 
no tyrants among thee to raise the fury of hatred in thy 
national family — hatred of nations, the curse of humanity 
that venomous instrument of despotism. 

What a glorious sight it is to see the oppressed of so 
different countries, different in language, history, and ha- 
bits, wandering to thy shores, and becoming members of 
thy great nation, regenerated by the principle of common 
liberty. 

Would I could do the same ! but I can't, because I love 
my native land inexpressibly, boundless, fervently. I love 
it more than life, more than happiness; I love it more in 
its gloomy sufferings than I would in its proudest, happiest 
days. 

What makes a nation ? Is it the languag'-e only ? Then 
there is no great, no powerful nation on earth, because 
there is no moderately large country in the world, whose 
population is counted by millions, where you would not 
find several languages spoken. 

No ! It is not language only which makes a nation. 
Community of interests, community of history, communi- 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 243 

ties of rights and duties, but chiefly community of institu- 
tions of a population, which, though perhaps different in 
tongue, and belonging to different races, is bound together 
by its daily intercourse in their towns, the centres of their 
homely commerce and homely industry, the very mountain 
ranges, and system of rivers and streams, the soil, the dust 
of which is mingled with the ashes of those ancestors who 
bled on the same field, for the same interest — the common 
inheritance of glory and of wo, the community of laws, 
tie of institutions, tie of common freedom or common op- 
pression — all this enters into the definition of a nation. 
That this is true — that this is instinctively felt by the 
common sense of the people, nowhere is more apparently 
shown than at this very moment in my native land. Hun- 
gary Avas declared by Francis Joseph of Austria no more 
to exist as a nation; no more as a state. It was, and is 
put under martial law; strangers rule, in a foreign tongue, 
where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. To be 
a Hungarian became almost a crime in our native land. 
Now, to justify before the world the extinction of Hun- 
gary, the partition of its territory, and agai^ the central- 
ization of the dissected limbs into the aommon body of 
servitude, the treacherous dynasty was anxious to show 
that the Hungarians are in a minority in their own native 
land. They hoped that intimidation and terrorism would 
induce even the very Hungarians — Magyars as we are, in 
our own language termed — to abnegate their language and 
birth. They ordered a census of nationalities to be made. 
They performed it with the iron rule of martial law; they 
employed terrorism in the highest degree, so much that 
thousands of women and men, who professed to be Mag- 
yars, preferred not to know, nay, not to have perhaps. 



244 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

heard any other language than the Magyar, notwithstand- 
ing all their protestations, were put down to be Sclaves, 
Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because their names had 
not quite a Hungarian sound. And still what was the is- 
sue of this malignant plot. But of the twelve millions of 
inhabitants of Hungary proper, the Magyars turned out to 
be more than eight millions; some two millions more than 
we know the case really is. The people instinctively felt 
that the tyrant had the design to destroy, with the pretext 
of language, the very existence of the nation formed by the 
compound of all those ingredients which I have mentioned 
above, and with that common good sense which every na- 
tion possesses, met the tyrannic plot as if it answered," We 
want to be a nation, and if the tyrant takes language only 
for the mark of our nationality, then we are all Hunga- 
rians." And mark well, gentlemen ! this happened, not 
under my governorship, but even under the rule of Aus- 
trian martial law. The Cabinet of Vienna became furious; 
it thought of a new census, but prudent men told them that 
a new census would give the whole twelve millions as 
Magyars, and thus no new census was taken. [So true is 
my assertion that it is not language alone which makes a 
nation, an assertion which, of course, your own great re- 
public proves to the world.] 

But on the European continent there unhappily grew up 
a school which bound the idea of language only to the idea 
of language, and joined political pretensions to it. There 
are some who advocate the theory that existing countries 
must cease, and the territories of the world be anew di- 
vided by languages and nations, separated by tongues. 

You are aware that this idea, if it were not impractica- 
ble, would be but a curse to humanity; a death-blow to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 245 

civilization and progress, and throw back mankind by 
centuries; it were an eternal source of strife and war, be- 
cause tkere is a holy, almost religious tie, by which man's 
heart to his home is bound, and no man ever would con- 
sent to abandon his native land only because his neighbors 
speak another language than he himself; and, by this rea- 
son, claims for him that sacred spot where the ashes of 
his fathers lie — where his own cradle stood — where he 
dreamed the happy dreams of youth, and where nature itself 
bears a mark of his manhood's laborious toil. The idea 
were worse than the old migration of nations was — despo- 
tism only would rise out of the strife of mankind's fanati- 
cism. 

And really it is very curious; nobody of the advocates 
of this mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for him- 
self; but others he desires to yield to it. Every Frenchman 
becomes furious when his Alsace is claimed to Germany by 
the right of language, or the borders of his Pyrenees to 
Spain; but there are some amongst the very men who feel 
revolted at this idea, who claim for Germany that it should 
yield up large territory, because one part of the inhabitants 
speak a different tongue, and would claim from Hungary 
to divide its territory which God himself has limited by 
its range of mountains, and the system of streams, as also 
by all the links of a community of more than a thousand 
years, to cut off our right hand, Transylvania, and to give 
it up to the neighboring Wallachia, to cutout, like Shylock, 
one pound of our very breast — the Banat, and the rich 
country between the Danube and the Theiss — to augment 
by it Turkish Serbia, and so forth. It is the new ambi- 
tion of conquest, but an easy conquest; not by arms, but by 
language. 



246 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

So much I know, at least, that this absurd idea cannot, 
and will not, be advocated by any man here in the United 
States, which did not open its hospitable shores to human- 
ity, and greet the flocking millions of emigrants with the 
right of a citizen, in order that the Union may be cut to 
pieces, and even your single states divided into new framed, 
independent countries by and according to languages. 

And do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory 
sprung up on the European continent? It was the idea 
of Panslavismus — that is the idea that the mighty stock of 
Sclavonic races is called to rule the world, as once the 
Roman did. It was a Russian plot — it was the infernal 
idea, to make out of national feelings a tool to Russian 
preponderance over the world. 

Perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin of 
this plot. It was after the third division of Poland, 
this most immoral act of tyranny, that the chance of fate 
brought the Prince Czartonisky to the court of Catharine 
of Russia. He subsequently became minister of Alexan- 
der the Czar. It was in this quality that, with the noble 
aim to benefit his down-trodden father-land, he claimed, 
from the young Czar, the restoration of Poland, suggesting 
for equivalent the idea of Russian preponderance over all 
nations of the old Sclavonic race. I believe his intention 
was sincere; I believe he thought not to misconsider those 
natural borders, which, besides the affinity of language, 
God himself has between the nations drawn. But he 
forgot that the spirits which he raises, he will not be able 
to master more, and that uncalled fanaticism will sundry 
fantastical shapes force into his frame, by which the frame 
itself must burst in pieces soon. He forgot that Russian 
preponderance cannot be propitious to liberty; he forgot 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 247 

that it can even not be favorable to the development of 
the Sclave nationality, because Sclavonic nations would, 
by this idea, be degraded into individuals of Russianism 
— all absorbed by Russia, that is absorbed by despotism. 
Russia got hold of the sensible idea very readily. May 
be that young Alexander had, in the first moment, noble 
inclinations; he was young, and the warm heart of youth 
is susceptible to noble instincts. It is not common in his- 
tory; such Francis Joseph's, or Austria — so young, and 
yet such a Nero, as he is. But few years of power were 
sufficient to extinguish every spark of noble sentiment — 
if there was one in Alexander's young heart. Upon the 
throne of the Romanow's is the man soon absorbed by the 
Autocrat. The air of the traditional policies of St. Peters- 
burgh is not that air where the plant of regeneration can 
grow, and the sensible idea become soon a weapon of 
honor, oppression, and Russian preponderance. Rus.sia 
availed herself of the idea of Pansalvism to break Turkey 
down, and to make an obedient satellite out of Austria. 
Turkey withstands yet, but Austria has fallen in the snare. 
Russia sent out its agents, its moneys, its venomous secret 
diplomacy through the world; it spoke to the Sclave na- 
tions of the hatred against foreign dominion; of independ- 
ence of religion, connected with nationality, under its own 
supremacy; but chiefly it spoke to them of Pansalvism, 
under the protectorate of the Czar. The millions of its 
own large empire, also, all oppressed — all in servitude — 
all a tool to his ambition; he flattered them with the idea 
to become the rulers of the world, in order that they might 
not think of liberty; he knew that man's breast cannot 
harbor two passions at once. He gave them ambition and 
excluded the spirit of liberty. This ambition got hold of 



24:8 REPORT ON' THE RECEPTION OF 

all the Sclave nations through Europe; so became Pan- 
salvism the source of a movement, not of nationality, but 
of the dominion of languages. That word " language" 
replaced every other sentiment, and so it became the curse 
to the development of liberty. 

Only one part of the Sclavonic races saw the matter 
clear, and withstood the current of this infernal Russian 
plot. They were the Polish democrats — the only ones 
who understood that to fight for liberty is to fight for 
nationality. Therefore, they fought in our ranks, and 
were willing to flock in thousands of thousands to aid us 
in our struggle; but I could not arm them, so I could not 
accept them. We, ourselves, we had a hundred-fold more 
hands ready to fi.ght than arms; and nobody was in the 
world to help us with arms. 

There is the same origin and real nature of the ques- 
tion of -lationalities in Europe. 

Let me see what was the condition of Hungary under 
these circumstances. 

Eight hundred and fifty years ago, when the first king 
of Hungary, St. Stephen, becoming Christian himself, 
converted the Hungarian nation to Christianity; it was 
the Roman Catholic clergy of Germany whom he invited 
to assist him in his pious work. They did, but it was 
natural that the pious assistance happened also to be ac- 
companied by some worldly designs. Hungary ojffered a 
wide field to the ambition of foreigners. And they per- 
suaded the king to adopt a curious principle, which he 
laid down in his political testament ; that is, that it is 
not good, when the people of a country is but of one ex- 
traction, and speaks but one tongue. There was yet 
adopted another rule; that is, to advise the language of 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 249 

the church — Latin — for the diplomatic language of the 
government, legislature, law, and all public proceedings. 
So it became, of course, that the real manners of the coun- 
try that spoke Latin. The Hungarian, scarcely yet be- 
lieving Christian, spoke not the Latin of course. This is 
the origin of that fatality that democracy did not develop 
for centuries in Hungary. The public proceedings having 
been carried on in Latin, the laws given in Latin, the 
people were excluded from the public life. Public in- 
struction being carried on in Latin, the great mass of the 
people, being agriculturers, did not partake in it, and the 
few who, out of the ranks of the people, partook in it, became 
by the very instruction, severed and alienated from the peo- 
ple's interests. This dead Latin language, introduced into 
the public life of a living nation, was the most mischievous 
barrier against liberty. The first blow to it was stricken 
by the Reformation. The Protestant Church, introducing 
the national language into the divine service, became a 
medium to the development of the spirit of liberty. So 
were our ancient struggles for religious liberty always 
connected with the maintenance of political rights. But 
still, Latin public life went on so far as to 1780. At that 
time, Joseph of Hapsburgh, aiming at centralization, re- 
placed the Latin by the German tongue. This raised the 
national spirit of Hungary; and our forefathers, seeing 
that the dead Latin language excluded the people from 
the public concerns, cannot be propitious to liberty, and 
anxious to oppose the design of the Viennese Cabinet of 
Germanizing Hungary, and so melting it into the common 
absolutism of the Austrian dynasty — I say, anxious to 
oppose this design by a cheerful public life of the people 
itself, begun in the year 1790, passed laws in the direction 



250 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

that by-and-by, step by step, tlie Latin language should be 
replaced in the public proceedings of the legislature and 
of the government by a living language, familiar to the 
people itself. And Hungary being Hungary, what was 
more natural than that, being in the necessity to choose 
one language, they choose the Hungarian language in and 
for Hungary; the more, because that was the language 
spoken in Hungary, not only by a comparative majority 
of the people, but almost by an absolute majority; that is, 
those who spoke Hungarian were not only more than 
those who spoke whatever one of the other languages, 
but, if not more, at least equal to all those who spoke 
several other languages together. 

Be so kind to mark well, gentlemen, no other language 
was oppressed — the Hungarian language, was upon no- 
body enforced — wherever another language was in use, 
even in public life; for instance of whatever church — 
whatever popular school — whatever community — it was 
not replaced by the Hungarian language. It was only 
the dead Latin, which, by-and-by, became eliminated from 
the diplomatic public life, and replaced by the living Hun- 
garian in Hungary. 

In Hungary, gentlemen, be pleased to mark it, never 
was this measure extended into the municipal public life 
of Crotia and Sclavonia, which, though belonging for 
eight hundred years to Hungary, still were not Hungary, 
but a distinct nation, with distinct municipal public life. 

They themselves, Crotians and Sclavonians, repeatedly 
urged it in the common Parliament to afford them oppor- 
tunity to learn the Hungarian language, that having the 
right, they might also enjoy the benefit of being employed 
to common governmental offices of Hungary. This op- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 251 

portunity was afforded to them, but nobody was forced to 
make use of it, if he desired not to do so; but with their 
own municipal and public life, as also with the domestic, 
social, religious life, of whatever other people in Hungary 
itself, the Hungarian language did never interfere, but 
replaced only the Latin language, which no people spoke, 
which to no living people belonged, and which, therefore, 
was contrary to liberty, because it excluded the people 
from any share in the public life. Willing to give free- 
dom to the people, we eliminated that Latin tongue, which 
was an obstacle to its future. We did what every other 
nation in the world did, clearing by it the way to the 
people's common, universal liberty. 

Your country is a happy one, even in that respect, being 
a young nation, you did not find in your way the Latin 
tongue when you established this republic; so you did not 
want a law to eliminate it from your public life. You have 
a living diplomatic life, which is spoken in your congress, 
in your state legislatures, and by which your govern- 
ment rules. That language is not the native language of 
your whole people — scarcely that of a majority; and yet 
no man in the Union takes it for an oppression that legis- 
lature and government is not carried on in every possible 
language that is spoken in the United States; and yet are 
found in your common law, inherited from England, some 
Latin expressions, the affidavits, &c.; and having found it 
in law, you felt the necessity to stimulate it bylaw, as you 
really did. 

And one thing I have to mention yet. This replac- 
ing of the Latin language by the Hungarian was not a 
work of our revolution; it was done before, step by step, 
by-and-by, from 1791. When we carried in 1848, our de- 



252 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

mocratic reforms, and gave political, social, civil, and full 
religious freedom to the whole people, without distinction of 
religion or tongue, considering that unhappy excitement 
of the question of languages prevailing through Europe, in 
consequence of the Russian plot, which I developed, we 
extended our cares to the equal protection of every tongue 
and nationality, affording to all equal right, to all aid out 
of the public funds, for the moral, religious, and scientific 
development in churches and in schools. Nay, our revo- 
lution extended this regard even to the political develop- 
ment of every tongue, sanctioning the free use of every 
tongue, in the municipalities and communal corporations, 
as well as in the administration of justice itself. The 
promulgation of the laws in every tongue, the right to pe- 
tition and to claim justice in whatever tongue, the duty of 
the government to answer accordingly, all this was grant- 
ed, and thus far more done in that respect also, than what- 
ever other nation ever accorded to the claims of tongues; 
by far more than the United States ever did, though there 
is no country in the world where so many different lan- 
guages are spoken as here. 

It is, therefore, the most calumnious misrepresentation^ 
to say that the Hungarians struggled for the dominion of 
their own race. No; we struggled for civil, political, so- 
cial, and religious freedom, common to all, against Aus- 
trian despotism. "We struggled for the great principle of 
self-government against centralization; and, because cen- 
tralization, absolutism. Yes, centralization is absolutism; 
it is inconsistent with constitutional rights; Austria has 
given the very proof of it. The House of Austria had 
never the slightest intention to grant constitutional life to 
the nations of Europe; I will prove it on another occa- 



GOYERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 253 

sion. It hates constitution as hell hates the salvation of 
human souls. But the friends of the Hapsburgh say it has 
granted a constitution in March, 1849. Well, where is 
that constitution now ? It was not only never executed, 
but it was, three months ago, formally withdrawn. Even 
the word ministry is blotted out from the dictionary of the 
Austrian Government. Swarzenburg is again House, 
Court, and State Chancellor, as Metternich was; only 
Metternich ruled not with the iron rule of martial law 
over the whole empire of Austria ; Swarzenburg does. 
Metternich encroached upon the constitutional rights of 
Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia and Sclavonia. Swarzen- 
burg has abolished them, and the young Nero, Francis Jo- 
seph, melted all nations together in a common bondage, 
where the promised equality of nationalities is carried out 
most literally, to be sure, because they are all equally op- 
pressed, and all are equally ruled, by absolutistical princi- 
ples, in the German language. And why was that illusory 
constitution withdrawn ? Because it was a lie from the 
beginning; because it was an impossibility. And why so ? 
Because it was founded upon the principle of centraliza- 
tion, and centralized thirteen different nations, which now 
groan under Austrian rule; and yet, to have a constitu- 
tional life, is more than an impossibility; it is an absurd- 
ity; it is an oppression augmented by deceit. 

I cannot exhaust this vast topic in one speech, so I go 
to the end. I only state clearly my own and my nation's 
ruling principle, even in respect to the claims of the na- 
tionalities of languages; and that is, we will have repub- 
lican institutions, founded on universal suffrage, and so 
the majority of the sovereign people shall rule, in every 
respect, in the village, in the city, in the country, in the 



254 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

congress and government; in all and every thing. What 
to the public concerns of the village, of the city, of the 
country, of the congress belongs — self-government every- 
where, the people sovereign everywhere — and universal 
suffrage and the rule of the majority everywhere. That is 
our principle, for which we live and are ready to die. This 
is the cause for which I humbly request the protecting aid 
of the people of the United States, and chiefly your aid 
and protection, gentlemen — you, the mighty engineers of 
the public opinion of your glorious land ! 

Let me entreat you, gentlemen, to accord this pro- 
tection to the cause of my down-trodden land; it is the 
curse of oppressed humanity on the European continent. 
It is the curse of Germany, bleeding under the scourge of 
some thirty petty tyrants, all leaning upon that league of 
despots, the basis of which is Petersburgh. It is the 
curse of fair, but unfortunate Italy, which, in so many re- 
spects, is dear to my heart. We have a common enemy; 
so we are brothers in arms for freedom and independence. 
I know how Italy stands, and I dare confidently declare 
there is no hope for Italy but in that great republican 
party, at the head of which Mazzini stands. It has no- 
thing to do with commonistical schemes or the French 
doctrines of socialism. But it wills Italy independent, 
free and republican. Whither could Italy look for free- 
dom and independence if not to that party which Mazzini 
leads ? To the King of Naples, perhaps. Let me be 
silent about that execrated man. Or to the dynasty of 
Sardinia and Piedmont ? It professes to be constitutional, 
and it captures those poor Hungarian soldiers who seek 
an asylum in Piedmont; it captures and delivers them to 
Austria to be shot, and they are shot; increasing the num- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 255 

ber of those three thousand seven hundred and forty-two 
martyrs, whom Radetsky murdered on the scaffold during 
three short years. The house of Savoy became the blood- 
hound of Austria to spill Hungarian blood. 

Gentlemen, the generous sympathy of the public opin- 
ion of the United States — God be blessed for it ! — is 
strongly aroused to the wrongs and sufferings of Hungary. 
My humble task, in that respect, is done. Now, I look 
for your generous aid to keep that generous sympathy 
alive, that it may not subside like the passing emotion of 
the heart. 

I look for your generous aid to urge the formation of 
societies to collect funds and to create a loan. 

I look for your generous aid to urge the public opinion 
of the sovereign people of the United States, to pro- 
nounce in favor of the humble propositions which I had 
the honor to express at the Corporation banquet of the 
city of New York, until the resolutions of the people suc- 
ceed to impress the favorable decision to the policy of the 
United States. 

In that respect, I beg leave one single remark to make. 
In speaking of the principle of non-admission of any in- 
terference in any country's domestic concerns, I took the 
liberty to express my humble wish to see Great Britain 
invited to unite in this protective policy. The reason is, 
because I take the present French government for one of 
the oppressors; it has interfered, and continues to inter- 
fere in Rome. But the French nation, I take for one of 
the oppressed. The French nation will do the same as 
Hungary, Italy and Germany. The alliance of the French 
nation is insured by its necessary principles, if the repub- 
lic becomes a reality. The decisive question is, what the 



256 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

neutral powers will do, and these are Great Britain and 
tlie United States. 

Let me hope, gentlemen, that, however low I may have 
fallen in your expectations, by this, my humble address, 
which, though sketched down, was still without eloquence, 
nor, by want of time, elaborate. Still, following the 
generous impulse of your republican hearts, and consider- 
ing, not the immerit of my humble self, but merit of the 
cause which I plead, you will accord me that protective 
aid of the free, independent Press, upon which rest, for 
the greater part, the hopes of my nation and those of op- 
pressed humanity. And, if you generously accord me 
that protective aid, 1 will yet, also see fulfilled, in my 
own country's cause, those noble words, which you, sir, (to 
the Chairman) from that height where the genius of po- 
etry soars, have told your people, which so likes to listen 
to the noble inspirations of its Bryant : 

" Truth crushed to earth shall rise again ; 
The eternal years of God are hers ; 
But error, wounded, writhes in pain. 
And dies among — 

Let me add, sir, with 

his worshippers." 

When the distinguished speaker took his seat, the whole 
assembly rose again, and testified iheir estimation of his 
effort in nine rounds of enthusiastic cheers. 

(De €^n\[\\\ mtm% Drrrmlirr 16tlj, 

Kossuth met the First Division New York State 
Militia, at Castle Garden. It was one of the most im- 
posing pictures we ever witnessed. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 257 

General Sandpord, on behalf of the military under 
his command, addressed him, and introduced him to them. 

Governor Kossuth rose to speak, and was greeted with 
an enthusiastic burst of applause. Order being restored, 
he proceeded as follows : 

General and Gentlemen: — I accepted, with tlie high- 
est gratification, the invitation to meet the First Division 
of the New York State Militia, which having, in their 
capacity of citizen-soldiers, honored me, upon my arrival, 
with their co-operative participation in the generous wel- 
come which I met with, and, by the military honors they 
bestowed upon me, so much contributed to impart to that 
great demonstration that public character which cannot 
fail to prove highly beneficial to the cause which I plead, 
before the free people of your mighty republic; and which, 
I dare confidently state, is the cause of freedom and inde- 
pendence on the European continent. I beg leave to state, 
gentlemen, that the share you have taken in that great 
demonstration, and the honor you give me now, is one of 
the most important circumstances— one of those which 
cannot fail to produce in Europe a deep and very benefi- 
cial impression. Being aware of the importance of this 
occasion, and considering myself, with your kind permis- 
sion, to be amongst brethren in arms, [cheers long con- 
tinued,] I would, of course, feel highly gratified were I 
able to address you in such an elaborate manner as I feel 
it my duty to do. But, gentlemen, you are aware how my 
whole time was followed, since my arrival, with the most 
pleasant and most agreeable duties; and, besides, I have 
been seriously indisposed — nay, I most frankly say I am 
sick — very sick; indeed, so much that last night several 
IT 



258 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

times, I was about to swoon, and I was obliged to leave 
the banquet, which the mighty engines of public opinion 
of your country, have honored me with. [Applause. J So 
T entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate, elo- 
quent speech from me. Really, I am entirely unprepared 
for it; and, I am not ashamed to avow that, to speak, with 
the slightest degree of eloquence in a tongue which is a 
foreign one to me, I want some preparation and some time' 
which, perhaps, I should not so much want, had I to speak 
in my own native language. The difficulty is, gentlemen, 
that when I speak, I think in my own native language, 
and in the brief time while my ideas pass from my brains 
to my lips, I have to translate this into your language; 
and so it very often happens that, searching to find the 
true word I forget the ideas. [Laughter and applause.] 
And, to be sure, if there is any thing necessary to elegance, 
ideas are necessary. [Laughter.] It is only the lark and 
nightingale, to whom is given to warble forth the elegance 
of their harmonical melodies without thinking. I am a 
very dry, prosaic man; and, besides, I grow old. Suffer- 
ing and fatigue have worn out the freshness of my mind, 
and I apply my humble abilities according to the exigen- 
cies of time; and, according to the exigencies of the pre- 
sent time, I frankly confess, my brains are more filled with 
tactics and strategies than with rhetoric. [Laughter.] I 
am now rather a soldier than an orator; and, gentlemen, 
you are citizen-soldiers. That is your glorious title, to 
which I have the ambition to aim. [Applause and cheers.] 
So I hope you will kindly excuse me, that I give you no 
elegant speech; but rather I will endeavor to speak to 
you in a soldierly manner, plainly and frankly, without any 
pretension to whatever skill. [Great applause.] 



GOVEKNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 259 

Do you know, gentlemen, what is the first speech which 
I ever in my life heard or read? It is the address of 
Garibaldi to his Eoman soldiers in Valvosore, when he 
told them, " Soldiers, what I have to offer you is fatigue, 
danger, struggle, and death; the chill cold nights in the 
free air and the burning sun; no lodgings, no ammuni- 
tions, no provisions; but forced marches, dangerous watch- 
posts, and continual struggle with bayonets against batte- 
ries. Those who love freedom and their country will fol- 
low me." [Great applause.] That is the most glorious 
speech which I ever heard in my life. [Renewed ap- 
plause.] But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I 
will speak so when I meet the soldiers of Hungary, to 
fight [great applause] once more over the battle for free- 
dom and independence. [Renewed applause.] And so 
may God bless me, as I know that there will be no Hun- 
garian who would not follow his Governor. [Applause.] 
Les epaulettes en avant; so it must be. 

There is yet another fine speech, I remember; it is that 
of the old Covenanter, who spoke to his soldiers in these 
words before a battle : " Now, boys, put your trust in 
God, and keep your powder dry." [Great laughter and 
applause.] Gentlemen, that must be my motto for to-day. 
I will put my trust in God; but I do not know if my sick- 
ness will not cast some damp upon my powder. [Laugh- 
ter.] You will excuse me thbrefore. 

General, (turning to General Sandford) having had the 
high honor to review the First Division of the New York 
State Militia, and to receive its marching salute, allow me 
to compliment you about the discipline and skill, military 
attitude, and precision of the gentlemen commanded by 
you. To be sure, gentlemen, it is no flattering compli- 



260 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ment, it is ttie acknowledgment of a fact, when I say, tliat 
in no European army would your division have been 
marked not to be one of the regular soldiery. There are 
two other things which struck me on that great occasion; 
the first is the firm, determined character, and resolute 
attitude of gentlemen under your command, to keep order 
among their fellow-citizens. And the second is the readi- 
ness of the people to comply. Gentlemen, this I take for 
a new proof of the vitality of free institutions. While, 
in other countries, not so happy as yours, not provided 
with such institutions, obedience to every public authority 
is only enforced by fear; here that obedience is a princi- 
ple. The people feel honored in complying with public 
duties, the source of which is the people itself. Republics 
— your republic especially — give the proof to the world 
that social order is most firmly founded on liberty ; and 
that it is a free people which is the surest guarantee of 
social order in a state. [Applause.] Here is, among 
the gentlemen whom I have the honor to address, a regi- 
ment, who had, I am told, not long ago, to fulfill the diffi- 
cult duty of the restoration of public order, on a certain 
occasion; and it was that very regiment, which, during 
its marching salute which I received, that was cheered 
most heartily by the people. Now, thi^ fact, gentlemen, 
is even as glorious to that regiment as honorable to the 
people. [Cheers.] To-day, if I am not wrong, is the an- 
niversary day of the great fire in New York, which hap- 
pened in 1835. It was, if I rightly remember, on the I6th 
December that it occurred. 

General Sandford — It was, sir. 

Gov. Kossuth — ^Since that time. New York has risen 
more splendid than it was before, and spread on to large 



GOVERNOR LOTJIS KOSSUTH. 261 

extent. Now, this gigantic development of this great city 
is only possible upon the basis of social order. And in 
the sustenance of this social order, to be sure the public 
authorities have their merit, the spirit of the people has 
its own ; but it is also no little glory — no little part of 
the glory of the militia, that this social order exists. 

General, I thank you for the explanation of the organi- 
zation and means of discipline of this gallant division. 
Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to 
learn the value of free institutions. It has to learn the 
expansive power of freedom. It has to learn the practi- 
cal value of self-government as opposite to centralization. 
And one of the most important lessons you give to Europe, 
is the organization of the militia of the United States 
[Cheers.] You have the greatest army in the world, and 
yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. [Great ap- 
plause,] That is a necessary thing for Europe to learn of 
America. The great standing armies must cease; but they 
can only cease when the nations are free; because the great 
standing armies are not national institutions; they are in- 
struments of despotism and the ambition of tyrants. [Great 
cheering.] The very existence of tyranny reposes in Eu- 
rope upon great standing armies. When the nations once 
become free they will not want them ; because the nations 
will not war against another; freedom will become a 
brotherly link among the nations. But so far as they will 
want it, your example, gentlemen, shows that the public in- 
stitutions of militia, like yours, affords the most powerful 
and most mighty means of national defence. Thirty-seven 
years ago was the battle fought at New Orleans. That 
shows, that will show to all posterity, what a power of 
defence of country lies in this organization of your militia. 



262 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

[Cheers.] Nay, gentlemen, that history even proves that 
that institution affords the most powerful means of an of- 
fensive war if such a war becomes indispensable. I am 
aware, gentlemen, that the war with Mexico was carried 
on chiefly by volunteers. We brave Hungarians — my 
brave companions here have some claim to the renown of 
bravery. [Applause.] But it is duty to confess that those 
who fought in that war, have high claims to an acknowl- 
edgment of their brilliant achievements; often having to 
fight one against four, a handful of men at such distance, 
having a gallant foe (because Mexico was among the war- 
like nations) and still victorious, and so victorious that 
that war and your victory was a remarkable page in the 
military history of mankind. I know, gentlemen, what 
distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in 
that war. I know that seven regiments were offered, and 
only two accepted. I know what glorious part they have 
taken in the siege of Vera Cruz, in the battles of Cerro 
Gordo, Contreras, Molino del Eey. I know how they dis- 
tinguished themselves in the battle of Cherubusco, in the 
assault of Chepultepec, and how they partook in the im- 
mense glory of entering, a handful of gallant men, the 
metropolis of Mexico. [Cheers.] Who were those vol- 
unteers ? Who were those from New York State who en- 
listed in those regiments — some seventy ofl&cers of them ? 
They were out of your militia. I know in the institution 
of your militia is the source of that military spirit which 
is the true guarantee of your country's freedom, indepen- 
dence and glory, if circumstances require the citizens of 
the United States to stand up in arms for it. 1 had learned 
all these things which I mentioned, from the United States; 
and it was my firm intention to carry out this organiza- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 

tion of militia in Hungary. [Cheers.] My idea was, and 
still is, and I will endeavor, with the help of God, to carry 
it out, [applause] my idea is that there are duties toward 
our native land common to every citizen, and every pub- 
lic instruction and education must have such a direction 
as to enable every citizen to fulfill this common duty to- 
ward his native land. [Cheers.] One of these common 
duties is to defend our native land in the perils of the day ; 
to take up arms for its freedom, and for its independence, 
and for its security. The whole idea is to lay down such 
a foundation of public instruction in the village schools, 
that every boy of Hungary shall be trained up and edu- 
cated to that military skill, which is wanted to fulfill, in 
an effective manner, the duty of defending his father-land, 
when he shall be called to perform it. It is not my in- 
tention to have in Hungary separate schools — a separate 
order of institutions for the military sciences — not at all 
to have soldiers who are not citizens. But my opinion is 
that every boy must be taught to know so much as is ne- 
cessary for the defence of his land; and for those who in 
their more advanced youth, would feel inclined to take for 
their profession the military science, there must be some 
branches established in the common higher public schools 
— in the universities — to impart to them these sciences, as 
other branches are for those who will devote their life to 
the bar, and other branches for those who will become 
physicians or clergymen. 

So there is a branch for the military, and no distinction 
among citizens. To defend one's country is a common 
duty, and every man must know it, and be ready for it. 
[Cheers.] 

Taking the basis of your organization as an example for 
Hungary, she would have at least one million of men ready 



264 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

to defend her against the oppression of whatever power of 
the world. That the militia so developed would be the 
most solid guarantee of my country's freedom and inde- 
pendence, we have shown in our past struggle, in the glo- 
rious deeds which these unnamed demi-gods, [cheers] brave 
souls unknown to the world, have achieved, — who, without 
any previous preparation, flocked from the plow, from the 
work-shop and merchant's counting-room, from the study ' 
and writing-desk, and from the very altar, to the ranks of 
the heroic defenders of their native land. [Applause.] 
Often it happened that they had to go to battle without 
even knowing how to load or how to cock a musket ; 
[laughter] but still, singing national anthems, they went 
on into the fight, with their bayonets alone, and they 
achieved victories without the ambition of recorded glory, 
like the heroes of the classic Past, raised by history to the 
honors of immortality. [Cheers.] We have not the will, 
we have not the inclination, to become conquerors; we are 
contented with our native land, if it be only independent 
and free. But to the sustenance of this independence and 
freedom, we have established by law the institutions of 
National Guards. It is like your militia; and I like often 
to say to my people that I consider that organization to 
be like the porcupine, which goes on quietly looking for 
its food; but when it is attacked, when dangers approach, 
it stretches forth its thorns, and is unattackable even in a 
passive position. [Cheers.] May God Almighty give to 
us soon this institution of National Guards, developed to 
that extent in my native country. It will become — indee(^ 
the power of Hungary will become the indispensable basis 
of the freedom of Europe. I will prove it in a few words. 
The enemy of European freedom is Russia; Austria is its 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 265 

satellite. Leaning upon this aid of Russia, Austria is going 
on to crusli down liberty wherever it dares to raise its 
head. In Italy, in Hesse Cassel, in Schleswig Holstein; 
the certainty of Russian aid and its encroaching spirit 
gives boldness to the tyrant, and checks the resolution of 
nations to resist. And now the question is, " Can Hun- 
gary be a barrier to secure Europe against this power of 
Russia?" I answer, yes! [Cheers.] You are a nation 
of twenty-four millions. You have an organized militia of 
some three millions. Hungary is a nation of fifteen mil- 
lions. Then, at least, it can have one million of brave, or- 
ganized citizen soldiers, I hope. [Cheers.] That is then 
the positive basis of this position of Hungary, that it can 
resist, it can defend, it can become a barrier to Europe 
against Russian encroachment. The negative basis is the 
weakness of Russia itself. Yes, gentlemen, Russia is not 
so strong as in public opinion it is ordinarily taken to be. 
The whole power of Russia, or what it can raise, consists 
of seven hundred and fifty thousand men. That is the en- 
tire power of Russia. And you must consider that it has 
an immense territory ; and a territory, the population of 
which is oppressed. The tranquility and the order of the 
grave, and not the order of contentment, can only be kept 
in Russia itself by the armed power of the Czar. Now it 
is not much when I say, that at least two hundred or two 
hundred and fifty thousand men are indispensable to keep 
up tranquility in the interior of Russia itself ; one hundred 
thousand men, at least, it wants to guard its frontiers, 
which extend from Siberia down to Turkey ; one hundred 
thousand it wants, at least, to keep down the ripe spirit of 
oppressed Poland. [Cheers.] Now take all these to- 
gether, and you will see that Russia scarcely can, at the 



266 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

utmost, employ three hundred thousand men for a foreign 
war. And really, in any case, did she ever employ more ? 
History tells us that in the greatest struggles for life, for 
existence, it was not able to dispose of more than three 
hundred thousand men at most, for a foreign war. Now 
the million of citizen soldiers of Hungary, would not want 
to be so brave as they are, to be a match to these three 
hundred thousand men. [Great applause.] And therefore, 
the first effect of restored independence and freedom of 
Hungary, would be that, should the Czar of Russia — that 
arrogant mortal, but dust in the hands of God — once more 
have the pretension to put his foot upon the neck of men, 
as he dared to boast he had the destiny to do, his power 
would break upon the first barrier — upon Hungary. Not 
only would it break, but Hungary would, assaulted and at- 
tacked by Russia, carry home the danger to itself. And 
it would find mighty allies in the Russian empire. You 
know, gentlemen, that even after the short war in Hun- 
gary, Russia was obliged to raise a loan in England. We 
would find our ally in Russia, the oppression of the na- 
tion. And, of course, steps would be followed, and ac- 
companied by a liberation; and we would find to be our 
ally the Polish Nationality, which is not restricted to Po- 
land — it is spread through the wide provinces of Lithua- 
nia, Galicia, &c. 

This all proves that the might of Russia is not so 
immense as to be intimidating in a just cause. Hungary 
once free, Russia would never more dare to threaten 
European liberty. But if Russia is really so weak as 
this, why do I ask your support and your aid against 
Russian intervention ? The motive of my humble request 
is, that Russia is very near to Hungary. Only at thirty 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 267 

hours, one of its great armies stands prepared to move at 
whatever time, to crush down liberty. So, being so near, 
these three hundred thousand men of Russia, which it can 
employ for a foreign war, would crush down Hungary 
before we had time to organize and develop our forces. 
Once organized and developed, our Hungarian forces have 
no fear of the Russian empire. Here is the motive, gentle- 
men, why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and 
immense beneficial support of the United States, to check, 
to stop, and not to admit Russian interference in Hungary; 
because, to prevent Russian interference in Hungary, is to 
give Hungary strength to become an impregnable fortress 
against Russian greatness, despotism and barbarity. Here 
is the reason why I claim the aid of the United States, to 
become the executive power of the sovereign right of every 
nation to dispose of its own domestic affairs. That is the 
only glory, gentlemen, which is yet wanting to the lustre 
of your glorious stars. The militia of the United States 
having been the assertors of independence and liberty in 
this country, and the guardians of its security, have now 
scarcely another calling than to become the asserters of 
that glory to their own glorious land. And I am con- 
fident that that being your condition, gentlemen, you will 
not deny me your generous support to carry out that great 
principle of non-interfering, but also of not admitting any 
interference in the new struggle of Hungary for freedom 
and independence, which is already felt in the air, and is 
pointed out by the finger of God itself. [Applause.] My 
second humble request, which I warmly wish to see carried 
here, is to see the commerce of the citizens of the United 
States with every people secured, whether in revolution 
or not. That it is not so much my interest; it is your 



268 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

right. And I liope that the militia of the United States 
will ever be ready to support and protect this right of 
your citizens from out of those ships, the star-spangled 
banner of which was cast around me, and sent over, to 
proclaim to Asia, that there is existing a powerful and 
mighty nation, ready to protect the rights of oppressed 
humanity. [Cheers.] 

My third humble claim, is, to see recognized the legiti- 
mate character of the declaration of independence of 
Hungary. The militia of the United States fought and 
bled for that principle of independence in your own 
country. So, I suppose that, by the glory of your prede- 
cessors, by the blessings which have flowed upon this 
country out of the struggle for independence — by all these 
blessings which make your glory and your happiness — 
you, gentlemen, will feel inclined to support this, my hum- 
ble claim, for the recognition of the legitimate character 
of the independence of my native land. [Applause.] As 
to financial aid, that is a matter of delicate consideration, 
which I entirely leave to your generosity. But I avail 
myself of this opportunity, highly to proclaim, that it is 
not my design to get money here to carry on war in Hun- 
gary; but only to have that material financial aid, by the 
help of which we could succeed to come into a condition, 
not unprepared to meet the opportunity which God, I 
hope, will soon give. [Applause.] There is a great 
difference in these two words. If once war breaks out' 
my nation will find means enough in its own patriotism, 
in its own resources, to carry on that war. We have car- 
ried it on without any foreign financial help. But to be- 
come not unprepared to meet the opportunity, not only in 
that, but in every other respect, there we want the aid of 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 269 

generous men and of the free nations, because Hungary is 
oppressed. It has no public life ; and the slightest mani- 
festation of patriotic feeling there is a crime, which the 
hangman and the scaffold attest. And, I openly declare, 
that whatever financial aid I may be so happy as to obtain 
from the generosity of the people of the United States, I 
will never employ it in such a manner as is not permitted 
by your laws; because, I not only would respect them, but 
I am firmly determined not to evade your laws. It is from 
this motive that I not even solicit the formation of an 
armed expedition to help Hungary; though, perhaps, the 
generous sympathy of the people of the United States 
would have afforded an opportunity even for this. But, 
when the time comes, when we fight the battle for freedom 
and independence once more, I confidently hope that, out 
of the generous ranks of the gallant militia of the United 
States, there will be found single men, who, of their own 
will, without any interference on my part, be glad to share 
the glory of that battle of freedom, of humanity, [applause] 
of course, only as far as the laws of your country will per- 
mit them to do so. That you, gentlemen, are ready to ac- 
complish these humble wishes — which I have had the honor 
to mention now briefly, and to state more largely at the 
banquet of the city of New York — I have a guarantee in 
those principles which your leader — your general, gave 
me high benefit to express. I thank you for the expres- 
sion of these principles. I thank you for your generous 
sympathy for my native land. I thank you for the frater- 
nal reception and welcome to my companions, the devoted 
sons of Hungary, who are ready to sacrifice life and for- 
tune to the freedom and independence of their native land. 
[Cheers.] There are several among them who were al- 



270 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ready soldiers before our past struggles for our country's 
freedom; and they offered and employed their military 
skill and their practical knowledge to the service of their 
country. There are several who were not soldiers before, 
who were led, not by professional inclination, but by pa- 
triotism to embrace the cause of their native land; and 
they have proved to be as decidedly brave and efficient 
supporters of that cause, as those who had before already 
offered and devoted their life to military skill and science. 
Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for 
them, I promise you, general, that I will prove their grati- 
tude. I will point out to those gentlemen, in our next 
struggle, the most dangerous places, and I know they will 
feel honored by it; and so I will give them an opportunity 
to show, by facts to you, that they are not only worthy of 
this sympathy, but that they also know how, in the best 
and most honorable way, to give sympathy to the brave 
and honorable militia of the city of New York. 

As to myself, I have here a sword at my side, given to 
me by an American citizen. This being a gift from a 
citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of en- 
couragement for me, to go in that way, which, with the 
blessing of Almighty God, will perhaps lead us to see our 
father-land again independent and free [applause] ; and I 
swear, here, before you, gentlemen, that this American 
sword, in my hand, will always be faithful to the cause of 
freedom — that it will be foremost in the battle for it, and 
that it never will be polluted, either by ambition or cow- 
ardice. [Great applause — the audience rising in their 
seats, waving hats, and continuing their cheers for several 
minutes.] 

First Division of the New York State Militia ! I engage 
you to become the controlling power of this, my solemn 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 271 

oatli. I thank you, once more, for your generous sympathy. 
[Renewed applause.] 

At the conclusion of his speech, the Governor resumed 
his seat, amid the long-continued plaudits of his auditors. 

General Sandford presented the following resolutions; 
which were adopted unanimously: 

Resolved, That this division sympathizes most deeply 
with the Hungarian nation, in its struggle to maintain its 
independence against the combined powers of Austria and 
Eussia; and deems the intervention of Russia, in the affairs 
of Hungary, a violation of the laws of nations, and an out- 
rage upon justice and humanity. 

Resolved, That we regard Hungary as having entitled 
herself to the position of an independent nation; and we 
respectfully urge her recognition by our Government, at 
the earliest appropriate season. 

Resolved, That we hold the right of every nation to 
regulate its own domestic concerns without the inter- 
ference of any other power — a principle of international 
law — and that we will urge the recognition of this prin- 
ciple, by our Government, in its intercourse with foreign 
nations. 

Resolved, That, for the purpose of aiding the Governor 
of Hungary in his efforts to establish the independence 
of his country, a committee be appointed, consisting of 
the general oificers, and three oflB.cers from each regiment 
of this division, for the purpose of collecting subscriptions 
from this division, and to unite with any committee to be 
appointed by our fellow citizens, in aid of the Hungarian 
fund. 



272 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

(!De iBBtekif, iHBiEkr 17tli, 

He was first addressed by a delegation of the citizens of 
Philadelphia, and Kossuth replied as follows : 

As to the noble sympathy of the citizens of the city of 
" Brotherly Love," which you were pleased to express, in- 
tending to have the honor of addressing the citizens of 
Philadelphia at large, very soon, you will permit me to 
delay my answer to all those expressions of sympathy 
until I meet you in your own city. The second or third 
day after my arrival here I received an invitation from 
the municipal authorities of Philadelphia, which I ac- 
cepted, and it remained only to arrange the affairs with 
reference to it. I have placed myself, for the time I shall 
remain in Philadelphia, entirely at the disposal of your 
authorities. If I accept this invitation I cannot accept 
the other, and, therefore, gentlemen, I shall feel highly 
honored if you will work in co-intelligence with them — 
that you will enter into communication with your own 
public authorities, and arrange matters as you please. 
Accept my warm thanks for this expression of your kind- 
ness. 

Mr. Rbmak said, that it was to be understood that Mr. 
Faquar, representing the CommoUjCouncil of Philadelphia, 
was present, and coincided with the delegation. 

Kossuth said he so understood it, but the delegation 
asked him if he could accept a public dinner. His an- 
swer was, that he had accepted the invitation of the cor- 
porate authorities of Philadelphia, and could not there- 
fore dispose of himself. He could not enter into such par- 
ticulars now; it depended entirely upon the judgment, the 
kindness — the favor which they would bestow upon him. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 273 

DELEGATION FROM BURLINGTON, N. J. 

A delegation of the citizens of Burlington, New Jer- 
sey, were then presented, and, through their chairman, 
tendered to the Governor the hospitalities of their city. 
Kossuth thus replied : 

Accept my grateful thanks, for the sentiments you have 
pleased to express for me, so far as I have the honor to 
be connected with the great principle of the freedom and 
independence of Hungary, and of the nations of Europe. 
I know very well the part that New Jersey took in the 
struggle for independence, led on by your great Washing- 
ton. In regard to the invitation you have presented to 
me, in the name of your ancient state, I cannot give any 
decisive answer. In two or three days I shall leave 
New York for the seat of government, and I cannot say 
whether I shall return to New York by the same route 
by which I leave. If, on my return, circumstances shall 
make it convenient and practical for me to accept your 
invitation, then, of course, I shall feel highly rejoiced to 
have the honor to meet the citizens of Burlington, in their 
own city. 

OFFICERS OF THE NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS. 

Lieutenant Colonel Ward B. Burnett, with the officers 
of the New York Volunteers, that served in Mexico, 
were next presented. Colonel Burnett briejfly addressed 
the governor, and presented him the sum of seventy-five 
dollars, to be devoted to the cause of Hungary. After an 
introduction to each person, Governor Kossuth replied 
as follows : 

18 



274 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Accept my warm acknowledgments, for the gratification 
I have received, not only in the testimonial of sympathy 
but for that practical aid you have rendered. You have 
a claim, not to acknowledgments only, but to the admira- 
tion of the world, for the bravery and gallantry with 
which you fought for the interests of your country. I have 
read, with very great interest, the history of the war with 
Mexico. I have a splendid edition of that work, which I 
read on my passage, and I read it with that admiration 
which every man must pay to bravery. 

THE PIANO-FORTE MAKERS. 

The workmen from the piano-forte manufactory of 
Messrs. Bacon & Raven, in Centre street, were then pre- 
sented. They had subscribed among themselves the sum 
of eight hundred and five dollars, which they came to pre- 
sent to Governor Kossuth, as their offering to the cause 
of Hungary. Through their chairman, they presented 
him with an address, and a check for the amount of their 
subscription. Governor Kossuth received this offering 
with evident satisfaction, and listened to their address 
with the deepest attention. In reply to them, he said : 

Gentlemen : — I feel highly honored by your sympathy, 
and I receive your gift with the warmest feelings of grat- 
itude, in the name of my father-land, as a gift, which, 
together with the one I received from the working men 
from the manufactory of Mr. Herring, is the most precious 
of all I have had the honor to receive. [Applause.] Be- 
cause, every shilling of this gift to freedom is enhanced 
in value by the noblest condition of man — by the condi- 
tion of honest labor. [Applause.] I beg leave, in thank- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 275 

ing -you most "warmly, to state, that you can be assured, 
in your noble minds, that the cause of Hungary, upon 
which you bestow your sympathy, and to which you render 
assistance by your glorious gifts, is really the cause of 
freedom throughout the European continent; for, not only 
may Hungary promote the extension of freedom and inde- 
pendence to some of your native lands — it must do so — 
but it is the condition of the freedom and independence 
of Europe. Without the restoration of Hungary to its 
independence, Europe cannot become free and independ- 
ent. Why ? Because, in Europe, it is a historical fact 
that the Russian government is not the Russian nation. 
I have very often had the opportunity to express my 
views, in that respect; that, in my opinion, there is a dif- 
ference between the Russian nation, the Russian people, 
and the Russian government. I love, esteem, and revere 
the Russian people as much as any in the world. The 
more it is oppressed the more it has a claim to the sym- 
pathies of my heart. I know very well that, as we have 
a common Father in heaven, even so has mankind one 
common destiny on earth — and that is liberty. That is 
also the destiny of the Russian nation, in the providence 
of God. I confidently hope and believe, that the senti- 
ment of freedom will yet rise over that nation; and, in- 
dulging that hope and belief, I desire to contribute all 
that is in my power to that great aim; because it will be a 
great achievement, in the destinies of mankind, to see so 
large and numerous a nation, not the tool to the arrogant 
Czar, but a free and independent nation. [Applause.] 
Therefore, when I speak of the Russian government, I 
speak of it as a despotism which encroaches upon the 
independence and freedom of the people, which numbers 



276 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

some seventy millions. That despotic power is the source 
of all others. It is that power upon which leans every 
petty tyrant of Europe, eager, in his boldness, to crush 
down the liberty of his nation, Russia is that power, and 
what can shake her when she goes on to encroach upon 
European liberty ? Hungary is placed in the geographi- 
cal position to be the first barrier Russia has to meet. If 
she does not break upon that barrier, she will go on with 
her preponderance of power, to crush every other nation. 
That preponderance, once in Hungary, we have many 
proofs that it will override all Europe. Now, as to Aus- 
tria, three years ago, she was in a condition in which her 
very existence depended entirely upon the mercy of this, 
my poor hand, and, had I then thought her so wicked, she 
would not have been in existence at this moment, still less 
in a condition to oppress certain unfortunate nations. 
Such was the condition of the house of Austria then. 
What is it now ? Wherever there is peaceful resistance 
to the absolutistical encroachments of tyrants, as in Hesse 
Cassel, it is crushed down by Austria, because Russia 
lends her aid. So Hungary, Germany, Italy, Schleswig, 
are crushed by a power which could not exist, did it not 
lean upon Russia. And the certainty that every tyrant is 
in the condition to rely, with perfect confidence upon Rus- 
sian aid, gives her boldness to crush down his nation; and 
this checks the resolution, firmness and courage of nations 
to resist. The people of Schleswig Holstein and Hesse 
Cassel have not only to encounter their own government, 
but that of Austria; and, not only Austria, but Russia, 
which is ready to help every tyrant to crush his nation. 
Now, when we beat down Austria, we beat down that 
power which now, leaning on Russia, goes on, from state 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 277 

to state, in the European continent, everywhere to op- 
press freedom, when it dares to raise its head. And then, 
when we crush Austria, the people have no more to fear 
from that despotic power which this boldness assumes, in 
consequence of Russian aid. And then we have made a 
barrier against Russia; then we have made, by our geo- 
graphical position, every nation which is behind, and more 
to the west of Europe, independent. Being free, they can 
dispose of their own affairs, and make people acknowledge 
the sovereign of every nation to dispose of its own domes- 
tic affairs. Therefore, I insist upon that point — that the 
cause of Hungary is not only worthy, for itself, of the 
generous sympathy you have shown, by these your gifts, 
but it is chiefly worthy, because, without the independence 
of Hungary, Russian despotism will go on encroaching, 
with its power and might, over the whole of European 
freedom; and it will give, again and again, boldness to 
every petty tyramt to oppress his people, and check every 
nation to resist his oppression. Therefore, the independ- 
ence of Hungary is so necessary to the freedom and inde- 
pendence of Europe, that the latter cannot be achieved 
without the former. Hungary must break the waves of 
despotism, as, in olden times, the infidel powers, encroach- 
ing, broke on our borders. We are a people that has suf- 
fered much for that cause, because it was a holy cause, and 
Hungary is not sorry for those sufferings. We have ar- 
rested the progress of Ismaelism, and caused it to break 
on the barrier which we interposed. [Applause.] And 
now we desire to stop the progress of the absolutistical 
and despotical barbaric power of the Russian Czar, upon 
the oppression of the Hungarian people, that Europe may 
be free and independent. This is our situation, assigned 



278 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

to US by God. It is a dangerous situation ; full of suf- 
ferings, we accept it heartily with manly resolution ; I 
give you my word, in the name of my nation. But we 
look, of course, to other people, for that brotherly aid, 
placed, as we are, in such an important situation, to be- 
come the barrier against despotism, and to defend the first 
fortress of civilization against encroaching barbarism. 
That is my cause. Upon that cause you have bestowed 
your generous aid — that aid won by the work of your own 
hands. Therefore, accept my warmest thanks — the warm- 
est sentiments of my heart. [Applause.] I am glad to 
see so large a number of working men that have shown 
their sympathy to my cause. The larger the number, the 
more am I gratified, because, all my life I have been ac- 
customed to earn my honest livelihood by my honest labor. 
[Applause.] 

Governor Kossuth then received each member of the 
delegation, shaking hands with them as they passed him. 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN GENERAL COMMITTEE. 

Messrs. Daniel E. Sickles, Charles Francis, James S. 
Libby, William M. Tweed, and Augustus Schell, on behalf 
of the Democratic Republican General Committee, pre- 
sented an address, and a copy of a series of resolutions 
passed by that body. In closing his address, Daniel B. 
Sickles, the chairman of the delegation, said: 

Some noble examples have been already made public, 
of large contributions, in money, to the noble cause of 
Hungary. A few can emulate these, and only a few. But 
there are millions of men, women, and children in the 
United States, whose heart, and hopes, and prayers are 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 279 

with you. These cannot give thousands, or hundreds, or 
tens; but they can and will give their dollar. It is to 
this multitude of modest and humble givers that I would 
desire to set an example, which I take this opportunity to 
do, in offering, as my contribution to the treasury of free- 
dom, a golden dollar, fresh from our free mines of the 
Pacific. Millions will follow, from poor, but willing 
hands, and the " almighty dollar," while it may continue to 
be the proverbial type of a money-making people, will at 
the same time become a symbol of its noblest instincts 
and its truest ambition. 

» To this address Governor Kossuth thus responded ; 

Sir : — You have spoken to me words, and you have 
stated to me principles which send a very strong thrill of 
joy through my heart. I thank you for it; and scarcely, 
in my humble answer- — which, of course, I know you will 
not expect to be an eloquent one, from the difficulty I find 
in speaking in a foreign tongue — scarcely need I, in my 
answer, refer to my wishes or my principles, because 
my wishes you have anticipated, and your principles 
are those which I profess to be governed by. [Ap- 
plause.] So I only humbly beg your kind permission 
to allow.me some few remarks, which were suggested to 
me by your generous address. You were pleased to be- 
stow upon my own humble self the praise of a high position 
in the popular cause of Europe — a position higher than 
that which degenerate humanity is accustomed, in olden 
times, to call high. Yes, gentlemen, there is something 
providental in my life, without any pretension, without 
any ambition on my part. Only think ! I was a humble 
citizen of my native land, born in a retired place, without 



280 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

any important connection, without any of those means 
which., under the given circumstances, could have promised 
any very large field of action; when, taking for the equi- 
valent of all the favor which fate can assign to man, my 
will to do as well, according to my humble abilities, as it 
was in my power to do, I proceeded to adopt the cause of 
humanity — to try what a single humble man, with very 
modest faculties, under very different circumstances, could 
contribute to the development of the life, liberty, and 
welfare of his own country and of humanity. I saw that 
whenever I met an obstacle — whenever the Austrian 
government in Hungary, absolutistical in its tendencies, 
raised a barrier before my activity — whenever it endeav- 
ored to crush me down — it was not my merit, but my fate 
— when I rose, that I felt myself more powerful than be- 
fore, and more enabled to do more good than before, 
[Applause, j I found the press in Hungary so much better, 
that when I came to the resolution that the first act in the 
regeneration of the Hungarian nation must be the freedom 
of that, I commenced, in the Oriental manner, to write my 
journal, which was nothing else than the report of the 
public proceedings in the Hungarian Parliament. I was 
put in prison for this, and I suffered in that lonely prison 
three years of torture. And when my nation, which took 
into consideration, not only my aim, but also the lawful- 
ness of my position, interfered so far as to declare that 
Parliament would not vote any taxes to the government 
until the wrongs impressed upon the national law and 
rights of my person was, at least, so far removed as to 
restore my humble self to liberty; when this interference 
took place and procured my liberty, I found myself in the 
position, after having been put in prison for writing what 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 281 

was publicly spoken, to become the editor of a public 
print. [Applause.] Still, my hands were fettered, because 
of the censorship, which was introduced by the absolutisti- 
cal tendency of the government. Even in that position, the 
newspaper, which I had the honor to be the editor of, be- 
came a very mighty engine of the development of that 
public spirit, which, in a very short time — in eight years — 
became such as to merit the sympathy of the world — such 
as to merit your sympathy, which I consider to be the 
sanction of all those rights to which humanity is called by 
its destiny. Well, the government again succeeded to 
turn me out of this position, and tore the press from my 
hands. But I thought, to a man who had the will to be 
active for the cause of freedom, there was no power on 
earth to hinder him, so far as not to leave him a place for 
activity; and so I resolved — " If you take the press out of 
my hands by force and violence, I will take my ground 
upon the liberty of the world; if you shut me out of public 
political life, I will go down to social life; if you even shut 
me out of social life, I will go down to family life; from 
that to single private life; and I will yet never, so long 
as I live, let you succeed entirely to impede my activity 
so but that I will find out some small place in which to 
do all the good I can." [Applause,] So, the press being 
turned out of my hand, I bestowed my humble faculties 
and activity upon the establishment of societies for mate- 
rial purposes — for such purposes as were connected with 
the material welfare of my country, as in no other way 
was it possible to do any thing. The Austrian govern- 
ment, always suspecting some political aim — so much so, 
that I could hardly ever eat a dinner but there was sus- 
pected to be a political aim [laughter] — made opposition 



282 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

to it by those means which such a government has in its 
hands; and what was the consequence? That all these 
classes of the Hungarian people — agriculturists, manufac- 
turers, merchants — for the promotion of the material 
interests of whom, I had established, without any political 
aim — associations, seeing that the government was re- 
solved to put a barrier and to oppose an obstacle even to 
all development of these material interests, were the more 
attached to me; and by-and-by, those who took no part in 
politics, seeing the government opposed to my associa- 
tions, which were only material; became interested also 
in my political views. They felt drawn to me in respect 
to politcial views, and sympathizing with me, became a 
great party, the party of the nation, and that which car- 
ried the day in 1848. Well, in the course of my destiny, 
I became a poor, persecuted exile, cast back to far Asia. 
The first governor of Independent Hungary was a prisoner 
in the neighborhood of that place whence, a thousand 
years ago, the first leader of the Hungarian nation started. 
I was at Kutayah, and Angora, distant only some twenty 
hours from it, was the place where Hungarian Magyars 
stopped when they came down from Asia to find a new 
home in Europe. So destiny carries me back to the very 
place where our forefathers started out of Asia. [Ap- 
plause.] And, being so cast back, how came I out of this, 
my place? Under the protection of your glorious flag — 
[applause] — which was not in vain cast around the poor 
Hungarian — a name scarcely heard in America a few 
years ago. No ! it was not cast around me in vain. It 
was a great deed; it announced to the world that there 
was a mighty, free and glorious people, ready to protect the 
rights of humanity in the most distant Christian places in the 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 283 

world. [Applause.] Now, what changing fate you behold 
again ! Transported on your mighty ship, protected by 
your glorious flag, at whatever shore I touched — Italy, 
France, Portugal, England — everywhere the heart of hu- 
manity shouted out toward me with gratifying cheers. 
Now, I must feel humble under the weight of the great 
duty which this shout of humanity imposes upon me. But 
do not consider, gentlemen, the want of merit of my 
humble self. I know of no personal greatness in history. 
My conviction is, that, whatever man in history may have 
done the greatest deeds, and may be placed on the summit 
of the heights of humanity, he still is only able, with all his 
happy faculties, and all his success, to do what is the duty 
of every man toward himself and humanity. I know no 
personal greatness — all must disappear before the spirit 
of humanity. [Applause.] That is my conviction; there- 
fore, do not consider the want of merit of my humble self. 
Do not take it for ambition, because I have no ambition 
but one; which i's, not to have any ambition. Do not 
take it for ambition when I say — all this proves that there 
is something providential in my life. Perhaps I am re- 
served to fulfill some duties beneficial to humanity. That 
position I take. I never looked for a great field of duties, 
but I had, and will have, however, manly resolution enough 
to accept every duty which Providence assigns me, great 
or small. I accept it from divine Providence, and will 
endeavor to fulfill that duty, so far as I can, with honest 
resolution, with faithful heart. Now, that cheer of hu- 
manity, which greets me from Sweden down to the United 
States, that revelation of fraternal sentiment of the people 
of difierent nations, and that conviction that there is a 
solidarity, an identity, in the destinies of mankind, and 



284 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

that those destinies of mankind can, in no corner of the 
world, be crushed down without other parts and other 
members of the same great family of mankind will be 
afflicted by it, strengthens me in my career, and leads me 
to believe that my own humble self has become, by provi- 
dential destiny, an instrument for the manifestation of this 
brotherly feeling of nations. 

Sir, you have spoken of France. I confidently hope 
that the great French nation will very soon succeed to 
make out of that glorious land a true republic. [Applause.] 
I hope that a true republic will be founded on such prin- 
ciples as will insure its sustinence and security against all 
difficulties connected with European life, at the present 
time. But I take the opportunity humbly to declare, that, 
having considered much the idea of centralization, I have 
come to the conviction that, for freedom, there is no du- 
rability in centralization; and I am convinced it will be 
the greatest benefit for humanity when the great French 
nation shall feel inclined to abandon -this propensity to 
centralization which is a legacy of ambitious men. To be 
conquerors, power must be centralized; but, to be a free 
nation, self-government must exist in every respect — in 
the family, in the community of villages, cities, counties, 
states. Only think, gentlemen, that with the centralized 
power, as it now exists in France, the government has in 
its hands an army of half a million of men, under the iron 
rule of discipline, which is necessary in a standing army. It 
has in its disposition a budget of more than one thousand 
millions of francs. It has the power to dispose of every 
public office in France. Again, it has a civil army of 
more than five hundred thousand men. The mayor of the 
least village can derive his employment from the govern- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 285 

ment. All the police, all the gens d''armes — in a word, 
every means of authority is in the hands of the govern- 
ment. Now, I humbly entreat you, gentlemen, is it not 
clear, with such power in their hands, not to become dan- 
gerous to liberty, it would be necessary that every presi- 
dent of France should be a Washington? And Washingtons, 
to be sure, are not so thickly strewn around. [Laughter.] 
Wo to the country whose freedom depends upon the per- 
sonal character of a single man. [Applause.] Their 
institutions will be such, that whatever be the personal 
character of the man in whose hands power is placed, let him 
be the best or worst man in the world, he never will have 
power to oppose his position against the freedom of his 
own country. Men very often deceive themselves in the 
choice of individuals. We cannot discern the secret 
inclinations of the human heart; and therefore, it is my 
humble conviction, that it would be a great benefit to hu- 
manity if the French nation should feel inclined to 
abandon this propensity to centralization, and have her 
own principle of liberty, equality, and fraternity, carried 
out by self-government. Then France would be the great 
basis of republican institutions for all nations on the 
European continent. The phrase sovereignty of the people, 
I, for myself, take to be such a phrase that the right to 
cast a vote for the election of a president once in four 
years, does not exhaust the sovereign right of the nation.. 
The people must be sovereign in the family, in the com- 
munal, in the country, in the state — everywhere. The 
people has to decide about its own matters. Everywhere 
it must be masters of its own fate, and everywhere the 
interest of the people must be founded upon the principle 
of universal suffrage, which gives the right to the majority 
to rule in^the village, in the city, in the town, in the country, 



286 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

in the state. Without this principle there is no sovereignty. 
To give a vote for president once in four years, is a little 
share out of the sovereignty of the people. Everywhere, 
in every moment, must the people feel, in its domestic re- 
lations, that it is the sovereign people that is the master 
of its own fate. 

You have spoken about certain men — the men of peace, 
who will have peace at any price. Now I will not misuse 
your kindness to accord to me a hearing to my dry stam- 
mering words [cries of " go on!"] and, therefore, I will not 
enter into a discussion of what is the condition of the 
peace of the world. You, of course, feel that freedom is 
the condition of the peace of the world. So long as na- 
tions are oppressed, and therefore not contented, there can 
be no peace on earth. There may be men who prefer 
even oppression to incurring danger to shake off oppres- 
sion; but, I am sure there are millions who fear deathless 
than oppression. And, therefore, without contentment of 
nations, without freedom in the world, there can be no 
peace in the world. But I take things practically, and 
therefore will let that point pass. 

Now, I am here to claim, in my humble capacity, the 
practical aid of the people of your great Republic. Sup- 
pose there are some men who say, " We will not help the 
man, but we will have peace at any price, and though his 
principles be just, and his cause sound, still we will not 
help him because we will have peace." Now, if they do 
not aid me, will they have peace ? Will there be no revo- 
lution in Europe ? By no means; that is a necessity. 
Every man must feel that the revolution in Europe depends 
not upon the success of my mission here. It will take 
place; it is an unavoidable necessity, even by the French 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. ^87 

constitution itself. Therefore, there will not be peace 
whether they aid or aid me not. There will be war in 
Europe in any case. Therefore, the material interest of 
those gentlemen is rather to give their hand to the cause 
of the people. Your Eothschilds, and Barings, who have 
money — nay, all your men of wealth may give help to the 
despots of the world, as they have often done, and still 
there can be no peace, because the nations are oppressed, 
and they will not be oppressed. [Applause.] They will 
strike, and be ready to sacrifice their lives. Depend upon 
it, whatever material interest may lend its aid to peace, 
permanent peace can never be insured but by the content- 
ment of the nations as soon as possible. Because, if ma- 
terial aid is withheld from the attainment of that peace, it 
is possible the next struggle may crush down the nations 
who will not be contented, but will rise again and again, a 
hundred times. So there will be no tranquillity in Eu- 
rope; but she will constantly be a burning volcano, ready 
to burst out at the first opportunity. Therefore, if gen- 
tlemen must have peace, they must aid the revolution, 
which is to be the last resort — the last successful struggle 
for the rights of humanity. [Applause.] I could conceive 
the indifi"erence of men, if they hoped to avert the war by 
withholding aid; but they cannot, and the consequence 
will be, that the revolution will not be lost, but it will be 
won by a longer struggle than it would if all the means 
could be employed which are in the power of these very 
gentlemen, in favor of the people. 

Men talk of commercial interest. Well, gentlemen, I 
have pronounced one humble wish in regard to those com- 
mercial interests. I humbly entreat that the people of the 
United States may be pleased to declare that the right to 



REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

carry on cominerce with, whatever nation which is ready 
to accept this commercial intercourse, is a principle of in- 
ternational law which the people of the United States will 
not see violated by whatever tyrant. It is not your cause. 
If Hungary, Italy, or Germany, quarrel interiorly, it is a 
quarrel of a nation with its government. Is that a suffi- 
cient motive to deprive yourselves, citizens of the United 
States, of the right to carry on commerce with nations ? 
I believe not. What is it I claim ? I claim that the peo- 
ple of the United States should be pleased to declare that 
they will adhere to this, their right to carry on commerce 
with every nation that is ready to accept their commerce. 
You request your government to protect your commerce. 
And where is your commercial interest more than in that 
part where tyrants, on the slightest outbreak, shut out 
commerce with whole nations; in that part where the prin- 
ciple of free trade, of free intercourse with all nations of 
Europe can be carried out and established ? That is the 
case I represent and plead. Free commercial intercourse 
is not firmly established when tyrants can shut it out at the 
first revolt on this European continent. 

You will excuse me for having availed myself of this 
opportunity to express these humble remarks. I consider 
this opportunity to be a very important one. Though tak- 
ing my ground upon the principle of the sovereign right of 
every nation to dispose of its own affairs, I, of course, can- 
not have the pretension to mix with any party question 
whatever. It is a right I desire for my nation; therefore 
I respect it toward others. Still, it is permitted to me to 
know the strength and power of the democratic party in 
America; and I know that the success of that cause, I have 
the honor to plead before you, depends in a great part 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 289 

upon the support of the Democratic party. [Applause.] 
Though the party denominations — Whig and Democrat — 
as understood here in the United States, have a different 
meaning from their signification in Europe. I am told 
that the words " Democratic party," turn more upon prin- 
ciples of national economy than on the great principles of 
polity. I am so told; I do not know it; it is not my mat- 
ter. But still I may be permitted, without entering into 
any partial relations, to state that I am ver}^ glad to know 
that there exists in the United States a great political 
party which, without any interference of mine, pronounces 
these great principles, out of their own free will, to be the 
principle of that party. That is precisely, for the realiza- 
tion of which, I came to your glorious shores. [Applause.] 
And, therefore, for you, gentlemen, who, previously to my 
arrival here, have pronounced these principles — who were 
the true ones for the freedom of the world — from you I 
have nothing to desire; nothing to wish. To you I have 
only words of thanks and gratitude. 

But, sir, [stepping forward, and taking Mr. Sickles by 
the hand,] for the dollar you gave me, I thank you. The 
ocean, indeed, is composed of drops. The greatness in the 
development of humanity is not achieved by single men, 
but by the humble industry of all humanity, which, like the 
ant, is incessantly going on, on, to bring humanity nearer 
and nearer to the aim to which it is destined by Provi- 
dence. There are no men in the world who can dispose 
of such large sums as poor people can; because poor peo-. 
pie count by millions, and when they are counted by mil- 
lions of people, it becomes such a sum as no Rothschilds, 
can give. Those dollars of the people have yet a great 
value, great importance, because one million given by one 
19 



290 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

man — to be sure, it is one million, but it is only one man 
gives it — one million given by a million of men, gives not 
only the sum of a million of money, but it gives hope to 
the popular cause, it gives the sympathy, it gives the sup- 
port of a million of men, and that is a great benefit to the 
cause. Bless God for that word which you give me, that 
that dollar will be followed by many out of your people; 
because then your example, followed by millions, will not 
only, in a financial respect, be a great benefit, but will af- 
ford to humanity the great foundation of the destiny al- 
lotted to it by the Almighty — that great foundation upon 
which the freedom of the world will be raised. And there 
is then a great glory for your country, gentlemen, because 
it is fair to see a man or a people standing at the top of 
that mighty parapet of the pyramid of humanity; but it is 
more glorious to be the foundation of the mighty pillar of 
humanity. That is your destiny. It is the destiny of 
your great country. It is, therefore, that mankind looks 
with hope and confidence to you. 

Now, after expressing my thanks, it is a very sorrowful 
duty to me to have to give an answer which I would be very 
much pleased not to be forced to give, but which I cannot 
help. Every man depends upon circumstances. Had you 
given me the invitation some days sooner, of course, I not 
only would have accepted it, but would have considered it 
as a very great benefit. But I can stay no longer in New 
York than the next three days. I have engagements al- 
ready for those three days. I am also engaged already 
for other cities— Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington. 
I have only seven days in the week, and twenty-four hours 
in the day. [Laughter.] If I have eight days in the week, 
or even twenty-five hours in the day, the eighth day, or 
the twenty-fifth hour should be yours. [Laughter and ap- 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 291 

plause.] To be present among you personally in Tam- 
many Hall, which, though I have not seen, is not unknown 
to me. From long acquaintance already, I know what 
place it is; what principles are proclaimed there. It would 
have been a high gratification to me to meet your party 
there. But then I cannot answer it now under present 
circumstances. Perhaps you will give me permission to 
say this much, that, as it is a great probability that when I 
shall be about to return to Europe, I will probably leave the 
United States from New York city again; if there is only 
a possibility, then I will entreat you to expect from me a 
letter, in which I will state to you that I will come to New 
York on such a day. Of course, I cannot make great 
speeches; I am quite run out of my English knowledge; I 
feel every day that I will fall short of the public expecta- 
tion; will lose in sympathy when I address the public very 
often; [cries of " never !"] because it is almost impossible 
to answer the expectations in a foreign tongue, Avithout 
any preparation. But I cannot go on. As I said yester- 
day, I " put my trust in God, and keep my powder dry." 
Therefore, I hope that even then you will not expect from 
me a great speech, but that you will generously accept the 
plain announcement of my warmest thanks for you, and all 
the sympathy, support, and enunciation of those principles 
with which you anticipate my wishes. I humbly entreat 
you to give me permission to ask an interview with your 
party in Tammany Hall. If I have only one single hour 
to devote to that purpose, it shall be yours. [Applause.] 

(Dk €ljnrakt| mmi], Mmki Ml), 

Kossuth addressed the citizens of Brooklyn, in the Rev. 
Mr. Beecher's church, in Orange street, in that city. He 
spoke as follows: 



292 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

Ladies and Gentlemen: — Really, I feel no little em- 
barrassment. My generous friend, wlio did me the honor 
to introduce my humble self to you, said to you that he 
was but the mere shadow of good things that were to 
come after him. I believe we are not in the morning, but 
in the evening time, when the shadow does not precede 
the body, but follows. [Great laughter and cheering.] 

Could I have anticipated that, in having the honor to 
come to Brooklyn, ladies and gentlemen, you would meet 
me with the expectation of hearing an eloquent speech, I 
should have felt it my duty at once to beg to be excused 
from the acceptance of that invitation. The sympathy 
■with which I have been honored since my arrival here — 
the sympathy, not for myself, but for the cause of my 
down-trodden land — is so universally diffused, I believe 
that I have a right to suppose that all know how every 
moment of my time has been engaged since I came here; 
therefore, of course, I came not here preparedly to make 
any eloquent speech. I came here to meet those, who, by 
their own generous inspiration, felt inclined to give their 
brotherly hand to the cause of freedom and the develop- 
ment of Hungary, and, with it, the cause of freedom and 
development of many nations on the European continent. 
I come hither to thank you, according as circumstances 
may suggest, for this your sympathy, and not with the 
hope to please you, and you will fall short of your 
expectations. 

A few moments ago, I said I was entirely unprepared 
to address you in such a manner as would content you; I 
was told I must rely upon inspiration. Well, but inspira- 
tion comes from above. Inspiration is not in the power 
of man. Man has no power but to be an honest man; 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH, 293 

every thing else is a gift of Him, and when He withholds 
that gift, we have not the right to murmur about it. Of 
course I do not know whether I shall have the inspiration 
or not; and, if not, I trust you will excuse me. 

When I have the honor to look around me, what con- 
siderations offer themselves to my mind ! The first is, 
that I am in the house of God; and the second is, that in 
this holy place I meet an assembly of the friends of free- 
dom, who come to assist the cause of liberty and of equality 
in my father-land. Therefore, two considerations offer 
themselves to my mind. One is a religious one and the 
second is a financial one. I am fully aware that, when I 
was a captive in far Asia — when I could not even have 
dreamed that there were hearts here who beat with com- 
misseration in my behalf — you — inspired by the noble sen- 
timents of the man whom you have chosen to take care of 
your religious interests, (and never was there a nobler 
hearted man than the one you have chosen to the place 
you have) — then addressed your prayers for me to God; 
and now, by your very presence you have shown that you 
remember, also, the teachings of our Savior, when he told 
mankind to " Pray, but be watchful." You are watchful 
in respect to the interests of humanity; and, in my opinion, 
it is a religious duty of man to be so, because I consider it 
a truth that the Christian religion is for everlasting the 
true source of liberty for mankind upon this earth. The 
great principle which our Savior taught is a principle of 
equality before God. He who said that his kingdom was 
not of this earth, not only taught us the means of salva- 
tion, but, by proclaiming this great principle, He provided 
for mankind's being free and equal in their earthly exis- 
tence — to be all free — equally free here to enjoy the bene- 



294 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP , 

fits of nature, for tliey are equally called by our Lord to 
share the greatest and the last destiny of mankind — bliss 
in heaven. I am fully convinced that the next great event 
of our period is to bring about a new reformation in 
Christianity — not in respect to doctrines, but in respect 
to those great principles of ChTistianity which teach us to 
" love our neighbor as we love ourselves" — and that they 
may and will be exercised out of private life. That will 
be the new development of Christianity, giving not only 
the hope of bliss to man in heaven, but also giving them 
liberty here on earth. [Applause.] 

The cause of Hungary is strongly connected with that 
principle, and it is also strongly connected with the prin- 
ciple of religious liberty on earth. You will ]3ermit me 
to cast some few glances back to the history of Hungary 
in that respect. In the first part of the sixteenth century, 
the battle of Mohaez was fought in Hungary, when the 
power of my nation was, by the Moslems, overthrown. • 
Then the nation — the country being then an elective king- . 
dom — divided into two parties, the one party electing to 
the kingly throne of Hungary a Hungarian by the name- 
of Zapoly, who was in the high position of governor of 
one part of Hungary, Transylvania; and the other party 
influenced by Austrian interests, elected Ferdinand, one 
of the House of Hapsburgh, to be king of Hungary. That 
was an unhappy act. Well, these two parties being thus 
divided, and being about of equal strength, a long struggle 
ensued, the result of which was, that the princes, or, as 
they were called, maimodes, of Transylvania, invoked 
Turkish help for themselves against the House of Austria. 
It is a curious circumstance, that religious liberty was so 
often oppressed by the House of Austria, that actually 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 295 

these princes of Transylvania, wlio were almost, if not 
subjects, vassals of the Turkish emperors, rose several 
times and led on Hungary to fight against the House of 
Austria for religious liberty. Here there was entire re- 
ligious liberty established in Transylvania, under the 
supremacy of the emperor of Turkey; while, on the other 
part of Hungary, where the Austrians ruled, there were 
eternal prosecutions, which several times went so far as, to 
induce my people to take up arms. It is true, that in the 
hour of its need, the House of Austria, at any time, coupled 
with the wishes of the nation, which was ever ready gene- 
rously to lay down the sword in the moment of victory, 
where the aim of the struggle seemed to be attained. But 
as soon as the Hungarians laid down the sword, the House 
of Austria proved faithless to its word and treacherous to 
its arrangements; and so it was that in Transylvania re- 
ligious liberty was established. Then the Catholic Church 
— the Greek Church — the Lutheran Church — the Unitarian 
Church — all were tolerated; whereas, religious liberty in 
other parts of Hungary, which were under Austrian rule, 
although secured by several pacifications and treaties, on 
which the conferred power of Austria was based, continued 
to be oppressed whenever the slightest opportunity offered. 
So far was this carried, that in the middle of the last cen- 
tury, under Maria Theresa, all who belonged not to the 
Catholic confession in Hungary, were entirely excluded 
from almost all civil rights, unless they pronounced an 
oath, which, according to their creeds, they could not pro- 
nounce. They were, therefoi-e, almost entirely excluded, 
and this, too, notwithstanding by the terms of treaties, 
and by several victories and pacifications, religious liberty 
and equality of creeds had been secured. Again, when 



/ 



296 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Josepli, who was in that respect a tolerant man, and who 
gave religious freedom to all in Hungary — succeeded 
Maria Theresa, scarcely was he in his grave, and the Em" 
peror Francis elected King of Hungary, than the persecu- 
tion of religious liberty was again commenced in Hungary. 
It was only in 1848, that religious liberty was entirely se- 
cured to whatever creed of whatever part of the people. 
It is, therefore, one peculiar fact of our past struggle, that 
we established, while it was going on, equality of rights 
and equal liberty to every religious conviction throughout 
the country. Whenever the Austrian has taken up arms 
against those laws, they have taken up arms absolutely 
against religious liberty in Hungary. 

That is the effect; the consequences I will show. I, for 
instance, belong, by birth and conviction, to the Lutheran 
Protestant Church. That church is quite a democratical 
institution in Hungary. Every man who resided in a 
village or city could have the right of participating in the 
election of minister, and for a civil inspector. Again, in 
a district which we call seignories, every citizen had the 
right to participate in the election of a senior minister 
and for a senior civil inspector. Again, several of these 
districts united to form a superintendency, and every man 
who belonged to the church, and lived in the superintend- 
ency, participated in the election of a superintendency 
civil inspector. Again, there was elected a common civil 
inspector, or rather a general civil inspector — because we 
do not like the idea of having any thing like a Pope — in 
whose election every man belonging to the church, shared. 
And we had a yearly one, and, if the exigency required it, 
at two several times, a general meeting, in which meeting 
the general inspector of the church was elected, on the 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 297 

basis of universal suffrage. Every one participated in 
these meetings who belonged to the church. That was 
truly a democratical institution. There we provided for 
the necessities of our civil and religious education, and 
there was full freedom. These things now are entirely 
unknown there; and it is the House of Austria which 
disposes now of the institutions of education, and of the 
condition of every church throughout the land. There- 
fore, I have a full right to say, that the cause of Hungary 
is the cause of religious liberty, and that the existence of 
the House of Austria is the existence of persecution to re- 
ligious liberty throughout Europe. [Applause.] 

It is my duty to state, that in former times, before our 
revolution, it was a highly gratifying sight to see, that in 
Hungary, in that Hungary which a great part of humanity 
did not even consider as belonging to the civilized world, 
but as one of those unknown countries of barbarity, that 
the peaceful struggle in legislation and in the public life 
of the nation for religious liberty of Protestantism, was 
chiefly carried on by Roman Catholics. In our par- 
liament it was only the Roman Catholic members who 
took the lead of the defence, and of the struggle of relig- 
ious liberty, who stood in the rear-guard; and I accord to 
them the glory to form the first line of battle for that re- 
ligious liberty. [Applause.] Perhaps no country in the 
world was ever in a condition to afford this gratifying 
sight to mankind. But of course, when I say that it was 
Roman Catholics who took the lead in the struggle for re- 
ligious liberty, I must state, without drawing any infer- 
ence from it, that it was not the Catholic bishops, but 
members of parliament. It was only reserved to our rev- 
olution of 1848, again to show out, before mankind, a great 



298 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

development of the glorious consequences of freedom even 
in that respect. The principle of liberty, common to all, 
without any respect to religion, without any respect to 
tongue, has purified the mind of men throughout our whole 
country, so much that when my nation imposed upon my 
humble shoulders the heavy duty to govern the land, I was 
willing to show what confidence I have in man's faith and 
belief in the principle of freedom ; and when I named the 
first independent ministry of Hungary, I chose a Catholic 
bishop to be the minister of public instruction. I, who am 
a Protestant, not only by birth but by conviction, must say 
that I felt fully justified by the success in making this 
choice; because the man whom I selected, fully justified 
the confidence I bestowed upon him. He has shown, and 
I, by my choice have shown, that where the constitution of a 
country is founded upon the principle of liberty and equal- 
ity of rights for all, that principle knows only citizens, and 
in considering every man to be a citizen, makes, and has 
no reason to make any distinction, out of regard to his po- 
litical social position, out of regard of his interest or pro- 
fession. [Applause.] The principle of liberty is one by 
which even a Catholic bishop is bound to his country and 
becomes a patriot. It is only possible under free institutions 
that a man who is chosen to be a minister of the word of God, 
clergyman, or according to certain sects, a priest, can re- 
main a clergyman with a burning heart for these, his du- 
ties. But when he is called to fulfill the duty of the citi- 
zen, then he is no longer a clergyman — he is only a citizen. 
[Applause.] That can only be under republican institu- 
tions. You will find no instance in history, where a Cath- 
olic monarch would have employed a Protestant priest to 
take care of the public instruction of the whole country; 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 299 

and you have never known even a Protestant king wlio 
would have employed a Catholic priest or bishop to take 
care of the public instruction. But under republican in- 
stitutions, in a country whose new government was found- 
ed upon liberty, there it was possible to do so. And it has 
proved that the choice was not a bad one.' The vitality 
of the principle of liberty I have never seen so gloriously 
demonstrated as by a chance which made it possible, with 
full security, to repose in the hands of the Catholic bishop 
the high interest of the public instruction of the whole 
country, whose entire equality of rights and full religious 
liberty was established as a common privilege to all. [Ap- 
plause.] But I may say, if it was possible for the Court 
of Rome to appreciate the value of that principle which in- 
duced me to act so in Hungary, Pius might have become 
the regenerator of Italy, and my friend Mazzini would not 
have been necessary for her independence. But, of course, 
the Court of Rome has not appreciated the value of this 
principle, and therefore Mazzini became necessary. Now, 
P believe that the temporal power of Rome is about falling 
down forever. That is my conviction. [Great applause.]. 
The temporal power of the Pope will probably fall down 
at the next revolution, the warning voice of which already 
fills the air, and which is pointed out by the finger of God. 
I say this prophetically. I have read it in the book of 
Providence — a book which is made to be a revelation to 
mankind, in history and in the exact knowledge of the 
public spirit of humanity. [Applause.] But I must tell 
you why it was necessary in Hungary to have a minister 
of public instruction. Here, in your republic, you have 
none such, I believe. It was necessary, because my prin- 
ciple and my country's principle was, that every church 



300 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

has a Ml right, a full liberty, to provide for public instruc- 
tion, and take care of that great interest of mankind, edu- 
cation, that every association, every man, has a right to be^ 
employed in that glorious field of public instruction to 
teach the people; but that the country at large has the 
duty not to relinquish this great interest of mankind, but 
to change it if there be an association to take care of it; 
if there be a church to take care of it, or a private man. 
But that necessity of public instruction, and the duty of 
every man to receive it, and take his part in the great ben- 
efit of it, is so universal, that it is the duty of the country 
to provide such institutions; such establishments, where 
every citizen can partake of the benefit of public instruc- 
tion, in case no church, no association, no single man would 
have provided for it. And therefore, our principle was, 
though the country must provide for public instructions, 
yet every church, every man, every association has also 
the right to provide for it; full liberty of instruction, full 
liberty of education, and not to make these great interests 
dependent upon chance, if there be found men to provide 
for it. Therefore we considered it to be our duty to pro- 
vide on behalf and from the state also, for the great benefit 
of public instruction; and so a minister was appointed to 
this branch. Another necessity was that practical men 
must take circumstances quite practically. There were in 
Hungary several classes, belonging chiefly to the Greek 
Church, who would have considered it as an oppression if 
we should have declared that we of the State of Hungary 
would give no national help to provide for their necessi- 
ties. And, therefore, we declared by law that Hungary 
affords equal rights, equal proteotion, equal aid, equal sup- 
port to all citizens in respect to their religious interest, 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 301 

and in respect to the interests of public education, to what- 
ever religion they belonged. It was not my principle, but 
I was forced, of course, to accept the circumstances as they 
were. And even I myself, at the very time when I was 
Governor of Hungary, having ceased to be a citizen of 
Hungary, did not cease to be a member of the church to 
which I belong; and, therefore,, in my social interest, I al- 
ways advocated the voluntary principle; that is, the prin- 
ple not to accept any material aid, any support, on the part 
of the public authorities; and by not accepting this to con- 
serve the entire authority and freedom of every class to 
dispose of its own domestic affairs. But there were some 
others who would have considered it as some oppression, 
and would have the country withdraw and withhold its 
support. My principle, and that which I consider the 
principle of the majority of my nation, which I, by the 
blessing of God and the free nations, will carry out, my 
principles in relation to religious interests in the country, 
are two. One principle is, that the church shall not med- 
dle with politics, and the government shall not meddle with 
religion. [Great and long continued applause.] 

There is one other principle, which, to make understood, 
I must beg leave to make some few remarks upon. I con- 
sider that in every country, in every society, there are two 
different concerns of its members. There are political and 
civil concerns on one side, and there are on the other side 
social concerns. The difference between the two is, that 
for the public and civil concerns of a society the civil au- 
thority must be established. The only possible lawful 
basis of civil authority is territorial jurisdiction, that every 
man who lives upon certain territory, to whatever politi- 
cal profession, tongue, nationality and religion he may be- 



302 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

long, in political and civil respects, has to respect the civil 
authority of that territory. But these concerns are founded 
upon territory, and that civil authority has territorial ju- 
risdiction. Now, in respect to social interests, it is quite 
the contrary. Social interests have nothing to do with 
territory, and can therefore not be subjected to territorial 
jurisdiction ; nor can they claim any territorial jurisdic- 
tion. The Congregationalists of Brooklyn can unite 
together to form a congregation. In what respect ? 
In respect to their commercial interests ? Will they make 
and establish tribunals for commercial interests ? Or will 
they have the pretension to exercise an authority in their 
congregation for other portions of the population of Brook- 
lyn also ? No ! I believe it is only for their own religious 
purposes. And they can unite with other congregations 
of other cities, but only on the basis of this religious in- 
terest, which is a moral one. But they cannot claim any 
territorial jurisdiction by the authority of this social in- 
terest here, on the territory of Brooklyn. That makes the 
difference. Religion is no institution. It is a matter of 
conscience. It is connected with the soul of man. But 
the church is an institution — an institution for religion; 
and that institution can only be a social one, because it re- 
spects and regards only the social interests of men, in one 
respect, that is in a religious respect. Now, if that prin- 
ciple be true, the consequence of it must be that no state 
in the world can be founded on any other basis than that 
of civil and political authority, founded upon territorial 
jurisdiction. No state can be founded upon one single 
social interest, and therefore neither upon religion nor 
upon nationality, because both these are moral interests. 
It is the same with religion as it is with nationality. There 
are in the United States citizens belonging, in respect to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 303 

language, to most different nations. Well, the Germans 
of Brooklyn may form an association to promote the de- 
velopment of their language, of their own civilization, of 
their literature, of their own nationality. They may unite 
with the Germans of New York, and I do not know but 
the whole Union. But upon this basis of their nationality 
they cannot have a claim to a territorial jurisdiction here, 
in Brooklyn, New York, or anywhere, because, in whatever 
place, territorial jurisdiction cannot be founded, cannot be 
exercised, only by men belonging to one nationality. If 
that country is to be free, her territorial jurisdiction must 
embrace all the citizens who live upon the territory; all 
must be equally free. And therefore it is that a false pre- 
judice, which is very dangerous to the development of lib- 
erty, and is in some parts of Europe very largely diffused, 
that nationality is the basis and foundation of states, and 
the world must be divided anew according to nationality. 
Well, then, every nationality would be in a condition to 
shut up the doors of its country against any man who 
speaks not the language, of course; because else it would 
be an oppression of every man who speaks not the tongue, 
to withhold from him equality of rights and liberty. It is 
not possible. It is the greatest absurdity to be willing to 
give a basis of nationality, as also it would be a great ab- 
surdity to give a basis of a church to a state for a founda- 
tion. That would be despotism. Where the social inter- 
est pretends to rule the territory, there is a despotism. 
Where there is freedom, there is* the principle that citizens 
have common liberty, common right, and the full protec- 
tion of law and of institutions, to unite and form associa- 
tions for the development and for the security of their so- 
cial interests, but without any pretension to rule the ter. 
ritory of that community. 



304 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

That is the principle, in respect to the social interest, 
which plays so great a part now in" Europe's continent; 
which gives me, gentlemen, one claim to your generous 
aid, because the freedom and independence of Hungary is 
the ground of social and religious liberty throughout Eu- 
rope. You know that the House of Austria was never 
very propitious to the principle of religious liberty ; that 
whenever it came to any strength, its first step was to 
break down that liberty, even where it was established by 
such victories and treaties upon which its own existence 
rested. You know the power which helps Austria to turn 
over Hungary, Russia, is even less propitious to the prin- 
ciple of religious liberty. You know those cruelties, 
which, in Russia, under the supremacy of the Czar him- 
self, were perpetrated, during the last year, upon the peo- 
ple belonging to any other than the Greek Church. Even at 
this present time, the poor Jews, for instance, are so much 
persecuted for their religion, and are not allowed the poor 
custom to wear their hair in a certain manner; and their 
dress was torn down from their bodies, and their heads, if 
not shaved, at least their hair was obliged to be cut very 
short. They were not permitted to have any mark by 
which to show that they did not belong to the Greek 
Church. That is the power which has the preponderance 
over Europe. Now, what is the power which can oppose 
a barrier to these despots ? It is only Hungary. We are 
placed, by the providence of God to, to become once more 
the vanguard of civilization, the vanguard of religious 
liberty for the whole European continent, against the en- 
croachment of Russian despotism, as we have done already; 
and we have bled for it for more than two centuries, when 
nation had the glorious calling, from God received, to be my 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 305 

the barrier for Christianity against Islamism. [Applause.] 
How can it become a barrier of civilization and liberty 
against Russia ? That is, gentlemen, I believe, one of ray 
claims to the generous aid of every government in the 
world. [Applause.] Indeed, I am not prepared for cheers. 
I have not spoken for them. You see I speak very 
plainly, as if I were at home; and I feel at home in your 
midst. [Great applause.] I have not the pretension to 
be eloquent. 

In the beginning, if I rightly remember, I told you that 
two considerations were suggested to my mind by this, 
my present situation : — First, the religious, because I am 
in the house of God ; and, secondly, the commercial, 
financial consideration, because you came, not to have the 
pleasure to hear me speak, but to give practical aid to the 
cause of Hungary. [Applause.] I am told, ladies and 
gentlemen, that you are willing to bestow to that cause 
some substantial help — plainly speaking, some money. 
[Laughter.] Now, you will ask, to what purpose will 
this aid be given ? I was told that there are men who 
say, " I cannot do it, because you will use, to carry on 
war, the help which I bestow." I say, gentlemen, it is not 
my intention to employ that substantial aid which you 
give me, to carry on war. But, my intention is to employ 
it in such a manner as not to be unprepared to meet the 
exigencies of approaching circumstances ; [Great laugh- 
ter] — to avail myself of that opportunity which God will 
give to restore my father-land to freedom and independ- 
ence. You seem, gentlemen, to think I have made a bad 
joke, in saying that I will not employ it to carry on war, 
but to be prepared to meet circumstances. Permit me to 
say, I have not made a joke. I will explain. There is 
20 



3C6 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

a great difference. First, wars are very expensive. I 
know it to be so. [Laughter.] We are in no condition 
to defend ourselves when attacked by a great prepared 
army, not having a single soldier, or a single dollar in the 
public treasury, or one musket, or one cannon, or one hun- 
dred weight of powder. We raised people inspired by 
patriotism and love of liberty, two hundred thousand 
armed men. We beat our enemy, and carried on war for 
more than one year. It is no small part of the history of 
the past struggle of Hungary, that we have had to pay 
for every thing very dear. Of course, it was very hard 
work, and dangerous for those who gave us some supplies, 
and, therefore, they made us pay very expensive prices. 
And, somehow, we had not time enough to look at the 
accounts, because we had to fight every day. So it may 
be that some millions have passed through the fingers, 
here or there — where, I do not know. [Laughter.] And, 
notwithstanding the whole expenditure for the Hungarian 
war, was not more than thirty-five millions of dollars, in 
the creation of that great army, and for the whole war; 
that was the expenditure, and I believe that no other 
country in the world, can show an instance of such a Re- 
markably cheap war. But, gentlemen, I have not the 
expectation, nor the desire, notwithstanding all the gene- 
rous sympathy which I have received here, of getting the 
help of thirty-five millions of dollars; and, therefore, you 
can rely on my declaration when I say, that I do not look 
for aid to carry on war that is expensive, and I do not 
want so much aid. Therefore, it is not a joke when I 
said that the aid was not to be instrumental in carrying 
on a war, but was to be appropriated to meet circumstan- 
ces as they might arise. Now, what is my meaning? Do 



GOYERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 30Y 

you believe that there is no possibility for Hungary to be 
restored to its independence and freedom without a long 
and bloody war? I say to you there is a possibility. 
Give only the help which I humbly entreat you — carry out 
those principles of international law which 1 humbly sug- 
gest, and become the executive power of international 
law, and then give me material aid — not to the extent of 
thirty-five millions of dollars ; ten millions would be 
sufficient ; five millions perhaps would do — and then 
what will be the consequence ? Most probably the conse- 
quence would be, that we will scarcely have to fight more 
than one battle. Why, upon what reposes the power of 
Austria ? Upon the love of the nations ? I need not 
say that the nations do not love their oppressors. Then, 
upon what reposes the power of Austria? Why, it has 
three supports— J.oans, the army, and Russia. Are the 
loans of Austria upon such a basis as to give security that, 
in the future, she will be able to meet all contingencies ? 
Loans, when they are taken at such a rate that th re is a 
necessity, every three or four months, to make a new loan, 
without having the ability to pay, is a system of loaning 
which does not give any security to the House of Austria, 
but rather leads to bankruptcy. And bankruptcy is not 
the strongest proof of the existence of power. The sec- 
ond prop, then, is the army. Of what is that army com- 
posed ? it is composed out of the sons of these nations, 
who must hate the House of Austria as a man hate.t!, for 
instance, the hand Avhich has spilled the blood of his 
mother. Where is there a country, except the Tyrolese, 
perhaps, which was or is under the rule of Austria, which 
has not been under martial law, or where the scaffolds do 
nofc bleed, and the prisons are not filled with patriots ? 



308 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Can an army, raised by force out of the midst of those 
nations, give security to the existence of Austria? I be- 
lieve not. And in that army there are some one hundred 
thousand Hungarians, enrolled by force; Hungarians who 
have fought two years, and that against the House of Aus- 
tria, for the freedom and the independence of their coun- 
try. And they fought thus when they scarcely knew 
that the name of Hungary had come over the ocean even 
to you, and was cheered and greeted by your great people 
in your glorious republic. Now, what has happened since 
that, that these one hundred thousand men who fought 
for their country against Austria, should now be friends 
of Austria? What has happened? Is the blood of our 
chosen martyrs — are the sufferings for their country; are 
the down-trodden national existence of Hungary; are the 
general persecutions, and the material oppressions which 
now Hungary has to endure — are they any" motives to make 
these one hundred thousand men, who fought against Aus- 
tria, who gained battles against Austria, now light against 
their own nation, and for the House of Austria ? There 
is not, then, any reason to suppose that the army is now 
a friend to Austria. Transylvania, in former times, never 
had imposed on her a higher taxation than nine millions 
of florins, (ten millions would be five millions of dollars,) 
and now the imposition of taxation is at least sixty mil- 
lions. Again, is there any reason to believe that these 
one hundred thousand Hungarians will fight for Austria, 
when they can fight, not for Austria nor for despotism, 
but for the liberties of their country. Is that a security 
for the House of Austria? It is rather a practical school 
for one hundred thousand men to become good drilled 
soldiers in time. What resources have then the House of 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. ' 309 

Austria to rely upon ? Why, only Russian aid. That is 
the only possible prop for its vegetation for some clays yet 
in the future. [Applause.] 

And now what claim I from the great people of the 
United States ? My claim is, that there is an international 
law — there must be an international law among nations 
— founded upon principles; and one of those principles 
must be, that every country has the right to dispose of its 
destinies itself, and that no foreign power can have the 
right to interfere with its domestic concerns. That prin- 
ciple is recognized to be an international law, for I have 
at hand the Blue Book, where Lord Palmerston has placed 
before the Parliament of England, all the foreign corres- 
pondence of the nation, and there the Czar of Russia has 
recognized the principle. When he first gave to Austria 
assistance to Transylvania, and we had beaten his armies, 
then the English minister put to him the question, was it 
his intention still more to interfere in the Hungarian war? 
The reply from the Czar was. No, that is not the inten- 
tion. He considered the Hungarian war to be a domestic 
question, and, therefore, he had no intention to interfere. 
The principle then has been recognized, and by Russia? 
But the principle or law must be carried out ? Who shall 
carry it out ? The executive power of the international 
law should be exercised only by a free nation, for no other 
nation can have the power. Therefore, I claim this aid 
from the United States. The great principle of interna- 
tional law is the right of every nation to dispose of itself, 
and the United States should declare their willingness to 
respect that law, and to make it respected by others. 
[Applause,] And, should I be so happy to see this accom- 
plished here, in your great and powerful country, the hope 



310 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

of humanity, what would you have achieved by it? You 
would have prevented Russia from interfering in a new 
war between Hungary and Austria; and by this what 
would you achieve ? 

You would have taken away the last prop upon which 
the future of Austria reposes. The loan is no prop, the 
army is no prop; aye, and establish the principle of the 
non-interference of Russia, and the last prop is taken 
away. When this last prop is taken away, when every 
prop is gone, then what will be the consequence ? The 
building itself falls without our aid; therefore, it is a 
serious recollection in my heart, that, should this princi- 
ple be carried out and protected by a nation like the 
United States, besides having some material aid; not to 
wage a long and bloody war, but to be ready for all 
emergencies, my work would be achieved. The money 
raised, would, of course, be too small a sum to carry on a 
war, but, we must be prepared, and the nation put in a 
condition to meet even that exigency. That is the difi'er- 
ence. By protecting, by establishing these principles, by 
aiding Hungary to meet even the small force of Austria, 
which can remain to him, even if these papers are taken 
away, you will not have caused war, gentlemen. You 
will have evaded war. You will have saved humanity 
from much bloodshed; have averted from humanity many 
sufferings. [Applause.] 

But I am told there are men of peace who say, after all, 
" this is very true, or very fine if you please; but we will 
have peace at any price." Now, I say many things in the 
world depends upon a true definition. It is not true; they 
are not men of peace who speak so. They are men who 
would conserve, at every price, the present condition. Is 
the present condition peace? Is the scaffold peace? the 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 5511 

scaiFold, on which, in Lombardy, the blood of three thou- 
sand seven hundred and forty-two patriots was shed dur- 
ing three short years ? Is that peace ? Is the prison of 
Austria, filled with patriots, peace ? the blunt murmurs of 
the discontented nations, peace ? I believe the Lord lias 
not created the world to be in such a peaceful condition, 
[Great applause.] He has not created it to be a prison 
for humanity. No; the present condition is not peace. 
It is a condition of oppression on the European continent; 
and because it is the condition of oppression, it cannot be 
peace, because, so long as men, as nations, are oppressed, 
so long men and nations are discontented. And so long 
as men and nations are discontented there cannot be peace, 
there cannot be tranquillity. It can be but a volcano, 
boiling everlastingly, and at the slightest opportunity 
breaking out again and demolishing all artificial props of 
tranquillity, and those interests which rely upon tranquillity. 
Europe is continually a great battle field — a great barrack. 
Such is the condition of Europe; and therefore let me not 
see those who, professing to be men of peace, will not help 
oppressed liberty, because they will have peace. Let me 
tell them on the contrary, this condition is not the peace 
in which they are interested. The oppression of nations 
is what they are interested in, because the present condi- 
tion is not peace, but is oppression. With me, and my 
principles, is peace, because I will faithfully conserve the 
principle of liberty; and it is only upon that principle that 
nations can be contented; and only with the contentment 
of nations can there be peace upon earth. [Great ap- 
plause.] With me, and my principles, is peace, lasting 
peace, consistent peace. With the tyrants of the world, 
is only oppression, struggle, war, and continual boiling of 



312 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

volcanic fires. [Applause.] Besides, I have also avowed 
myself to be a true friend of commercial interest, because 
I consider the commercial intercourse of nations, is the 
most powerful locomotive of civilization and principles of 
liberty. But how is now the commercial interests of the 
world, secured by these, not principles, but doctrines es- 
tablished by despotism ? Suppose any power on earth — 
San Marino for instance, which is still a republic, not more 
than a year since, with a population of not more than one 
thousand men; suppose it has two ships, and with them 
should blockade whatever port of the Queen of Spain for 
instance, what is done by this blockade ? Your commerce 
is excluded from that port. Is there any right, is there 
any interest, that when the Burgomaster of San Marino 
and the Queen of Spain are quarreling, the citizens of 
the United States should not carry on their commerce ? It 
is not right. Is that a principle ? No ! It is absolutism; 
it is tyranny. It is the established, recognized rule that 
whenever a port is blockaded, all the nations of the world 
have not the right to carry on commerce with that port. 
Why? Is that lawful? Is that a principle? What is 
the consequence of that rule ? It is that when two powers 
are quarreling; it is not the two countries which suffer, 
but private individuals. They who are, by the blockade, 
excluded from commerce, they must pay the expenses of 
the war, even private individuals of neutral countries. 
Eor instance, when Lord Palmerston carried on the block- 
ade against Greece, of course, no citizen of the United 
States had the right, by possibility, to make any commerce 
with her; and therefore a commercial citizen of the United 
States was at the mercy and disposition of a foreign power. 
Is that a principle? I say no. If a power will carry on 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 313 

war witli another, let it do so. In case of war, at least 
tlie country will suffer in common. The sufferings will be 
divided among all the people of that country. But they 
say, " We have here a quarrel; but we will not have that; 
we will have only a blocka,de." What is the consequence 
of a blockade ? It is not the country which suffers, but 
the individuals of the two, three, four or five foreign na- 
tions who suffer by it. That is not law; that is not a 
principle. Now what I have said about a blockade is true 
in relation to whatever war; especially to a revolution. 
Suppose to-morrow; it is not very improbable [laughter,] 
a revolution breaks out, and Louis Napoleon has so much 
strength (I hope he has it not,) [laughter] — as to make 
head against that revolution for six weeks or two 
months — because there is a quarrel in France; because 
there is a quarrel between Louis Napoleon and the 
French nation, your commerce is excluded from France. 
Is that lawful ? Is that a principle ? My principle, gen- 
tlemen, is, that the free intercourse of nations is a princi- 
ple of eternal right, of eternal international law. My 
principle is that the citizens of the United States have a 
right to carry their merchandise and their produce into 
whatever country, and to whatever market they find ready 
to accept and buy it of them. [Applause.] They have 
that right, whatever revolution may be there in that 
country. Among the citizens it is a private question. It 
is not an international question. Let them quarrel at 
home; that is a domestic concern. But the right to go to 
that mai'ket where you wish to go is an international 
right; it is your will. The Emperor of Austria has not 
the right to violate the rights of the citizens of the United 
States. Therefore, take not the curious inventions of the 
authorities of despots for principles. Consider the au- 



314 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

thority of Puffendorf and Grotius, men who have written 
two hundred years ago — for principles. Nobody has au- 
thorized them to interpret the law of nations. [Laughter.] 
In the heart there are principles eternal and everlasting, 
shining as the stars, which have to rule in international 
law. A great and free people as you are, have the desti- 
ny; are called upon by Divine Providence, permit me to 
say, have the duty to be executors and establishers of 
these principles. [Applause.] Therefore, I humbly sug- 
gested tlie idea that I desired the people of the United 
States to declare in regard to those oppressive measures 
and doctrines invented by despotism — " We will no longer 
recognize them; we will carry on commerce with whatever 
part of the world where we are received; where we find 
a nation ready to have commercial intercourse with us; 
and we invite our government to provide some vessel in 
the Mediterranean to protect that principle. [Laughter.] 
It is no matter of egotism, gentlemen, when I say that 
the future of humanity can only repose upon principle. 
Suppose some months hence Hungary should be again in 
a condition to struggle for its freedom and independence, 
and that any citizen of the United States should be dispos- 
ed to send a ship of arms to the Emperor of Austria, and 
not to Hungary, would I oppose it ? No ! Because I say 
it is your right to do it. Every citizen of the United 
States, if he pleases, if he finds, in the Emperor of Austria, 
a man who will take his muskets, let him sell them to him. 
[Laughter.] And if it would oppose your ship, then I 
would recognize again the right of your fleet, in the Medi- 
terranean, to blow up this my ship, which would impede 
and violate your right of commerce. But I have the pre- 
tension humbly to wish, that you will accord to my nation 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 315 

the same right which I concede to be due toward my enemy 
— to do the same also to my country. Let it not be said 
that is a principle of international law. Because the gov- 
ernment of Austria oppresses Hungary, and Hungary will 
not bear it, but resorts to that legitimate defence of every 
nation, as that right your own Declaration of Indepen- 
dence sanctions, you will not allow the Emperor of Aus- 
tria the right to exclude commerce between the United 
States and Hungary. 

But, perhaps somebody may say what do I care about 
this freedom of commerce. I do much care; because it is 
a principle, and because I believe that we have come to a 
turning-point in the destinies of humanity, where inter- 
national law must be established on eternal principles and 
not on the oppressive doctrines of absolutism. I care 
about it, because I believe that your great country, after 
having achieved the developments of its institutions, its 
might and its power, is now come to that period when it 
can have the noble ambition to become the originator of 
the true international law, and also the executive power of 
the not national law. It is true, that we have but one 
sea-port, Fiume, that you can trade with in Hungary, and 
I may be asked, how then is merchandise to be carried 
from the port of Fiume to Hungary, in a contest with 
Austria. That is no matter, that is the business of the 
merchant. If a gentleman has so many bushels of corn 
to deliver at Fiume, all he desires is that he shall be paid 
for it. You have only to assert the right to trade there; 
you must remember that there is also the Danube, and 
that the free commerce of the Danube is an established 
principle of international law — law guaranteed by every 
power on earth ? Are you interested in the freedom of 



316 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

the Danube or not ? You would find in the population 
of Hungary an extensive market for your productions. 

I have suggested the second idea of a new international 
law in respect to commercial interests. I have proved 
that it is with freedom, with Hungary, where the com- 
mercial interests have more to hope for than with ab- 
solutist powers, who, when they are in a quarrel with other 
nations, exclude the whole commerce of the world from 
that quarter. It is this second principle which it is the 
interest of humanity, and of your own commercial inter- 
ests, to support and maintain, as the law of nations, in- 
stead of the absurd, feeble, but oppressive, doctrine of 
absolutism, one not founded upon any principle, but which 
is only wanted to carry on a war, at a very cheap rate, 
and at the expense of a third nation, not interested. My 
last principle, for which I have entreated the generous 
support of the United States, is the recognition of the 
legitimate character of the Declaration of Independence 
of Hungary. 

It is nothing else than a tribute paid to the great prin- 
ciple of the sovereign right of any nation to dispose 
of itself. It would be a word of consolation given to 
my suffering land. If your nation has a watchful eye to 
the interests of humanity, you surely cannot be indifferent 
to the interests of Hungary. I remember some words I 
have read by Channing, one of your writers, who said : 

" Amidst the stupendous events of our age, when the 
whole civilized world is heaving like an ocean, and too, 
the great question of human freedom is at issue, I see not 
how they who love their race can remain indifferent. A 
great war is going on; that of oppression of principle. I 
have no fear as to the result." 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 317 

These are the words of Channing, and I certainly trust, 
gentlemen, that you will not remain indifferent in the 
recognition of the legitimate character of the Declaration 
of Independence of Hungary. It is a declaration to which 
you cannot be indifferent — it is a declaration quite in ac- 
cordance and in harmony with your own existence, because 
your own existence reposes on a somewhat similar delara- 
tion. I claim not the recognition, though I know that the 
people of the United States style me so, but I have no 
ambition to civil station. To be sure, there is in it some- 
thing like a recognition of the independence of my nation 
in it indirectly, but that is not the question. The ques- 
tion is, was the declaration of independence by Hungary 
legitimate, and will you recognize the right of a nation to 
declare its independence or not ? The last, I know, is not 
a doubtful question with a republican government. Now, 
Channing tells us, that he who loves his race cannot re- 
main indifferent to this great question of human freedom. 
Here, let me say, that is the ground upon which I stand, 
humbly claiming your aid, most fervently thanking you 
for the assistance which, by your sympathy, has already 
been bestowed upon the cause of freedom. I take here 
my ground, in the name of religious liberty, which, I have 
shown, is strictly connected with the cause of freedom. 
I take here my ground, in the name of civil and political 
liberty. I take here my ground, in favor of the great and 
eternal principles of international law, and of the sove- 
reign right of a nation to dispose of themselves; and, last, 
here I take my ground, in the name of the commercial - 
intercourse between the nations. Go on, to express your 
will in support of the two first principles — that of non- 
admission of intervention and that of commercial freedom 



318 KEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

and intercourse between the nations. That is what we 
require, and the principles of national law, which are now 
supplied by despotism, should give way to the principles 
of freedom. Go on, and express your feelings also in 
respect to the recognition of the legitimate character of 
the independence of Hungary. 

Give a proof that you acknowledge these great prin- 
ciples of international law in the case of my poor, suffering 
country, and give us some substantial aid in the cause, 
that we may be prepared to meet the oppressor of my 
country when he will not be in the condition to carry on 
a long and bloody war against the freedom and independ- 
ence of Hungary. By this aid, your nation will not only be 
the savior of Hungary, in respect to their political, and civil, 
and religious liberty; but, gentlemen, the result may be 
that you have relieved your country from the necessity 
that is apprehended — the taking up of arms to fight for 
the principle of liberty. If now, that principle is over- 
thrown, be sure, gentlemen, you will only maintain it 
hereafter by bloody wars, and long years of struggling, 
whereas, by a prompt movement now, all can be averted. 

Ladies and Gentlemen — By extending to me your gen- 
erous invitation to meet you, I suppose you expected to 
meet in my poor humble self, a man somewhat worthy of 
your estimation. Now, the halo of expectation is passed; 
and here I stand before you, a plain, common man. [Ap- 
plause.] I know very well that every time I speak in 
public, in a tongue foreign to me, I can only lose in public 
estimation. That may be my fate to-day. But, however 
low I may have fallen in your expectation, one consolation 
I have, and that is, I know that the present evening has 
not vanished away without practical benefit to the cause 
of freedom and humanity. 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 319 

dDn /rikti rnniiug, Drrimkr lOtji; 

Governor Kossuth, having accepted the invitation from 
the Bar of this city, to a banquet, met them at the Metro- 
politan Hall, where were assembled the learned and dis- 
tinguished members of the profession. 

Chief Justice Jones presided, and a number of distin- 
guished members of the Bar were appointed Vice Presi- 
dents. 

After music by the band. President Jones rose and 
said : 

Gentlemen of the Bar : — I feel highly gratified in 
having the honor to present to you your distinguished 
guest, the illustrious Louis Kossuth. [Applause.] In 
making this introduction, gentlemen, I am truly gratified 
to have it in my power to add, that he is the great civilian 
of his native land, — one of the profession to which you 
belong. [Applause.] In his native land, and in his indi- 
vidual capacity, he was the jurist and the judge, and in 
that light we tender him the hand of fellowship, and the 
highest honors of our profession. [Applause.] As a 
public man, he held the high, responsible ofl&ce of Chief of 
his country's council; and he was the soul and light of 
that great, interesting, noble struggle of his country for 
her independence. [Applause.] In that capacity, he has 
our sympathy, and a deep and abiding interest in his 
past and future history. [Applause.] 

Edward Sandford, Esq., addressed the distinguished 
guest as follows: 

Governor Kossuth: — The Bar of New York, having 
participated with their fellow-citizens in extending to you 



320 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

that cordial and enthusiastic welcome which greeted your 
landing upon the shores of America, have solicited the 
opportunity to express to you, as a member of the legal 
profession, their respect for your great talents and emi- 
nent attainments, and their admiration for the ardor and 
enthusiasm with which you have dbvoted all your powers 
and energies to the sacred cause of the emancipation of 
your native land. 

Enjoying all of freedom, which is consistent with safety, 
" as a birth-right, we feel, as men, a warm sympathy with 
those people of other lands who have endeavored to 
establi^^h the great basis of civil liberty, that all just 
powers of government are derived from the consent of 
the governed. When the noble land, which gave you 
birth, sent forth her proclamation of independence and 
freedom, as members of the Bar, we entertained the most 
earnest wishes for her success, and regarded her struggle 
as the mighty effort of a gallant people to establish liber- 
ty, regulated by law. In the momentous conflict which 
ensued, we were proud to recognize in the Governor of 
Hungary, chosen by her people, a learned and enlightened 
jurist, as well as an able statesman and an incorruptible 
patriot. 

Wherever freedom has needed an advocate — wherever 
law has required a supporter — wherever tyranny and 
oppression have provoked resistance, and men have been 
found for the occasion, it is the proud honor of our com- 
mon profession, to have presented, from our ranks, some 
prominent individual, who has generously and boldly 
engaged in the service; and Hungary has furnished to the 
world one of the most striking in the brilliant series of 
illustrious examples. 



GOYEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 321 

As early as the year 1840, the public history of Hun- 
gary had made us acquainted with the distinguished part 
which a Mr. Kossuth, an attorney, as he was then de- 
scribed, had performed in sustaining the laws of his coun- . 
try. We had heard that he had been arrested and 
imprisoned, contrary to the national statutes, for the 
publication of a manuscript journal, in which the debates 
and transactions of the Diet, and the public County 
meetings were reported; that he had received an official 
notice that his journal was illegal, as a law had been 
passed, prohibiting all such publications; that Mr. Kos- 
suth replied that he had never met with such a law, 
and should not hold himself guilty of its violation, until 
he was furnished with a copy of it, when he would imme- 
diately obey it; that the Prince Palatine, having been 
informed that the paper had been established as a means 
of providing for a dependent mother and sister, sent to 
advise him to abstain from the publication, rather than 
incur the displeasure and persecution of the government, 
by which he must be ultimately ruined; that his highness 
the Archduke felt such anxiety to preserve his helpless 
family from ruin, that he even put his advice in writing 
to save them; that Mr. Kossuth continued the publication, 
and that his illegal imprisonment for three years illustra- 
ted his devotion to his country's laws, and the arbitrary 
power exercised in defiance of the constitution by her 
oppressor. 

Mr. Kossuth, the attorney of that day, has since matured 
into the counsellor, statesman, patriot, governor, and 
now stands before us the exile, more distinguished for his 
firmness, and undaunted courage, in his last reverse, than 
for his exaltation by the free choice of his countrymen, 
21 



322 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

After the years of your imprisonment and painful 
anxiety had worn away, and the illegal measures of your 
arrest had been publicly acknowledged, we found you 
restored to your personal liberty, and again ardently en- 
gaged in the great cause of your country's freedom. At 
the meeting of the Diet of Hungary, which was held in 
November, 1847, and before the flame of revolution had 
illuminated Europe, we found a series of acts resolved 
upon by that body, which declared an equality of civil 
rights, and of public burdens, among all classes, denomi- 
nations, and races in Hungary and its provinces, perfect 
toleration for every form of religion, an extension of the 
elective franchise, universal freedom in the sale of landed 
property, liberty to strangers to settle in the country, the 
emancipation of the Jews, the sum of eight millions set 
apart to encourage manufactures and construct roads; and 
the nobles of Hungary, by a voluntary act, abolishing the 
old tenure of the lands, thereby constituting the producing 
classes, the absolute owners of nearly one-half of the cul- 
tivated territory of the kingdom. 

This great advance made by your country in a system 
of benign and ameliorating legislation, was checked by 
occurrences which are too fresh in your recollection to 
require a recapitulation. An event wholly unlocked for, 
and comparatively trivial, caused an outbreak from the 
hearts of the people, of the long-suppressed love of liber- 
ty, which extended over a large part of Europe, and 
through the influence of which, you were placed in the 
position of Governor of Hungary. In guiding her peo- 
ple, you displayed the rare combination of wisdom and 
courage, prudence and energetic boldness, which have 
commanded the admiration of the world. In the brilliant 



GOVEENOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 323 

exhibition of patriotism and valor which the people of 
Hungary made, we were reminded of scenes in the revo- 
lutionary struggle of our own country. Here, too, treason 
sought to undermine what power had ineffectually essayed 
to crsuh; but Hungary became a victim to this most foul 
of human crimes; her constitution was overthrown; her 
governor became an exile, and the heel of the oppressor 
rests upon the necks of her down-trodden people. 

We welcome you among us; we tender you our admira- 
tion for your efforts; our sympathy for your sufferings; 
our cordial wishes that your persevering labors may be 
successful in restoring your country to her place among 
nations; and her people to the enjoyment of those bless- 
ings of civil and religious liberty; to which, by their intel- 
ligence and bravery, and by the laws of Nature and of 
Nature's God, they are justly entitled. 

Our professional pursuits have led us to the study of the 
system of jurisprudence which has been matured by the 
wisdom and experience of ages, but which has been recog- 
nized by all eminent jurists, to be founded upon the defined 
principles of Christianity; from that great source of law, 
we have learned that, as members of the family of man- 
kind, our duties are not bounded by the territorial limits 
of the government which protects us, nor circumscribed 
as to time or space. We have framed a constitution of 
government, and under it have adopted a system of laws 
which we are bound to execute and obey. The stability 
and efficiency of our own government, are dependent upon 
the intelligence, virtue and moderation of our people. It 
has been justly remarked, by one of our most distinguished 
jurists, that, " in a republic, every citizen is himself in 
some measure intrusted with the public safety, and acts an 
important part for its weal or wo." 



32-1 EEPORT ON the: RECEPTION OF 

Trained as we have been in these principles of self-gov- 
ernment, appreciating all the blessings which a bounteous 
Creator has so profusely showered upon us, and desirous 
to see the principles of civil and religious liberty extended 
to other nations, we rejoice at every uprising of the oppress- 
ed people ; we sympathize with their struggles, and, with- 
in the limits of our public laws and public policy, we aid 
them in their efforts. If, through the wickedness of treach- 
ery they fail, we grieve at their misfortunes. 

In you, sir, we behold a personification of that great 
principle which forms the corner-stone of our own revered 
constitution — the right of self-government. 

Darkened as has been the horizon of suffering Hungary, 
in you, sir, still burns that living fire of freedom, which we 
trust will yet light up the firmament, and shed its lustrous 
flame over her wasted lands. " The unnamed demi-gods," 
whose blood has moistened her battle fields, the martyrs, 
whose lives have been freely offered up on the scaffold and 
beneath the ax, the living exiles now scattered through 
distant lands, have not suffered, are not suffering in vain. 
Governments were created for the benefit of the many and 
not for the few. A day, an hour of retribution will yet 
come; the Almighty promise will not be forgotten—" Ven- 
geance is mine — I will repay it, saith the Lord." 

Gov. Kossuth responded as follows : 

Gentlemen : — Highly as I value the opportunity to meet 
the gentlemen of the bar, I would have felt very much em- 
barrassed to have to answer the address of that corpora- 
tion before such a numerous and distinguished assembly, 
had you, sir, not relieved my well-fouijaded anxiety by an 
anticipated just appreciation of the difficulties I am sur- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 325 

roiinded with, and which of course make it entirely im- 
possible for me to answer the expectations of all, and espe- 
cially the expectations that such an intelligent meeting 
would be entitled to entertain. 

But you, sir, have paved my way; let me hope, that in 
acknowledging the difficulties of my position, you were the 
interpreter of this distinguished assembly's equanimity 
and indulgence; which, I respectfully beg, may not be re- 
fused to me when I end — having been promised before I 
begun. 

Gentlemen of the Bar : — You have the noble task to be 
the first interpreters of the law; to make it subservient to 
justice; to maintain its eternal principles against the en- 
croachments of facts, and to restore those principles to life 
whenever they become obliterated by misunderstanding or 
by violence. 

When darkness is cast upon the light of truth, then we 
are told by an old Roman : 

" Veniet de plebe togata 
Qui juris nodas et legum epigrammata sol vat." 

Let me in that respect, briefly state my opinion about the 
system of codification, as opposite to customary law. 

You have a great authority for codification — Livingston; 
and really it may be presumptuous to state an opinion con- 
trary to his — still I confess I am no friend to codification. 
[Laughter and applause.] 

I am no friend of it, because I am a friend of free, unar- 
rested progress. And a code arrests progress. It is an 
iron hand which hinders the circulation of intelligence, and 
fetters its development, which freely must go on toward 
boundless perfection, the destiny of humanity. [Applause.] 

You know what a thick shadow was cast over centuries. 



326 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

upon tlie field of justice, by the code of Justinian; and bow, 
even yet, whole enlightened nations are laboring within 
its iron grasp.^- 

My opinion is that law must hold pace in its development 
with the development of institutions and intelligence. But, 
until this law is, and must be an object of continual progress, 
justice is immortal, eternal and immovable, like God himself. 
And the progress in the development of law is only then a 
progress, when it is directed toward these immortal princi- 
ples of justice, which are eternal, like God himself. And 
whenever prejudice or error succeeds in establishing what- 
ever doctrine in customary law, which is contrary to the 
eternal principles of justice, it is one of your noblest duties, 
gentlemen, to avail yourselves of the privilege of not having 
a written code to fetter justice within the bonds of error 
and prejudice, [applause] ; it is one of your noblest duties to 
apply principles, to show that an unjust custom is a corrupt 
practice, an abuse; and by showing this, to originate that 
chance, or rather development, in the unwritten, customary 
law, which is necessary to make it protect justice instead 
of opposing and violating it. [Applause.] 

If this be your noble vocation in respect to the private 
laws of your country, let me entreat you, gentlemen, to ex- 
tend it to that public law which, regulating the mutual du- 
ties of nations toward each other, rules the destinies of hu- 
manity. [Applause.] 

You know that upon this field, where rests no code but 
that of Nature and of Nature's God, which your forefathers 
invoked when they raised the colonies of England to the 
noble rank of a free nation and an independent power on 
earth, you know^that in that eternal code there are not writ- 
ten, pettifogging subtilties, but only everlasting principles; 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 327 

everlasting like those by which the world is ruled by God. 
You know that when artificial cunning of ambitious op- 
pressors succeeds to distort those principles into practice 
contrary to them, and when passive indifference of thought- 
lessness submits to that above, as weakness must submit, it 
is the noble destiny, let me say duty, of enlightened na- 
tions, alike powerful as free, to restore those eternal prin- 
ples to practical value, that justice, right and truth may 
sway where injustice, oppression and error prevailed. 

Raise high, with manly hands, the blazing torch of truth 
upon the dark field of arbitary prejudice. Become the 
champions of principles, and your people will become the 
regenerators of international public law. [Applause.] 

It will. A tempest-tossed life has somewhat. sharpened 
the eyes of my soul, and had it even not done so, still I would 
dare say, I know how to read your people's heart. It is 
so easy to read it, because it is open like nature, and unpol- 
luted like a virgin's heart. (Applause.) Many others shut 
their ears to the cry of oppressed humanity because they 
regard duties but through the glass of petty interests. 
Your people has that instinct of justice and generosity 
which is the stamp of mankind's heavenly origin; and it is 
conscious of your country's power; it is jealous of its own 
dignity; it knows that it has the power to restore the law 
of nations to the principles of justice and right; and know, 
ing itself to have the power it is willing to be as good as 
its power is. [Applause.] 

Let the cause of my country, this eternal object of my 
feelings and of my thoughts, of my sorrows and my hopes, 
become the opportunity to the restoration of true and just 
international law. Mankind is come to the eleventh hour 
in its destinies. One hour of delay more and its fate may 
be sealed, and nothing left to the generous inclinations of 



328 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

your people — so tender-hearted, so noble and so kind — 
than to mourn over murdered nations, its beloved brethren 
[m humanity. [Applause.] 

I had the honor, on a former occasion, these humble 
wishes to state ; each of them connected with one principle 
of the law of nations, which you are called to enlighten 
and your people to defend. The first was that the United 
States may be pleased to protect the sovereign right of na- 
tions to dispose of their own domestic concerns against the 
encroaching interference of foreign powers. [Applause,] 
A gentleman who came to honor me with the invitation of 
Cincinnati — that rising wonder of the West — has yester- 
day, with that sublime eloquence which speaks volumes 
in one word, qualified that interference to be a piracy. 
[Applause.] The word is true like truth itself; it spreads 
light upon the subject. It convinces the mind and warms 
the heart. I felt, when I heard the word, a sort of moral 
power which almost made me forget that I am but a pow- 
erless exile. I felt but to be a man, a member of human- 
ity; and I almost cried out, " pirate ! Where is he ? Let 
us go and beat him down, that common enemy of human- 
ity !" [Great applause.] There is such a moving power 
in a word of truth. That word has relieved me of many 
speeches. [Laughter.] 

I want no more to discuss about the principle in that 
respect. There can be no doubt about what is lawful, 
what is a duty, against piracy. I have but to make a few 
remarks about two objections, which I am told I will have 
to contend with. 

The first is, that it is a leading principle of the United 
States not to interfere with European nations; and that, 
therefore, you will not do it. I will suppose that you 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 329 

"were pleased to become acquainted witli what I had the 
honor to say, on a certain occasion, in that respect — 
stating, pragmatically, that the United States had never 
entertained or confessed such a principle; and that, had it 
even done so, the United States had abandoned it, and 
were obliged to abandon it, because it could have been no 
principle, but a matter of temporary policy, the exigencies 
of which have ' entirely changed. I stated the mighty 
difference between neutrality and non-interference. 

So, I will only briefly remark, that precisely the same 
difference exists between alliance and interference. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Every independent power has the right to form alliances, 
but has not the duty to do so. It can remain neutral if it 
pleases to remain so. Neither alliances nor neutrality are 
matter of principles, but simply of policy. And in that 
respect power has the right not to consider any thing but 
its own interest. By forming alliances or by abstaining 
from them, and remaining neutral, you may, perhaps, con- 
travene the interests of every other people, but you offend 
not their rights. It is quite so, as, for instance, you may 
have chosen to dine this evening at the Tripler Hall, and 
not in some hotel; or you can choose not to dine at any 
hotel at all, and remain neutral toward all; you, of course, 
will not very much have forwarded their interests by your 
neutrality, or the interest of the hotel proprietors, by en- 
tangling yourself into a treaty of decisive alliance with 

Mr. . However, you have violated no law — you have 

offended no right, either by your neutrality or by your 
alliance. [Great laughter.] 

I beg to be excused for the vulgarity of this comparison, 
but I want to be exactly understood, that it is not a cun- 



330 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

ning subtility wliich I intend to start, when I speak of an 
essential difference between neutrality and non-interfer- 
ence. So I may be permitted to make use of a popular 
simile, which conveys more clearly to the mind, what I 
mean, than scientific oratory would do in a foreign tongue > 
where I am often at a loss to find out the appropriate word. 

So alliance, and its opposite, neutrality, may hurt inter- 
est, but does not violate law. 

Whereas, with interference, the contrary. Interference 
with the sovereign right of nations to resist oppression, to 
alter their institutions, their government, is a violation of 
the law of nations, a violation of the laws of Nature and of 
Nature's God; therefore, non-interference is a duty common 
to every power, to every nation, and placed under the safe- 
guard of every power, of every nation. He who violates 
that law is like a pirate; every power on earth has the 
duty to chase him down — the pirate, that curse of human- 
ity. [Great applause.] 

Well, there is not a single man in the United States 
who would hesitate to avow that a pirate nyist be chased 
down, and no man would more readily avow it than the 
gentlemen of trade. Your naval forces are — they must 
"be — instructed to put down piracy where they meet it; for 
this purpose, you know no geographical line, no difference 
of longitude and latitude — no difference of European and 
American waters. You have sent your Decatur, for that 
purpose, to the Mediterranean, who answered the Dey of 
Algiers, that if "he claims powder, he will have it with 
the balls," and no man in the United States imagined them 
to oppose your government for having done so. Nobody 
thought to advertise that it is the ruling principle of the 
United States not to meddle with European or African 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 331 

concerns; rather, if your government would have neglected 
so to do, I am sure precisely the gentlemen of the trade 
would have been the foremost to claim from your govern- 
ment to beat and chase down piracy in the Mediterranean 
Sea. 

jSTow, in the name of all which is agreeable to God and] 
sacred to man, if every man is ready thus to unite in the 
outcry against a rover, who, at the danger of his own life, 
boards some frail ship, murders some poor sailors, or takes 
some lust of cotton, is there no hope to see a similar univer- 
sal outcry against those great pirates who board, not 
some small cutters, but the beloved home of nations; who 
murder, not some few sailors, but nations; who shed blood, 
not by drops, but by torrents; who rob, not some hundred 
weights of merchandise, but the freedom, independence, 
welfare, and the very existence of nations? [Cheers.] 

Oh God Almighty ! Father of Humanity ! Spare, Oh 
spare that degradation to thy son — mankind; that in his 
destinies some lust of cotton should weigh more than those 
laws. Thou, thyself, hast given to men more weight than 
the bloody scars of oppressed humanity; more weight than 
Christian brotherly love; more weight than the sufferings 
of down-trodden millions. 

Almighty God ! what a pitiful sight. A miserable pick- 
pocket, a drunken highway robber, chased by the whole of 
humanity to the gallows, and those who pick-pocket the 
life-sweat of nations, rob them of their welfare, of their 
liberty, and murder them by thousands — these execrable 
criminals raise proudly their brow,- trample upon human- 
ity, and degrade humanity's laws before their high reve- 
rential name, and term them "most sacred majesties.'' But 
may God be blessed, there is hope for humanity; because 



BEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

there is a powerful, free, iniglity people here on the virgin 
soil of America, ready to protect the laws of Nature and 
of Nature's God, against the execrated piracy of the ac- 
', cursed pirates and their associates. [Applause.] 

Neutrality your people may have been taught by your 
wisest and best men, but none of them has ever taught 
your people to be indifferent at the violation of the eternal 
laws of nations, which are yours also; they have never been 
taught to remain indifferent at the mournful sight of op- 
pressed humanity. 

But, again and again I am told, " the United States, as 
a power, is not indifferent; it sympathizes deeply with 
those who are oppressed; and they will respect the laws 
of nations; but they have no interest to make them re- 
spected by others toward others." 

Interest ! and always interest ! Oh, how cupidity suc- 
ceeded to misrepresent the word. Is there any interest 
which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right. 
[Cheers.] 

Interest ! but I answer, by the very words of one of the 
most distinguished, members of your profession, gentle- 
men, the present honorable Secretary of State. " The 
United States, as a nation, have precisely the same inter- 
est (yes, interest is his word) in international law, as a 
private individual has in the laws of his country." [Cheers.] 

He was a member of the bar who advanced that princi- 
ple of eternal justice against the mere fact of policy — now 
he is in the position to carry out that principle which he 
has advanced. [Laughter and applause.] I confidently 
trust he will be as good as his word, [renewed laughter;] 
and I confidently trust that his honorable colleagues, the 
gentlemen of the bar, will remember their calling to be 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 333 

to maintain the actual principles of justice against the 
encroachments of accidental policy; that they will endea- 
vor to make policy subservient to justice, and not justice 
to the wavering claims of policy; and that they will sup- 
port their high situated brother in profession, to carry out 
the principle which he advanced. Carry out — but how ! 
I had the honor to state it at the banquet of the city of 
New York, by declaring that the United States will not 
permit any foreign power to interfere with the sovereign 
right of nations to dispose of their own domestic con- 
cerns; that the United States consider themselves to have 
the duty not to permit any violation of the laws of na- 
tions, and that they invite Great Britain to unite with 
them to safeguard and to guarantee these laws. 

I cannot claim the honor to be the first to speak to you 
thus ; no, the idea is not my invention; it is an American 
one. It is your own. I have heard the same principles 
advanced by your Consul at Southampton; Mr. Croskey. 
I have heard the same irresistible eloquence of truth 
developed in England, by Mr. Walker. Nay, more — I 
have here, in my hands, two letters from Richard Rush, 
of Pennsylvania, to William Henry Prescott, of South 
Carolina, published in last March, nine months ago, where 
I find these words : 

" The manner in which you unfold the policy, the har- 
mony between ourselves and England, and even concerted 
movements, if necessary, merits much attention. The 
principle of it is not new with us, but has been acted upon, 
and useful in a memorable instance." 

Yon remember, gentlemen, in the war of independence 
of the Spanish colonies against Spain, then you were 
tinited with England to forbid the Holy Alliance to inter- 



334 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OP 

fere with the struggle of freedom in those colonies. [Ap- 
plause.] 

" And, by a different manner of applying such a policy, 
we would always be under the safeguard of our own ap- 
proval. It would therefore be free from danger, and I 
cannot conceive of dangers when its application might 
give the advantage to both countries, and of being useful 
to other countries. We have arrived at a point in time 
when the magnitude and quick succession of new events 
arrest the attention of all. New developments among 
nations, and new geographical relations opening between 
oceans and continents, must become, in many respects, 
revolutionary upon the intercourse, interests and opinions 
of mankind. These changes at hand must necessarily 
affect some rules of our political conduct. Sooner or later 
we shall have to review former opinions. We are part 
and parcel of Christendom, and it is no longer possible 
that a great nation like this can be wholly detached from 
its movements, lest we should get into entangling alli- 
ances. This was a wise rule when we were a weaker party — 
(perfectly wise.) [Laughter.] Then, right movements 
of any description, might have become entangling to us. 
Amidst the agitation of the present, and uncertainties of 
the future in Europe, where else can we so well look 
as to England for national characteristics ? What other 
nation is so near to us, in attributes of national and indi- 
vidual freedom, or runs so parallel with us in the results 
of prosperity of both ?" 

There are, in this little book, views, truths and princi- 
ples, worthy of the consideration of every citizen of the 
United States — worthy of the consideration of the Unit- 
ed States, as of Great Britain also. But, of course, I 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 335 , 

cannot, by long quotations, misuse your indulgence. I 
beg leave only to draw your attention to it. But, I may^ 
be answered — " Well, if we (the United States) make suc^y 
a declaration of non-admission of the interference of Rus^n^^ 
in Hungary, (because that is the practical meaning of ^e 
word, I will not deny,) and Russia will not respect our 
declaration; then we might have to go to war." And 
there is the rub. [Laughter.] 

Well, I am not the man to decline the consequences of 
my principles. [Great laughter and loud applause.] I 
will not steal into your sympathy by slippery evasion. 
Yes, gentlemen, I confess, should Russia not respect such 
a declaration of your country, then you are obliged — 
literally obliged to go to war, or else be prepared to be 
degraded, before mankind, from your dignity. [Applause.] 
Yes, I confess that would be the case. 

But you are powerful enough to defy any power on 
earth, in a just cause, as your Washington's — and so may 
God. help me, as it is true — that never was there yet a 
more just cause. [Applause.] 

There was enough of war on the earth for ambition, or 
egotistical interests even for womanly whims, to give to 
humanity the glorious example of a great people going 
even to war, not for egotistical interest, but for justice; 
for the law of nations — for the law of Nature and of Na- 
ture's God; and it will be no great mischief after all. 
[Applause.] It will be the noblest, the greatest glory 
which a nation yet has earned — nobler and greater than 
any nation yet has earned; and its greatest benefit will be, 
that it will be the last war, because it will make the laws 
of nations to become a reality, which nobody will dare 
violate, seeing them put under the safeguard of all human- 



336 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

itj. It will be the last war, because it will make nations 
P^ontented — contented, because free. [Applause.] 

' And what still must be foremostly considered, you have 
;[e thing to fear, by that war, for your own country — for 
jOhr own security. If it were otherwise, I never would 
have pronounced that wish. But, I am certain that there 
is not a single citizen of the United States, who would 
not agree with me that there is no plausible issue of that 
supposed war which could affect the security of your own 
country. [Great applause.] 

I think, gentlemen, it is time to get rid of the horror to 
^^ review former opinions/' as Mr. Rush says. I believe it 
is time to establish that will; and I believe the people of 
the United States are called to establish it. That policy 
must be made subservient to justice, international law, and 
the everlasting principle of right. 

There is an axiom in jurisprudence, which I hope you 
will not contradict; " Laws were a vain word if nobody 
were to execute them." [Cheers.] Unhappy mankind ! 
that was the condition of thy common laws until now — 
every despot ready to violate them, but no power on earth 
to defend them. 

People of the United States ! here I bow before thee; 
and claim, out of the bottom of my national declaration 
— Raise thy young giant arm, and be the executive power 
of Nature and of Nature's God; which laws thou hast in- 
voked when thou hast proclaimed thy independence. 
Protect them; defend them ever — if thou hast to go to 
war for it ! That will be a holier war than ever yet was, 
and the blessing of God will be with thee. [Great cheer- 
ing.] 

And yet, if the question of war is to be considered, not 
from the view of right, duty and law, which still, in my 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 337 

opinion is a decisive one, but from tlie view of mere 
policy, then I believe that you must not shrink back from 
the mere word " War J' There is no harm in the mere empty 
word ; three little letters — very innocent — that's all ! 
[Laughter and cheers.] But you must consider if there 
really is any probability that your declaration would be not 
respected, and you really had to go to war. And here I most 
decidedly, most solemnly declare, that there is not the 
slightest probability, nay, not even any possibility of it. 

You must not take the Muscovite cabinet to be a blind 
fool. Oh, no ! they are not. Morality I deny to them, 
but skill not all. Oh ! they are but very skillful ! I 
know it too well. [Sensation and cheers.] But precisely 
because they are skillful, be sure that, advised by England 
and yourself, the Czar will finely remain at home, when 
Hungary will send the Hapsburghs home. 

There is no power in Europe which has more vulnera- 
ble parts than Russia; there is none affected with more 
elements of interior weakness than despotic Russia; there 
is no power which has more to fear from a war, when, be- 
sides his neighboring necessary enemies, the United 
States and England, or even only the United States also, 
would be enlisted against him. He is not a fool to risk 
such a war. [Applause.] 

I have stated, in another place, how comparatively weak 
that supposed big giant is, in military, financial, political 
and social respects. Here I beg leave only to state how 
it came that Russia, though comparatively so weak, has 
dared to interfere in Hungary. 

That is very easily explained. The last revolution in 
France broke out in February, 1848. The republican 
principle raised its head. Did the Czar interfere ? No. 

9.0 



338 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Is he, perhaps, in love with the word republic ! He hates 
it, and would feel an infinite delight to sweep away every 
republican — together with you, gentlemen — and even the 
word "republic," from the earth. He knows very well 
that, in the long run, his despotism cannot subsist on the 
same continent where a mighty republic exists; and still he 
did not interfere. He did not interfere in 1830, against 
Louis Phillipe, for the so-called legitimate Bourbons. He 
did not interfere in 1848, for monarchy against the repub- 
lican principle. Why ? He dared not. He was prudently 
afraid. [Laughter.] He got in a fury, and his armies 
moved toward South and West ; but a calm night's sleep 
brought reflection home, and his armies moved again back. 
[Laughter.] But he resorted to another power, in which 
he is more dangerous than in arms — to that power before 
which also poor Hungary fell — the power of secret diplo- 
macy. He sent masculine and feminine diplomatists to 
Paris; and by the very means by which he — after 1830 — 
succeeded to make out of the Citizen King, a satellite of 
the Holy Alliance, he also succeeded to make out of the 
revolution of a 1848, a mock republic. 

But the pulsations of the great French heart vibrated 
throughout the continent. Every tyrant trembled. Every 
throne quaked. Germany cared not about his petty tyranny. 
The confederation of princes was blown asunder like void 
chaff. The German nation took its own destiny into its 
own hands, and from St. Paul's church at Frankfort 
threatened to become one. The power of his father-in- 
law in Berlin, stood not more steady upon its feet than a 
drunken fellow. The Emperor of Austria fled from his 
palace, after having waved out of his own window, the 
flag of freedom, by his own hand, a few weeks before. 



GOVBENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 339 

And, only think, gentlemen, in Vienna, in very Yienna, a 
parliament met to give a constitution to the Austrian 
empire; a constitution also to Gallicia — Polish Gallicia, 
linked by blood, history, and nature, and immediate 
neighborhood to that part of Poland which he himself 
ruled, and of whose western frontier, another Polish pro- 
vince, Posen, stood in full revolutionary flames. You can 
imagine how the Czar raged; how he wished to unite all 
mankind in one head, so as he could cut it off with a 
single blow, and still he did nowhere interfere. Why ? 
He was prudently afraid; so he took for motto " I would, 
but I can't. '^ 

However, the French republic became very innocent to 
him — almost an ally in many respects, really an ally in 
some respects — as in unfortunate Rome we have seen. 
The gentleman at Frankfort proved also to be very inno- 
cent. The hopes of Germany failed — his father-in-law 
shot down — his people in Yienna, Prague, Lemberg, were 
shot down — the Austrian mock parliament sent from 
Yienna to Kremsen, and from Kremsen home. Only 
Hungary stood firm, steady, victorious ; the Czar had 
nothing more to fear from all revolutionary Europe; 
nothing from Germany, nothing from France; he had no- 
thing to fear from the United States, because he knew 
that your government then, was not willing to meddle with 
European matters — so he had free hands in Hungary. But 
one thing still he did not know, and that was, what will 
England — what will Turkey say, if he interferes? and 
that consideration alone, was sufficient to check his incli- 
nations to interfere. 

So anxious was he to feel the pulse of England and 
Turkey, he sent, first a small army, some ten thousand 



340 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

men, to help the Austrians in Transylvania; and sent them 
in such a manner as to have, in case of need, for excuse, 
that he was called to do so, not by Austria only, but by 
that part of the people also, which, deceived by foul delu- 
sion, stood by Austria ! Oh, it was an infernal plot ! Of 
course, we beat down and drove out his ten thousand men, 
together with all the Austrians — but the Czar had gained 
his play. He got assured that he would have no foreign 
power opposing him when he dared to violate the law of 
nations by an armed interference in Hungary. So he in- 
terfered. It is a sorrowful matter for me to think upon; 
it is dreadful, even to remember what torture I felt when, 
I saw vanish, like a dream, all my hopes that there is yet 
justice on earth, and respect for the laws of " Nature and 
of Nature's G-od." When I saw myself, with my na- 
tion, the handful of brave, forsaken, alone, to fight that 
immense battle for humanity; when I saw Russian diplo- 
macy stealing like secret poison into our ranks, intro- 
ducing treason into them; then I saw a world of cares 
and sorrows put upon my shoulders, a heavier weight than 
that which the fabulous Atlas of old had to bear. But 
let me not look back — it is all in vain; the j)ast is past. 
Forward ! is my word, and I will. [Here the enthusiasm 
of the audience burst all restraint, nearly every man in 
the house rising, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and 
cheering vociferously.] Forward is my word, and I will 
go forward with unabated energy, because I know that 
there is yet a God in heaven, and there is a people like 
you on earth, and there is a power of decided will also 
here in this bleeding, aching heart. It is my motto still 
that " there is no difficulty to him who wills." 

But so much is a fact, so much is sure, that the Czar 
dared not to interfere until he was assured that he would 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 341 

meet no foreign power to oppose liis sacrilegious act. 
Show him, free people of America ! show him, in a manly 
declaration, that he will meet your power if he dares once 
more trample on the laws of nations ; accompany this, 
your declaration, with an augmentation of your Mediter- 
ranean fleets, and be sure he will not. Still, you will have 
no war, and Austria falls almost without a battle, like a 
tottering house without foundation, raised upon the sand, 
and Hungary — my poor Hungary — will be free; and Eu- 
rope's oppressed continent be free to dispose of its 
domestic concerns. 

So much, gentlemen, for the first wish — for the first prin- 
ciple, which I had the honor to advance at the banquet of 
the city of New York. I could never have a more 
pleasant opportunity in a like manner to develop, together 
with two other principles, one of which is, to see restored, 
in international law, the true, eternal, everlasting prin- 
ciple of assured national intercourse — commercial inter- 
course between nations, and to see it protected by the 
power of your country. The third is my humble wish 
to see recognized the legitimate character of the Declara- 
tion of Independence of Hungary. 

I would like, gentlemen, to develop these last two prin- 
ciples in a like manner as I did the first, relying upon the 
indulgence you have shown me, in hearing me, [cries of 
" go on;"J I cannot, gentlemen; I am so worn out, that out 
of one hundred men in my condition, perhaps ninety-nine 
would be now in bed instead of addressing such an assembly 
as you. Therefore, I must reserve it for another occasion. 
I know whenever I speak, and wherever I speak, here in 
your glorious country, there is the mighty engine of the 
press, which also makes me speak to you; which makes 



342 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

me speak to the whole people of the United States. This 
is my consolation for not being able to answer your ex- 
pectations, if you had such. 

Therefore let me end, and without any appeal to your 
sympathy; you have the source of it in your own generous 
hearts. This, your meeting is a substantial proof of it. 
Be thanked for it; and let me say that the only ground 
upon which rests the hope of my native land, is the ground 
of eternal principles — justice, right, and law. You have 
devoted your lives to extend justice, right, and law, 
against the violence of tyrannous acts. Gentlemen of 
flie bar, I place these principles in your protecting care, 
and I trust they will find mighty advocates in you. 

The illustrious speaker then took his seat, while the 
audience rose in their places, and greeted ' him with 
vociferous and long-continued cheering. 

Governor Kossuth met a delegation of Military Orna- 
ment manufacturers, and 

Mr. H. Bruckman, on the part of his fellow-'^orkmen, 
presented one hundred sets of military mountings, accom- 
panying the gift with appropriate remarks. 

M. Kossuth replied : — I feel much honored, much grati- 
fied, to receive this testimonial of your sympathy for my 
cause. I am about to leave New York, and you are, per- 
haps, the last deputation I shall have the honor to receive, 
and I am very glad that the last deputation is out of that 
honorable class which I take to be the basis of the estab- 
lishment of every society. You are working men, — and 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 343 

honest laborers are the real aristocrats, in the true sense of 
the word. In the Greek, the word " aristocrat" signifies 
the best of the men; and those are the best of men who by 
honest labor obtain the means of livelihood. Work is the 
basis of the development of the moral as well as the 
material welfare of mankind. You belong to that noble 
class to which I also belong. I have nothing inherited 
from my father, but am, like you, a man who has had to 
gain a livelihood by honest labor. I feel proud to belong 
to that class. I feel proud to have nothing for which to 
thank mere chance, which, according to my whims, may 
give to one man welfare and happiness, and to another, 
who, perhaps, deserves it more, poverty. I am proud that 
I have nothing for which to thank mere changes, but for 
the gift of honest endeavor, a decided will, and a heart 
warmed by principles— those principles which give me the 
power, amid all the vicissitudes of life, always to stand 
upon my feet. But, after all, I am a poor exile; I scarcely 
can stand here upon my feet. Nay, but I can stand upon 
my feet for the battles of my country. Of course I can 
do it then, if the generous aid of freemen will only afford 
us fair play. You have shown your sympathy, by your 
address, and by your kind gift, which I will accept, pro- 
vided I can ascertain that it is lawful for me to accept 
such aid. I will take advice, and if it is not lawful, I 
will, of course, beg leave to deliver it. My duty and my 
principle is, to respect the laws of your country; and I do 
not know that it is lawful to accept military mountings or 
equipments. If, upon taking advice, I find that it is un- 
lawful, I am confident that such is your respect for the 
laws of your country, that you will change this gift into 
another form, in token of your sympathy and support for 
the cause of my native land. 



344 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Mr. Bruckman. — Should it not be lawful we are always 
ready to give something that is. 

M. Kossuth. — It may be lawful, though I know this 
much — that it is unlawful to arrange armaments in the 
United States against friendly powers. 1 suppose, how- 
ever, those friendly powers will not be the despots of the 
nations. I am told that it is not lawful to arrange any 
armed expedition against any of those powers with whom 
the United States are at peace. Now, I do not know 
whether in this term is comprised also the giving of such 
articles as these for military purposes. If it is, then of 
course, I shall decline your gift in this form; but hope, 
for the sake of my country, you will be as good as your 
word, and change it to something equally as substantial. 

He also made a brief address to the Watch Case man- 
ufacturers; and, to the persons employed in the dry goods 
store of A. T. Stewart & Co.; and to an address from 
the Democratic Whig General Committee, he replied as 
follows: 

Gentlemen: — In returning you my most cordial and 
warm thanks, I frankly tell you, that I am sorry to have 
the honor to meet you at such a late hour, and in the last 
moments of my stay in New York, when I am worn out 
by continual fatigues, and not expecting to have such an 
important opportunity to address an assembly like this. 
I feel entirely unable to answer you as I could wish; as is 
suitable to your position, and the practical view you take 
of the cause and its needs, which I have the honor to rep- 
resent. So let me only say, that, as it is my principle not 
to mix with the party concerns, or domestic interests of 
any country beyond my own, and as I claim the right of 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH, 345 

my own nation to dispose of her own affairs, so do I 
deeply respect and honor the same rights in other nations; 
and whatever sympathy I meet — whatever indifference I 
meet, in any part of the world, (perhaps not here, or at 
least in a very small degree,) I have principles. I am a 
man of principles; upon the iron shield of my principles, 
every endeavor to make me unfaithful to the duty which I 
feel to be mine, would break. But, notwithstanding this 
is the chief rule of my difficult position, yet I am permit- 
ted to say; (and nobody will say that in doing so, T am 
departing from my rule,) that it is highly gratifying to 
me, and consoling to my hopes, to see that the question of 
liberty in the world, and in that Europe, which, perhaps, 
till now, has been considered by many in the United 
States, as out of the territory of the principles for which 
the heart of the free American beats — to see that the 
principle of liberty on the continent of Europe, and the 
international laws which should rule between nations, but 
which I am sorry to see, up to the present day, have only 
offenders, but no protectors at all, are no party questions 
in America; but that men, to whatever party they may 
belong, unite in the recognition, that the time has come, 
when the people of the United States, conscious of their 
power and might, and deeply imbued with the duties, as 
well as the rights of freemen, are pleased already to 
bestow their attention, beyond the limits of their own 
immense territory, to the common fate of humanity; and 
that, conscious of their position, they are ready to put the 
weight of the United States in the balance, where, till 
now, only despots believed they had a right to put in 
their weight. [Great applause.] I am happy, I say, I 
see, then, these are no party questions; but that men, to 



846 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

whatever party tliey may belong, are divided only upon 
questions of interior domestic policy — matters of small 
consideration, when compared to the great questions I 
represent, — and can, therefore, unite in their recognition. 
It is a happy turning-point in the destinies of mankind, 
1 thank God that, though pressed down by the immensity 
of the duties which weigh upon my humble shoulders, still, 
accepting every position which a Divine Providence as- 
signs me, my poor, humble self, has been chosen to be an 
opportunity for this happy turning-point in the destinies 
of humanity. [Applause.] That resolution which was 
passed last year in the Congress of the United States — 
the readiness with which the Executive power proceeded 
to execute that resolution in the most noble, the most dig- 
nified manner, — the Mississippi, whose star-spangled ban- 
ner brought from Asia the tidings that there was a people 
so free, and as great and powerful as free, who were ready 
to protect the rights of oppressed humanity in a most 
insignificant individual — [applause] — these very facts are 
already an accomplished interference in the domestic mat- 
ters of Europe — a practical exercise of those principles 
which his excellency, the President of the United States, 
has avowed publicly and openly to the congress of the 
nation, and to the world, to be the rule of this govern- 
ment. Yes, sir, in the very heart of my heart, I feel 
thankful for those principles of your president; and you 
will not feel offended when I say that, in that respect, I 
wanted not my attention to be drawn to those principles. 
My heart is ever ready to bestow its attention and regard 
upon those great principles which are calculated to benefit 
humanity, and more particularly to those which regard 
the welfare of my own oppressed father-land. In one of 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 347 

my first speeclies, which I had the honor to make to the 
people of the United States, spoken at the banquet of the 
city of New York, I expressed before your great people 
what were my humble wishes, what my expectations and 
my hopes. In that speech, I noticed this very passage in 
the message of the president, to which you now call my 
attention, with the warmest feelings of gratitude and 
thanks. May he be blessed for it; because these words, 
spoken not by one party, but by the people, will bring 
down his name, in the records of history, as the name of 
one man who made a turning-point in the destinies of 
humanity. [Applause.] May God give me to see to-day, 
that the people of the United States had stretched forth 
their gigantic hand, saying to Europe, " We seek not 
strife — we are not glad to have war — but we suppose that 
when we say to the t tyrant 'Stop,' it will be listened to, 
without the necessity of drawing our swords; but if, 
beyond all probable calculations of the world, there 
should be a necessity for it, the people of the United 
States will redeem the words of this, our president, and 
will show practically that we cannot be indifferent or 
inactive wherever tyrannical power dares to crush down 
the struggling spirit of liberty." [Applause.] 

I thank you, gentlemen, once more, for these expressions 
of your sympathy. Indeed, at every opportunity which 
brings me in contact with important political corporations, 
I am always very much inclined to open my heart and 
respond at considerable length. But, after all, human 
power has its limits. The circumstance that you [honor 
me with your address at this late hour, shows me that you 
have not the expectation to hear me deliver a loHg re- 
sponse, especially when it is the last of a hundred, and I 



348 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

don't know how many speeches I have already delivered. 
You see how, in a foreign tongue, I am often in want of 
words to express my thoughts, and I can scarcely find 
them. [Applause.] You have shown me, that you have 
not expected an eloquent, elaborate, or even a long an- 
swer from me. For this, also, I thank you, because it is a 
benefit for me not to speak long at this time. But still 
more, I thank you, gentlemen, for the accompanied mani- 
festation of your sympathy and principles, by such sub- 
stantial aid, showing to the people of the United States, 
that the party to which you belong, intends not to be, and 
will not be, content with those principles written on paper 
only, to be put upon the registers of past ages, but that 
they feel those principles in their hearts; that they are 
fixed in their minds; and that the head of that party is 
ever ready to act out what the conviction of the mind, 
upon calm reflection, prompts them to do, with that warm 
feeling which is necessary to noble deeds, and which is 
never wanting in the heart of the free republican citizens 
of the United States. [Applause.] 

(^n lntnrkti nftfrnnnn, Smmtor SOtlj; 

Kossuth met the ladies of the city in Metropolitan Hall, 
and was addressed in their behalf by the Rev. Dr. Tyng, 
of the Episcopal Church, and the Rev. Mr. Bellows, of 
the Unitarian Church. 

Governor Kossuth then spoke as follows : — I would I 
were able to answer that call. I would I were able, con- 
veniently, to fill the place which your kindness has as- 
signed to me; but really I am in despair. I do not know 
how many times I have spoken within the last fourteen 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 349 

days in New York. Permit me to make some few remarks 
which are suggested to my mind by what has been stated. 
You were pleased to say, that Austria was blind to let me 
escape. Be assured that it was not the merit of Austria. 
Austria would have been very glad to bury me, if not in 
the cold grave of death, at least in the equally cold grave 
of morality and government. But the Emperor of Tur- 
key took courage to interfere with Austria; and notwith- 
standing all the reclamations of Austria, I am free — 
restored to life, because restored to duty and activity. If 
Austria had her will, it is true I should have vanished out 
of the memory of man. It is a curious fate which I have. 
Perhaps there never was a man in the world who was so 
fond of tranquillity as I am; and perhaps no man so fond 
of doing as much good as possible without being known, 
or even noticed as being in the world. Thus longing for 
tranquillity, it was my destiny never to have a single 
moment in my life to see it fulfilled. But, my guiding 
star was and will be " Duty;" and the pleasure and delight 
of the heart must wait, even forever, if necessary, when 
duty calls. Ladies, worn out as I am, still I am glad, 
very glad, that it is the ladies of New York who have 
condescended to listen to my farewell. This, my farewell, 
cannot, will not be eloquent. When, in the midst of 
a busy day, the watchful cares of a guardian angel throws 
some flowers of joy in the thorny way of man, he gathers 
them up with thanks, a cheerful thrill quivers through his 
heart, like the melody of an ^olian harp; but the earnest 
duties of his life soon claim his attention and his cares. 
The melodious thrill dies away, and on he must go, and 
on he goes, joyless, cheerless and cold; every fibre of his 
heart bent to the earnest duties of the day. But when 



350 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

tlie hard work of the day is done, and the stress of mind 
for a moment subsides, then the heart again claims its 
right, and the tender fingers of our memory gather up 
again the violets of joy "which the guardian angel threw 
in our way, and we look at them with so much joy, we 
cherish them as the favorite gifts of life — we are so glad — 
as glad as the child on Christmas eve. These are the 
happiest moments of man's life. But when we are not 
noisy, not eloquent, we are silent, almost mute, like nature, 
in a midsummer's night, reposing from the burning heat 
of the day. Ladies, that is my condition now. It is a 
hard day's work which I have to do here. I am deliver- 
ing my farewell address; and every compassionate smile, 
every warm grasp of the hand, every token of kindness 
which I have received, (and I have received so many,) 
every flower of consolation which the ladies of New York 
have thrown on my thorny way, rushes with double force 
to my memory. I feel so happy in this memory — there is 
a solemn tranquillity about my mind; but in such a moment 
I would rather be silent than speak. I scarcely can speak. 
You know, ladies, that it is not the deepest feelings which 
are the loudest. [Applause.] And besides, I have to say 
farewell to New York! This is a sorrowful word. What 
immense hopes are linked in my memory in this word 
New York — hopes of resurrection for my down-trodden 
father-land — hopes of liberation for oppressed nations on 
the European continent! Will the expectations which 
the mighty outburst of New York's young generous heart 
foreshadowed, be realized ? Will these hopes be fulfilled, 
or will the ray of consolation which New York cast on 
the dark night of my father-land — will it pass away like 
an electric flash? Oh, could I cast one single glance into 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 351 

the book of futurity! No, God forgive me this impious 
wish. It is He who hid the future from man, and what He 
does is well done. It were not good for man to know his 
destiny. The energy of his sense of duty would falter or 
subside, if we were assured of the failure or success of 
our aims. [Applause.] It is because we do not know the 
future, that we retain our energy of duty. So will I go 
on in my work, with the full energy of my humble abili- 
ties, without despair, but with hope. It is Eastern blood 
which runs in my veins; and I come from the east. I 
have, accordingly, somewhat of Eastern fatalism in my 
disposition, but it is the fatalism of a Christian who trusts 
with unwavering faith in the boundless goodness of a 
Divine Providence. But among all these different feelings 
and thoughts that come upon me in the hour of my fare- 
well, one thing is almost indispensable to me, and that is, 
the assurance that the sympathy I- have met with here will 
not pass away like the cheers which a warbling girl 
receives on the stage — that it will be preserved as a prin- 
ciple, and that when the emotion subsides, the calmness of 
reflection will but strengthen it, because it is a principle. 
This consolation I wanted, and this consolation I have, 
because, ladies, I place it in your hands. I bestow on 
your motherly and sisterly cares, the hopes of Europe's 
oppressed nations — the hopes of civil, political, social and 
religious liberty. Oh, let me entreat you, with the brief 
and stammering words of a warm heart, overwhelmed 
with emotions and with sorrowful cares — let' me entreat 
you, ladies, to be watchful of the sympathy of your people, 
like the mother over the cradle of her beloved child. It 
is worthy of your watchful care, because it is the cradle 
of regenerated humanity. Especially in regard to my 



352 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

poor father-land, I have particular claims on the fairer and 
better half of humanity, which you are. The first of 
these claims is, that there is not, perhaps, on the face of 
the earth, a nation which, in its institutions, has shown 
more chivalric regard for ladies, than the Hungarian. It 
is a joraiseworthy trait of the Oriental character. You 
know that it was the Moorish race, in Spain, who were 
the founders of the chivalric era in Europe, so full of 
personal virtue; so full of noble deeds; so devoted to the 
service of the ladies, to heroism, and to the protection 
of the oppressed. You are told that the ladies of the 
East are almost degraded to less than a human condition, 
being secluded from all social life, and pent up within the 
harem's walls. And so it is. But you must not judge the 
East by the measure of European civilization. They have 
their own civilization, quite difi'erent from ours, in views, 
inclinations, affections and thoughts. Eastern mankind is 
traditional — the very soil retains the stamp of traditional 
antiquity. When you walk upon that old soil, with the 
Old Testament in your hand, and read the prophets and 
the patriarchs, on the very spot where they lived and 
walked, you are astonished to find that nature is as it was 
five thousand years ago, and that the cedars still grow on 
Lebanon, under the shadow of which the patriarchs were 
protected. You see the well just as Jacob saw it when 
Eachel gave drink to him and his camels. Every thing — 
the aspect of nature, the habits, the customs, the social life 
of the people, is measured, not by centuries, but by thou- 
sands of years. The women of the East live as they have 
lived in the times of the patriarchs, and they feel happy. 
Let them remain so. [Applause.] Who can wish them more 
on earth than happiness? Nothing is more ridiculous 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 853 

than to pity those who feel happy. But such is the fact, 
that there is almost a religious regard paid to women in 
the Bast. No man dares to injure or offend a woman 
there. He who would do so would be despised by all, like 
a dog. That respect goes so far, that the lord does not 
dare raise the carpet of his harem's door, still less enter 
it, where a pair of slippers before the threshold tells him 
that a lady is in the room. [Applause.] Respect and 
reverence for women is the characteristic of the Orient. 
The Magyars are of Eastern stock, cast in Europe. We 
found all the blessings of civilization in your ladies; but 
we conserved for them the regard and reverence of our 
Oriental character. Nay, more than that, we carried these 
views into our institutions and into our laws. With us, 
the widow remains the head of the family, as the father 
was. As long as she lives she is the mistress of the prop- 
erty of her deceased husband. The chivalrous spirit of 
the nation supposes she will provide, with motherly care, 
for the wants of her children, and she remains in posses- 
sion so long as she bears her deceased husband's name. 
The old constitution of Hungary, which we reformed upon 
a democratic basis — it having been aristocratic — under 
that instrument the widow of a lord had the right to send 
her representative to the parliament; and in the county 
elections of public functionaries, widows had a right to 
vote alike with the men. Perhaps the chivalrous charac- 
ter of my nation, so full of regard toward the fair sex, may 
somewhat commend my mission to the ladies of America. 
Our second particular claim is, that the source of all the 
misfortune which now weighs so heavily upon my bleed- 
ing father-land, is in two ladies — Catharine of Russia, and 
Sophia of Hapsburgh — the ambitious mother of the young 



354 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Nero, Francis Joseph. You know that one hundred and 
fifty years ago, Charles the Twelfth, of Sweden, the bravest 
of the brave, foreseeing the growth of Eussia, and fearing 
that it would oppress and overwhelm civilization, ventured, 
with a handful of men, to overthrow the rising power of 
Russia. After immortal deeds and almost fabulous victo- 
ries, one loss made him a refugee upon Turkish soil, like 
myself. But, happier than myself, he succeeded in pur- 
suading Turkey of the necessity of checking Russia in her 
overweaning ambition, and in curtailing her growth. On 
went Mehemet Balzordsi with his Turks, and met Peter the 
Czar, and pent him up in a corner where there was no possi- 
bility of escape. There Mehemet held him with his iron 
grasp till hunger came to his aid. But nature claimed her 
rights, and in a council of war, it was declared to surrender 
to Mehemet. Then Catharine, who was present in the camp, 
appeared in person before the Grand Vizier to sue for 
mercy. She was fair, and she was rich with jewels of 
nameless value. She went to the Grand Yizier's tent. 
She came back without any jewels, but she brought mercy, 
and Russia was saved. From that celebrated day dates 
the downfall of Turkey, and that of Russia's growth. Out 
of this source flowed the stream of Russian preponderance 
over the European continent ; and down-trodden liberty, 
and the nameless sufferings of Poland and of my poor na- 
tive land, are the dreadful fruits of Catharine's success on 
that day, cursed in the records of humanity. The second 
lady who will be cursed through all posterity, in her mem* 
ory, is Sophia, the mother of the present usurper of Hun- 
gary — she who had the ambitious dream to raise the lim- 
ited power of a child upon the ruins of liberty, and on the 
neck of down-trodden nations. It was her ambition — the 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 355 

evil genius of the House of Hapsburgh in the present day — 
which brought desolation upon us. I need only mention 
one fact to characterize what kind of a heart was in that 
cursed Avomau. On the anniversary of the day of Orod, 
where our martyrs bled, she came to the court with a 
bracelet of rubies, gathered together in so many roses as 
were numbered by the heads of the brave Hungarians who 
fell there, and declared it a gift, which she joyfully pre- 
sented to the company, as a memento, which she wears on 
her very arm, to cherish its eternal memory, that she must 
not forget the pleasure she derived from the killing of 
those men who died at Orod. This very fact can give you 
a true knowledge of the character of that woman. And 
this is the second claim to the ladies' sympathy for op- 
pressed humanity, and for my poor father-land. I wish the 
free women of free America will help my down-fallen land 
to get out of that iron grasp, or to get out of those bloody 
fangs, and become independent and free. Our third partic- 
ular claim is, the behavior of our ladies during the last 
war. It is no wanton praise — it is a fact what I say — 
that, in my hard task to lead on the struggle, and to gov- 
ern Hungary, I had no more powerful auxiliaries, and no 
more faithful executors of the will of the nation, than in 
the women of Hungary. [Applause.] You know that in 
ancient Eome, after the battle of Cannse, which was won 
by Hannibal, the victor was afraid to come down to the 
very walls of Rome. The Senate called on the people 
spontaneously to sacrifice all their wealth on the altar of 
their father-land, and the ladies were the first to do it. 
Every jewel, every ornament, was brought forth, so much 
so that the tribune judged it necessary to pass a law, pro- 
hibiting the ladies of Eome to wear jewelry or any silk 



356 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

dresses, in order that it might not appear the ladies of 
Eome had not, by their own choice, have done so. Now, 
we wanted in Hungary no such law. The women of Hun- 
gary brought all they had. [Great applause.] You would 
have been astonished to see how, in the most wealthy houses 
of Hungary, if you were invited to dinner, you would be 
forced to eat soup with iron spoons; and when the wounded 
and the sick — and many of them we had, because we fought 
hard — when the wounded and the sick were not so well 
provided as it would have been our duty and our pleasure 
to do, I ordered the ministry and the respective public 
functionaries to take care of them. But the poor wounded 
went on suffering, and the ministry went on slowly to pro- 
vide for them. When I saw this, one single word to the 
ladies of Hungary, and in a few hours there was provision, 
made for hundreds of thousands of sick. [Applause from 
the gentlemen present.] And I never met a single mother 
who would have withheld her son from sharing in the bat- 
tle; but I have met many who ordered and commanded 
their children to]fight for their father-land. [Applause.] 
I saw many and many brides who urged on the bridegrooms 
to delay the day of happiness till they would come back 
victorious from the battles of their father-land. Thus acted 
the ladies^of Hungary. That country deserves to live; 
that country deserves to have a future left yet, which the 
women, as much as the men, love and cherish. [Applause.] 
But I have a stronger motive than all these to claim your 
protecting sympathy for my country's cause. It is her 
nameless wo, nameless sufferings. In the name of that 
ocean of bloody tears which the sacrilegious hand of the 
tyrant wrung from the eyes of the childless mother — of 
the brides who beheld the hangman's sword between them 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 35T 

and tlieir wedding-day — in the name of all tliose motliers, 
wives, brides, daughters and sisters, who, by thousands of 
thousands, weep over the graves of Magyars, so dear 
to their hearts, and weep the bloody tears of a patriot, as 
they all are, over the face of their beloved native land — in 
the name of all those torturing stripes with which the flog- 
ging hand of Austrian tyrants dared to outrage humanity 
in the womankind of my native land — in the name of that 
daily curse against Austria with which even the prayers of 
our women are mixed — in the name of the nameless suifer- 
ings of my own dear wife — [here the whole audience rose 
and cheered vehemently, which compliment was gracefully 
acknowledged by Madame K,] — the^faithfiil companion of 
my life — of her, who for months and months was hunted 
by my country's tyrants, like a noble deer, not having for 
months, a moment's rest to repose her wearied head in 
safety, and no hope, no support, no protection, but at the 
humble threshold of the hard-working people, as noble and 
generous as they are poor; [applause] — in the name of my 
poor little children, who, so young and scarcely conscious 
of their life, had already to learn what an Austrian prison 
is — in the name of all this, and, what is still worse, in the 
name of down-trodden liberty, I claim, ladies of New York, 
your protecting sympathy for my country's cause. Nobody 
can do more for it than you. The heart of man is as soft 
wax in your tender hands. Mould it, ladies; mould it into 
the form of generous compassion for my country's wrongs 
— inspire it with the consciousness of your country's pow- 
er, dignity and might. You are the framers of man's 
character. Whatever be the fate of man, one stamp he 
always bears on his brow — that which the mother's hand 
impressed upon the soul of the child. The smile of your 



358 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

lips can make a hero out of the coward — [applause] — and 
a generous man out of the egotist; one word from you in- 
spires the youth to noble resolutions; the lustre of your 
eyes is the fairest reward for the toils of life. You can 
even blow up the feeble spark of energy in the breast of 
broken age, that once more it may blaze up in a noble, a 
generous deed before it dies. All this power you have. 
Use it, ladies, use it in behalf of your country's glory, and 
for the benefit of oppressed humanity; and when you meet 
a cold calculator, who thinks by arithmetic, when he is 
calie:! to feel the wrongs of oppressed nations, convert 
hiiU, la lies. Your smiles are commands, and the truth 
which p >urs forth instinctively from your hearts, is mightier 
than the- Logic articulated by any scholar. The Peri, ex- 
cluded from Paradise, brought many generous gifts to 
heaven in order to regain it. She brought the dying sigh 
of a patriot; the kiss of a faithful girl, imprinted upon the 
lips of her bridegroom, distorted by the venom of the 
plague. She brought many other fair gifts; but the doors 
of Paradise opened before her only when she brought with 
her the first prayer of a man converted to charity and 
brotherly love for his oppressed brethren and humanity. 
I am told that one of the newspapers, with a kind and gen- 
erous intention, has declared, of the cause which I have the 
honor to plead, has pointed out that there is a committee 
who are about to raise money for the purpose of revolu- 
tionizing Europe. I perfectly understand the kind inten- 
tion of the generous friend who wrote these words; but I 
beg leave to remark, that it is not my intention to get any 
people whatever to aid in the revolution of Europe. My 
axiom is that of the Irish poet, " Who would be free them- 
selves must strike the blow." [Applause.] All that I 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 359 

claim is fair play; and that is the aim for which I claim the 
United States to become the executive power of the laws 
of Nature and of Nature's God. The revolutions in Eu- 
rope will be made by the nations of Europe; but that they 
shall have fair play is what the nations of Europe expect 
from the protection of the United States of America. Re- 
member the power which you have, and which I have en- 
deavored to point out in a few brief words. Remember 
this, and form associations; establish ladies' committees to 
raise substantial aid for Hungary. Who could, who would 
refuse, when the melody of your voice is pleading the cause 
of my bleeding, of my oppressed native land ? Now I have 
done. One word only remains to be said — a word of deep 
sorrow, the word — "Farewell, New York." New York ! 
that word will forever make thrill every string of my 
heart. I am like a wandering bird; I am worse than a 
wandering bird. He may return to his summer home. 1 
have no home on earth. Here I felt almost at home. But 
" Forward" is my call, and I must part. I part with the 
hope that the sympathy which I have met here, is the trum- 
pet sound of resurrection to my native land ; I part with 
the hope that, having found here a short, transitory home, 
fortune will bring me yet back to my own beloved home, 
that my ashes may yet mix with the dust of my native soil. 
Ladies, remember Hungary, and — farewell. 

(Dn Mu^^ mnrning, ®EMfer &, 

Governor Kossuth left the Irving House, where he had 
remained since he had landed in the city, and accompanied 
the Mayor to his residence, for the purpose of quiet and 
repose; to recruit his bodily strength, which had been 



360 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

unceasingly taxed; and it was a matter of wonder that lie 
had been enabled so long to endure the fatigues of speak- 
ing, night and day. 

On the same evening, Madame Kossuth, and Madame 
PuLSZKY, left the Irving House, and were accompanied by 
Alderman Franklin to a private residence in the vicinity 
of Philadelphia, there to remain until joined by the city's 
guest. 

Governor Kossuth remained with Mayor Kingsland, 
until Tuesday night, when he took an affectionate leave of 
him, and proceeded to Philadelphia, accompanied by Al- 
derman Delamater, Commodore Stockton, and Alderman 
John P. Wetherell, of Philadelphia. 



After Kossuth left the city, the workmen employed in 
the " Allaire Works," proceeded to the Irving house, and 
through Count Pulszky, presented the following resolu^ 
tions : 

New York, Dec. 24, 1851. 

Allaire Works' Company. — Donations contributed by 
the employers, and one hundred and forty-seven workmen 
connected with the Allaire Works of the city of New 
York, accompanying which is the following resolutions; 
which we have adopted for our platform : 

Resolved, That the contributors, workmen of the Allaire 
Works, deeply sympathizing with the down-trodden mil- 
lions of Europe, and particularly Hungary, which is now 
suffering: under the iron hand of Austria, 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 361 

Resolved, That we fully appreciate the self-sacrifice and 
persevering energy of that champion of liberty, Louis 
Kossuth, who raised the flag of freedom in Hungary, who 
has pined in an Austrian dungeon for her sake, and who 
is now an exile from his father-land, and the distinguished 
guest of a nation of freemen. 

Resolved, That we use our best endeavors, in a practical 
way, for the support of those principles of liberty that 
Hungary is now struggling for; and to repay that debt of 
gratitude to the children of the brave fathers of European 
liberty who so nobly fought and sacrificed their lives and 
fortunes for the acquisition of those principles of religious 
and political liberty which we now so happily enjoy. 

Resolved, That we subscribe ourselves the practical 
friends of political and religious liberty throughout Eu- 
rope. 

Resolved, That we raise a fund, to be called " the Kos- 
suth Fund," from the workmen of the Allaire Works of 
the City of New York, and that a committee of seven be 
appointed to carry the same into effect. 

The subscriptions raised under the last resolution amount 
to two hundred and twenty dollars and seventy-five cents, 
from one hundred and forty-seven workmen. 

GEORGE P. CLARK, Chairman. 

C. WiNSHiP, Treasurer. 

George Beck, Secretary. 
D. Nichols, Charles Lingke, 

HoRTON Woods, Geo. P. Clark. 



362 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

To this address, Mr. Pulszky replied as follows : 

Gentlemen : — I am deeply indebted to you for your 
subscription, and for your sympathy in the cause of Hun- 
gary, my poor country ; and I thank you in the name of 
my illustrious chief, who is now absent. I know how 
warm his feelings would be on such an occasion as this — 
not because of your money offering, but because it is a 
token of the sympathy of the working classes. The same 
it has been everywhere. In Marseilles, at Gibralter, in 
England, as well as here, the working classes have shown 
their sympathy for his cause. And why has this sympathy 
been so generally shown toward him ? He is not the iirst 
exile that has come to your hospitable shores — he is not 
the first patriot that has been driven from his native land 
by despots — other exiles have been here, but they have 
been passed by almost unnoticed, although you gave to 
them a brother's hand and a brother's welcome. But in 
no case has the same sympathy been bestowed on others, 
as has been bestowed both in Europe and here upon Kos- 
suth and the cause of Hungary. The reason for this is, 
that the working men know and feel that we struggled not 
lonly against Austrian tyranny, but for the liberty and in- 
dependence of our people, who were not before free, and 
because we gave to the masses of our countrymen the same 
rights enjoyed by the few. You have been told here that 
the Hungarian nobles wished to burthen the poor people, 
and to keep from them the great benefits of liberty. To 
these charges Gov. Kossuth did not reply, because he 
thought it beneath his dignity to notice them, and I speak 
of them now to show that they are not true. For ages the 
aristocracy enjoyed certain political privileges which were 
not so enjoyed by all the people, and they supported and 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 363 

maintained these privileges so long as they considered that 
the principles on which they were founded were just. By 
them they were exempt from taxation, yet at the same time 
they partook of all the benefits from the taxes paid ; and 
there were other privileges, but in 1848, they gave up the 
exclusive right of these privileges and extended them to 
all. They knew that the air was a necessity for, their 
body, so was liberty a necessity for the mind. I was my- 
self a member of the aristocracy, which was a very proud 
one, and we gave up our privileges, and gave to the liberty 
even before there was any pressure from without. We 
knew that to do justice was more agreeable to God than a 
fervent prayer, and that we were doing good. I was hap- 
py at that time to give a portion of my property for the 
good of my father-land, and so we all gave up a part when 
we abandoned and gave up our privileges. But no more I 
did for my country than the poorest of her people did, for 
they all gave their lives and their whole fortunes to de- 
fend her liberties. 

Gentlemen, this contribution from the workingmen is 
very valuable, and it will be considered so by Gov. Kos- 
suth, for he knows what it is to work, and to work very 
hard; and it is a very great pride to be able to say that I 
have maintained myself and my family by work. I lost my 
fortune in our struggle with Austria, and since then I have 
obtained what was necessary by the labor of my pen, which, 
though it is not hard for the body, yet' it is hard for the 
mind. "When I return to my native land, should it be my 
fortune to go back, I shall remember with pleasure the 
time when by labor I earned my own bread. 

I thank you again for that you have given to the cause 
of Hungary, and though you say you have given but little, 



364 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

yet it is as niiicli as the rich give, for they can afford to 
give, which does but deprive them of a few luxuries, but 
you cannot but poorly afford to spare what you give out 
of your hard earnings. Gentlemen, in the name of Gov. 
Kossuth, I return my warm thanks for your contribution. 



RECEPTION IN PHILADELPHIA. 

Kossuth arrived in Philadelphia on Wednesday, Dec. 
24th. He was received with enthusiastic demonstrations 
by the inhabitants, and welcomed to the city by Mayor 
Gilpin, in a neat speech, to which he replied as follows : 

Sir: — This is perhaps the proudest welcome which you 
could give me. The very fact of the knowing that I am 
standing here among the happy inheritors of that freedom 
and independence for which your forefathers fought and 
bled, the welcome by the happy inheritors of the great deeds 
here in the very cradle of your glorious liberties. This 
circumstance is enough to impress upon my mind a reli- 
gious awe, which inclines my heart silently to raise itself 
to God, wondering at the ways of His providence, rather 
than to find expressions in words. I will only tell you, sir, 
that this Independence Hall — the words spoken here, and 
the act declared here, represent to my mind, when I, in 
my native land, not in the ambition to copy your glory, 
but from a sentiment of duty, and from a conscientious- 
ness that my country was also entitled to freedom, — did 
even that which your forefathers did here. Your history 
n^p i red my people and myself with resolution, with inspi- 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 365 

ration, with encouragement, and with hope. You suc- 
ceeded, and we failed; not because we were not as resolved 
and decided to sacrifice life, and all that to man on earth 
is dear, for our father-land; but because we were not in so 
happy a situation as you. Foreign armed interference 
came and wrested out of our hands the fruits of already 
achieved victories. I can tell you that much of the spirit 
of your freedom and independence, and of your republi- 
can institutions, came over the waves of the ocean to 
Hungary. Let me hope that my very standing here, 
welcomed by your nation, may be a pledge for the future, 
that the spirit which came over to us from this place, may 
yet be attended by that ultimate success which was your 
happiness, your glory, and your merit also; because, upon 
that basis, you here founded a building of human freedom, . 
and of the development of the human intellect, and of 
civilization; prouder, loftier, than that which humanity 
before you has beheld through five thousand years — to 
your welcome I return my most hearty thanks, — to your 
welcome of the poor exile, but in the proud position of 
your nation's guest. Be thanked for your hospitality; be 
thanked for your welcome. Be thanked, because I know 
that the welcome of a free, mighty, and powerful people, 
like you, is the assurance that that mighty, free and pow- 
erful people feel inclined to become the executive power 
of the laws of Nature and of Nature's God, which were 
proclaimed out of the very ark of your hopes, to be, not 
your right alone, but the right of all humanity. 

Kossuth was then introduced to the corporate au- 
thorities, and other public men, after which he was con- 
ducted through the building to a covered platform, erected 



366 EEPOBT ON THE EECEPTION OF 

in Independence square, and wMcli was hung with Hun- 
garian and American flags, and tastefully decorated with 
evergreens. An immense concourse of people was assem- 
bled in the square, forming a compact mass, extending 
from the platform nearly to the outer gate. The appear- 
ance of the guest upon the platform was hailed with great 
enthusiasm. The crowd was so densely wedged together 
that the movement of a single individual swayed the 
entire mass. Of course , perfect order was impossible. 
After some minutes, order was partially restored, and 
KossiTTH addressed the multitude as follows: 

I would like to address you gentlemen — [cries of " Or- 
der ! order I "] but when we will have order, we must call 
Older very often. The despots of the world cry order, 
and you see by such words the liberty of the Old World 
is murdered. Permit me, gentlemen, to cover my head. 
[Putting on his hat.] Your hearts are warm, like Chris- 
tian brethren, but the air is a little chilly. It is indeed 
with deep emotion, that I thank you for the honor of 
this reception, and for the manifestations of your generous 
sympathy. It has been my lot, during a tempest-tossed 
life, very often to experience that the people are every- 
where highly honorable, generous, noble and good ; 
that they are imbued with instinctive sentiments of true 
principles, with sympathy for every just cause, and filled 
with that manly resolution to support right and truth, 
which manly resolution is the richest source of the most 
noble deeds. 

I have, very often, in my life, where the wisest men 
were at a loss as to what was the best course to pursue, 
noticed that the people's uncorrupted sentiment pointed 
out at once the true way. I have often seen the strongest 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 367 

man falter, under the weight of an event, while the people 
stood firm, never wavering in their confidence in the 
justice of God; never wavering in their sympathies for a 
just cause, and never wavering in their resolution to carry 
it to a happy issue. And perhaps this experience has 
never brought morahope and consolation than in this very 
place. I feel now that I am upon sacred ground. In this 
very place, was read to your forefathers, seventy-five 
years ago, the Declaration of your Independence. It is 
here your forefathers achieved that declaration. [Ap- 
plause.] Although that declaration, then proclaimed, 
was no more than a call to the people to be ready to sac- 
rifice life and all they held dear for their father-land, it 
was a path full of danger, which was pointed out to your 
forefathers. But still they, upon that appeal. Avowed to be 
ready to sacrifice life and every thing to maintain their 
independence. 

Now you, gentlemen, the happy inheritors of that inde- 
pendence, for which your forefathers fought and bled, are 
in a proud condition that you have nothing more to fear; 
no further risk to run for your own security, when you 
resolve to put the whole weight of your mighty country 
into the balance in which the destinies of mankind are 
weighed. 

Gentlemen, I hope that this demonstration of your 
sympathy, is a token of this your resolution, which is as 
glorious to you as it is beneficial to humanity. I thank 
you, with the warmest sentiments of an honest heart, for 
your kindness and sympathy, and beg you to be assured 
that the remembrance of your sympathy will always be 
cherished in the heart of my people as an object of our 
everlasting thanks and gratitude. [Immense cheering.] 



368 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

DELEGATION FROM THE CLERGY. 

A numerous delegation from the Evangelical Clergy, of 
Philadelphia, was presented to Governor Kossuth, and 
being introduced, the Rev. John Chambers, on behalf of 
the clergy, addressed him in a very feeling and eloquent 
address. . 

Governor Kossuth replied as follows : 

God bless you, sir, and you, gentlemen, for the words 
you have spoken. After such words, spoken upon so hal- 
lowed a ground, it would be almost arrogance, on my part, 
to try to reply in the same strain, worthy those words 
which you have spoken to me; still, you will excuse me 
for some few remarks which I only plainly and dryly will 
make. I have met, within the United States, a word of 
approbation for my humble self, being the friend of the 
Bible. In that respect, allow me to state my view — and 
that view is, that, for a man, who is so happy as to be born 
a Christian, to be the friend of the Bible, there is not the 
least merit. I consider when a man is sick — bodily sick 
— and his physician gives him physics, which are the only 
means of restoring him to health, and he takes that 
physic, there is no merit in it. A sick man loves to win 
health. That is my view in respect to being a friend of 
the Bible. I would like, could I have been so happy, to 
have read the Bible, which I even have done, in the Eng- 
lish language; because it would afford me more facility 
to reply to certain principles which I find there. But I 
could not have it in English, only now and then, since I 
am free from my captivity in Turkey. Therefore, I wish 
to know of one statement which I have heard pronounced, 
quoted from the Bible, but somewhat in a different way 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 369 

from that which I have read in the Greek, Latin and Hun- 
garian, " Glory to God in Heaven, and peace and good 
will to men on earth.'' In Latin I have heard it, "Glory 
to God in Heaven, and peace to good willing men on 
earth." " Gloria in attissimis Deo ! et in terra pax homini- 
hus bona voluntatis." So it is in Latin, and certainly the 
Greek, " en antropois,'' gives the same meaning. I got the 
impression that it is to those who follow out the Gospel 
precept of good will to each other, that we are here 
taught that peace is to come. From the Bible I got the' 
impression that our Savior, who again, in another place, 
said, he came not to make peace, but to make war, or 
division, and still he is the Lord of Peace; and, I find the 
explanation, that he came to make division—as a rule 
given to man that he must go on for right, for truth, for 
law; that he must not abandon his resolution to stick to 
the right, and truth, and law, for the word "peace;" but 
that peace there, is only where there is right — where there 
is law; and even if division is required, that division must 
be for peace, and it is pointed out by God that the destiny 
of humanity is to be free. I have a fervent conviction 
that the freedom of the nations in Europe will not make a 
new reformation in Christianity, but will develop its bene- 
fits; because that now, according as history has developed 
Christian love, Christian brotherly love, as the rule 
among Christians, as individuals, but, in their interna- 
tional relations, it was not a rule in exercise among the 
governments of Europe. They have not acted upon the 
principles of Christian brotherly love; and I have the one 
comfort, that it will be a new triumph of those eternal 
principles of our Savior, when the day arrives that the 
nations of Europe shall be free; then that principle of 
24 



370 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

brotherly love, which was restricted to private life, will 
come into the international relations of one country to 
another; and, therefore, I believe that we in Hungary and 
Europe, are now about to struggle, not only for the prin- 
ciples of political and civil freedom; not only for the prin- 
ciples of religious liberty, but also to struggle indeed for 
the triumph of Christianity ; for, I believe that the vic- 
tory of freedom will elevate that principle of love which 
is the basis of Christianity; then it will not only be 
restricted to individuals, but will be the rule for govern- 
ments and between nations. That I believe, and such a 
truth, should every other consideration be put aside, must 
be sufficient for Christians to give their aid to hasten the 
approach of that day of glorious triumph when the doc- 
trines of our Lord will also rule that great family where 
every nation only is an individual, and a member of the 
family itself. I scarcely can hope that that cause — that 
great triumph of liberty — can be achieved through diplo- 
macy. I can boldly beg you to remember history, and I 
am sure you will not contradict me, that there was never 
a despot or a tyrant, who abandoned, by free will, his des- 
potism. I know not a single one. Still less will those 
who have the power of despotism, freely resign it in Eu- 
rope, where it is not only the individual standing of one 
monarchy that is concerned, but where there is a league, 
which, if there were a single honest man among men « 
— and I know not a single one on all the continent — 
there is not a single one who has not a thousand times 
violated his promises to his people, and his oaths, sworn 
before God, and a sacrilegious man can never be an honest 
man; and it is my conviction that there is not a single one 
on the European continent; of Spain I will not speak — 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 371 

there I don't know — it is a new thing, but, over the East, 
there is not one who has not violated his promises; and, 
if there were even a single honest man among them, I 
really believe that he would be forced by the league of all 
to stick to those principles upon which rest the oppres- 
sion of the European nations; and, therefore, I don't be- 
lieve it can be done without it. We will have to fight for 
it. The first blow has been struck, and it will go on; 
but, so much I say, that the more I can meet with a real 
and effective support from the great people of the United 
States, the less blood will be shed. Because you are in 
the position, in respect to Hungary, in which that trumpet 
was before the sound of which fell the walls of Jericho. 
What is it we have to fear ? The interference of Russia, 
not as if Russia were a giant, but because it is too near 
us, and it can meet us before we have time enough to get 
out our force. That is the power on which rests Austria. 
You can blow away that power from Hungary, and the 
walls of Jericho, the power of Austria, I believe, will fall 
to dust, almost Avith a single battle; a single battle they 
will fight; but, with one battle, the shattered buildings of 
injustice, treachery, perjury, and oppression will fall 
down when the support is taken away. Some gentle- 
man said that I asked substantial aid, and with that I 
would revolutionize Europe. No, gentlemen, revolutions 
are not made by hundreds of thousands of dollars. They 
can only be made by the sentiment of oppression, which 
makes the nations discontented. All artificial movements, 
which come not from the very hearts of the people, but 
are made by money, are mere revolts. Revolutions are 
not possible only where there is a great reason for them ; 
and so long as millions of oppressed nations in Europe 



372 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

have no freedom, they will not have contentment, and they 
will make revolutions. What I ask of you, gentlemen, 
I have no intention that it is to make the revolution; the 
revolution is already made; the blow is already struck, 
and the more effective means I have in my hand to the 
getting up of that policy by your nation, by which you 
become the executive power of the laws of Nature and of 
Nature's God, the more I have substantial aid in my 
hand, the more can I exert an influence upon the direction 
of that movement which I cannot stop — which nobody 
can stop; and, if I succeed here, in my humble mission, I 
am confrdent it will cost neither much blood nor long dis- 
turbance. If, instead of remaining indifferent to the 
struggle in Europe, you sympathize with, and support it in 
such a way as may be convenient for your own security — 
who could desire that the United States should do any- 
thing that would endanger their own happiness and 
security? No; but, if you give such a support, then that 
unavoidable revolution will be brought very soon, not 
only to a happy issue, but it will also very soon be suc- 
ceeded by lasting peace. Without it, it will be a volcano, 
and Europe will be nothing but a battle field for ages; for 
the nations will not 'be contented with .oppression. I 
never knew a single man who has ever loved oppression ; 
so I can easily say, that those who wish peace should be 
inclined to give their generous support to the cause which 
I represent; and those who are Christians should be de- 
lighted to contribute to raise the great principle of 
Christianity to be Jthe rule, not only of individuals, but of 
nations. 1 have found that you express, in your words, 
sentiments, not only harmonizing with what I have told, 
but ennobling them by the warmness of your heart, by 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 378 

the firmness of your confidence, and by the eloquence of 
your words. I am not an eloquent man, and chiefly not, 
in your tongue; but I will try to become eloquent by an 
honest fulfillment of the duties of an honest man; of a. 
friend of political, civil, and religious liberty, and an 
honest fulfillment of my duties as a patriot. But you, 
gentlemen, be pleased to grant my humble request; con- 
tinue to pray to God, the Almighty Lawgiver of nature, 
and the Father of humanity; continue to pray to Him, not 
that the cup may pass away from us — we are willing to 
take it from the hands of Providence; but pray that the 
draught be not too long, and that peace shall be restored 
to humanity, and that we may soon attain to mankind's 
destiny — which is freedom. 

THE CITIZENS' BA^fftUET. 

The Citizens' Banquet, to Kossuth, took place in the city 
of Philadelphia, on Friday evening, December 26th, where 
the greatest enthusiasm was manifested in favor of the 
Hungarian cause. Hon. George M. Dallas presided, 
and made an eloquent speech, in giving the toast of 

" Hungary — Her constitution violated; her people in 
chains; her chief in exile — the star of freedom will yet 
shine through the dark night of her despair, hallowing 
that spot, within her borders, from whence shall be pro- 
claimed her liberty and independence." 

Kossuth replied as follows: — 

Gentlemen: — Returning my most humble thanks for the 
honor of the toast, and the manifestation of your sympa- 
thy, I would at once beg leave to enter upon some respect- 



374 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

fill remarks connected with what I consider my mission. 
There are some curious incidents which I cannot forbear 
briefly to mention, in order that you may see what sort of 
enemies I have the bad fortune to meet, even in this land 
of freedom and publicity — that you may see to what means 
the enemies of the cause, which I plead, resort to embarrass 
me in my open dealings, and to throw embarrassment in 
my way. And you will judge by this how just my cause 
must be, that its enemies, hidden in darkness, employ such 
base and dastardly means against it. The first is that I 
have received four checks, of considerable amount, from 
different places, during my sojourn in New York, as sub- 
stantial aid for Hungary, and kind letters accompanying 
them, signed by well known honorable names. It turned 
out the letters and checks were forgeries. Now, how 
base a trick ! I can scarcely imagine its intention, if it 
be not to hurt my feelings, and excite disappointment. 
Then, again, the committee of arrangements received 
anonymous letters, containing printed slips, calumniating 
my personal character, and going even so far as to calum- 
niate the very honor of my nation, by stating that it is not 
me, but Austria, which had freed a population of nine mil- 
lions in Hungary, and that I was an instrument of the aris- 
tocracy to keep these nine millions in bondage. Now, as 
to myself, I have the consolation of the German poet — 
" Those are not the worst fruits which the wasps assail." 
But as the character of our struggle, and the immortal 
honor of my nation, sanctified by the death of thousands 
of our people, unarmed demi-gods, and by the blood of 
our numerous martyrs — that there can be found one single 
man among the millions of humanity capable to lie so in 
the very face of the living nation, as to call the noon sun, 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. ' 3*75 

midnight; moonliglit, darkness; fire, ice; so to belie his- 
tory, not of by-gone ages, but of yesterday, stating, not 
that Nero was a Marcus Aurelius, but that we fought for 
aristocracy, and the despotic, aristocratic, Jesuitic Aus- 
tria, has fought for democracy and liberty; to state that 
things which were experienced by millions of my country- 
men, and witnessed by the whole world, did not happen; 
though the whole living generation of mankind, except the 
two years old infant, has seen, heard, and witnessed it; to 
say that just the contrary happened; indeed, gentlemen, 
this is a sacrilege for which the human tongue has yet no 
word. But it is also a great trial to my country to see 
that it is so highly just, so poor, so virtuous, that our mor- 
tal foe, our oppressor, our hangman, cannot even try any 
plea of not guilty, but by stealing our merit, and hanging 
the mantle of our virtue upon his own impious shoulders. 
This is, indeed, a trial unparalleled in history; but let me 
proudly say, this trial we have merited. Having for me, 
God, justice, history, my nation, you, the world, let me 
have some self-esteem, some humble sentiment of my own 
moral dignity, and pass over such base calumny with dis- 
gust. But the third incident is yet more curious, if possi- 
ble; and the more abominable, because to arrest my move- 
ments, a nameless enemy in the dark, intended even to 
wound the honor of your own fellow-citizens. I received 
a letter, again a forged one. The gentleman whose name 
the forger so abused, has declared to me that it is a vile 
and stupid forgery. The following is the letter referred 
to :— 

December 22, 1851. 
Hon. Louis Kossuth ; — 

Respected Sir— It is my unpleasant duty to apprise you that the in- 
tervention or non-intervention sentiments that you have promulgated, in 
your speeches in the city of New York, are unsuitable to the region of 



376 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Pennsylvania, situated as she is on the borders of several slave-holding 
states— and after a conference Tvith my distinguished uncle, the Hon. 
John Sargeant, the Hon. Horace Binney, and other distinguished coun- 
sellors, Tvlio concur with me in the sentiment I feel, most reluctantly, I 
assure you, that such sentiments are incendiary in their character and 
effect — and, as the conservator of the public morals and the peace of the 
country, having sworn to comply with the Constitution of the United 
States and the State of Pennsylvania, on taking upon myself the office of 
Attorney General of the county of Philadelphia, I shall be obliged to 
bring any such sentiments to the notice of the grand inquest of the county, 
for their action and consideration. 

Respectfully, 

WM. B. REED, 

Attorney General. 

Now, such a letter, and yet a forgery, indeed is a despi- 
cable trick, — but though it is a forgery, still there is one 
thing which forces me to some humble remarks, precisely 
because I know not whence comes the blow. I am refer- 
ring to these words: " Your intervention or non-interven- 
tion sentiments are unsuited to the region of Pennsylvania, 
situated, as she is, on the borders of several slave-holding 
states." I avail myself of this opportunity to declare 
once more, that I never did, nor will do any-thing which, 
in the remotest way, could interfere with the matter allu- 
ded to; nor with whatever other domestic question of your 
united republic; or of a single state of it. I have de- 
clared it frankly and openly several times, and on all and 
every opportunity I have proved to be as good as my 
word. I dare say, that even the pledge of the word of 
honor of an honest man, should not be considered a suffi- 
cient security in that respect. The publicly avowed basis 
of my humble claims, and the unavoidable logic of it, 
would prove to be a decisive authority. What is the 
ground upon which I stand before the mighty tribunal of 
the public opinion of the United States ? It is the sover- 



GOVERNOR LOJJIS KOSSUTH. 377 

eign right of every nation to dispose of its own domestic 
concerns. [Great applause.] What is it I humbly ask of 
the United States ? It is, that they may generously be 
pleased to protect this sovereign right of every nation 
against the encroaching violence of Russia. It is there- 
fore eminently clear, that this being my ground, I cannot 
and will not meddle with any domestic question whatever, 
of this republic. Indeed, I more and more perceive that, to 
speak with Hamlet, " There are more things in heaven and 
earth than was dreamed of in my philosophy.'' [Laughter 
and applause.] But still, I will stand upright, on however 
slippery ground, by taking strongly hold bf that legiti- 
mate fence of not meddling in your domestic questions. 
Let me, therefore, return to our own European concerns. 
It is a necessity for a man in my position to conform to 
the exigencies of his situation; so, of course, I must feel 
anxious to bestow my attention, at this very moment, on 
the important events in France, which so eminently verify 
my prediction that we are on the very eve of a crisis on 
the European continent. We are at the beginning of the 
end; the doors of the hurricane are bio wii down; and on 
it will go. [Applause.] Let me state the nature of it; 
but first a few remarks. When I asked some private sub- 
stantial aid, by which to benefit the cause of Hungary and 
European liberty, the idea was set forth that I had the 
intention to revolutionize Europe with it ; I answered 
that it was not so. Believe me, gentlemen, were I even 
so happy as to meet your people's financial support for my 
country, to the full extent of my expressed wishes, all this 
would not be enough either to make a European revolu- 
tion, or even to carry on war with Hungary. I therefore 
cannot have the intention to spend that financial aid for 



378 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

such a purpose; and tlie less, because I am responsible for 
the employment of every dollar to my own country, to which 
the generous people of the United States give it; and 
which, as far as it goes, being a loan, my country will have 
to pay; therefore, through the confidence of my people, 
and through the national, unanimous, and legitimate origin 
of my public capacity, I shall have to dispose of the em- 
ployment thereof, till I am responsible to my country that 
I employ it in a national way to its benefit. And what is 
that way ? To make an outburst of revolution in Europe ? 
No; for the simple reason that the revolution is already 
made, without a single dollar of yours. I have said open- 
ly, revolution is unavoidable. Its first blow is near. My 
prophecy has proved more true than you, but not 1, 
may have, perhaps, expected. Even so, I tell you, no 
power on earth can hinder the vibration of the already 
stricken blow throughout Europe, even in my own coun- 
try. To be sure, my people honor me with fond trust and 
confidence; but that trust and confidence is limited by the 
condition to lead it on to the recovery of its freedom and 
independence, and not to check this aim. I have power 
to give a favorable direction to the unavoidable movement, 
if I can get efficient means for that purpose. But to stop 
the movement, were I even willing to do so, and certainly 
I am not, I have not the will to stop the movement — to 
arrest the outbreak of the revolution — neither I, nor who- 
soever it be in the world, have power to stop it. It may 
be crushed again, if the United States and England grant 
a charter to the Czar to place his foot on Europe's neck; 
but stop its outbreak, no man can. Permit me, therefore, 
to say, that America's financial aid will not make a revo- 
lution in Europe. The revolution is made. America 



GOVEKNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH = 379 

remaining indifferent will not avert revolution in Europe; 
the revolution is made; but the United States, maintaining- 
the laws of nations; restoring the right of commerce of 
their own citizens to the rightful basis of the everlasting 
principles of international law, and recognizing the legit- 
imate character of the sovereign right of every nation to 
alter its institutions and the form of its government; and 
the private citizens of the United States, imparting their 
generous financial aid, can achieve so much that Hungary 
will be prepared, in a good direction, to act the cause. 
Act it will, in every case; and, by acting in a good direc- 
tion, it will immediately contribute, so that the European 
revolution may soon be brought to a definite issue, fa- 
vorable to the principles of freedom, and contributing to 
an early restoration of peace. Whereas, else, the war 
will be cruel, bloody and long; and by its very duration, 
not only your generous feelings,' brotherly love, but also 
your commercial interests will be affected. Allow me, 
gentlemen, in respect of this interest, humbly to consider 
that it would be, perhaps, very disfavorable for the future 
of commerce, had the world reason to be persuaded that 
commercial monetary regards can check either a policy, 
beneficial to the freedom of the world, or the generous 
propensity to forward its ultimate triumph. This convic- 
tion would have such a result as that which those gentle- 
men, I apprehend, very soon will feel, who had their trea- 
suries always open for the despots to crush liberty with. 
They have excited a boundless hatred of all that people 
in Europe against them, which had to suffer so much for 
their ready financial aid to despotism. I am no socialist; 
no communist, you know; and had I the means to act effi- 
ciently, I am firmly resolved to act so that the inevitable 



380 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

revolution may not have an issue subversive of social 
order, founded upon the security of person and of pro- 
perty; but so much I confidently declare, that to the 
spreading of communistical doctrines in certain quarters 
in Europe, nobody has so much contributed as those Euro- 
pean capitalists who, by incessantly aiding the despots 
with their money, have inspired many of the oppressed 
with the belief that financial wealth is dangerous to the 
freedom of the world. [Applause.] Rothschild is the 
most effective apostle of communism. [Applause.] It 
is never good to put any particular interest in opposition 
to the highest interests of humanity; and as to commerce 
and to industry, I am glad to hear that Philadelphia holds 
a highly important and distinguished place in the manu- 
facturing and commercial interests of the United States. 
It is not mine to investigate what may be the future of the 
commercial system of the United States — protection or free- 
trade — it is your domestic question, I am not to meddle 
with it; but, so much I know, that let the one or the other 
principle prevail, large manufacturing places like Phila- 
delphia, the commerce and shipping interests of which are 
also chiefly founded upon manufacturing industry, want in 
every case large markets throughout the world; they want 
it when protection continues, because their own domestic 
industry is increasing incessantly; they want it, should 
protection be replaced by the free trade system, because 
then they will meet rivals who are in a more favorable 
condition than they themselves; and so the balance can 
only be restored by finding other markets where this 
would be more favorably placed than their rivals can be. 
And so much is true, that victorious despotism shuts the 
mjirkets of Europe, and victorious liberty opens them to 



GOTERNOB LOUIS KOSStFTH. 381 

industry. [Applause.] Be pleased to bestow, not an 
enthusiastic, not a passionate, but a calm, reflecting con- 
sideration to these few humble remarks. They are not 
unworthy your attention, gentlemen^ because, I dare say 
there is truth in them. Now as to the important news 
from France; it was reported in one distinguished organ 
of the daily press, that the news of Louis Napoleon's 
stroke fell like a bomb-shell upon me, " and that my 
movements will be arrested by it." Now, I confidently 
state that this news, instead of arresting my movements, 
can only have the effect to hasten my movements to for- 
ward their aim, and to bring them, in a much shorter time, 
to a happier, at least, to a speedier, definitive decision, 
than the case would have been without this news; And 
as to the " bomb-shell," [laughter] I really must decline 
the honor of acknowledging that compliment. I feel, 
indeed, no harm from that bomb-shell; [laughter] and not 
only do I not feel stunned by Mons. Louis Napoleon Bo- 
naparte's sacrilegious aim at the very life of republican- 
ism, but I take it rather for one of those providential 
effects, by which the very crime turns out only to promote 
that just cause which it was intended to oppress. [Great 
applause.] I could not become scathed or stunned by it, 
because it was expected by me. I have very often, in 
New York, publicly and privately, foretold that event. 
Every steamer may bring us tidings of the outbreak, of 
the unavoidable crisis of the European continent, because 
almost the day of the great contest between ambition and 
freedom being pointed out by the presidential election in 
France, it is quite certain that the ambition of Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte, pushed on by Russian and Austrian 
craft, will not await the day, but call forth the struggle at 



382 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the earliest time. I have foretold this publicly; and, in- 
deed, there was no necessity to read in the stars or to 
watch the flight of the clouds, in order to foresee that 
event. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte has sufficiently proved, 
by his whole life, that his only aim is to copy his uncle. 
[Laughter.] In heroism? Oh! no, no. Intelligence? 
Oh ! no ; but in the ambition to wear an imperial 
crown. That was clear to every man. I only was sur- 
prised to see that the French nation was able for one 
single moment to believe that a crowned pretender might 
become a faithful republican, and to bestow the whole 
executive power of its unhappily centralized republic into 
the hands of a man who so often proved nothing else but 
a mere crown pretender; and, what is more, in that very 
despicable capacity, pretended to a crown — not even by 
the weak pretence of inheritance — not even by the ludi- 
crous pretext that his ancestors wore that crown; still less 
by the virtue of any conspicuous deed whatever, of him- 
self — but simply because there was once a man, not his 
ancestor, but his uncle [laughter] only, who, ambitious as 
bold, once raised himself for a short time, and thought to 
raise but his descendants only to an imperial throne, upon 
the murdered freedom of his father-land. And yet the 
French nation trusted to that curious edition of crown 
pretender — trusted to his oath, by which he swore to 
maintain the constitution of his country — and trusting his 
oath, raised him to the presidency of the French republic. 
It was strange, indeed, to see this delusion of a past glory, 
alike vain and injurious to liberty, lead a great nation 
astray — -but very soon a strange fascination passed — and 
the French nation saw that the president, who swore to 
maintain the republic, was only a pretender. While he 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 883 

was cheered by some with a shout of hurrah for the em- 
peror, he was told by the nation that the worst of things 
would be an empire without glory; and because there 
once existed a man, whom his admirers called Napoleon 
the Great, there was no occasion for having Napoleon the 
Little. [Laughter and applause.] A bad augury for his 
imperial dreams; so that there remained scarcely any 
chance for him but to keep, yet awhile, the power of a 
president; and to raise himself by it to the sacrilegious 
seat of an usurper. You know how he exhausted every 
possible plan to secure his re-election. But every device 
broke to pieces on the rock of the constitution, which ex- 
plicitly forbade the re-election of the actual president. 
So, indeed, every man might have foreseen that, having 
failed in these attempts, he would resort to violence to 
shatter down that constitution which excluded him from 
power; and, by this exclusion, from the treacherous realiza- 
tion of his ambitious dreams, with a violent stroke, easily 
to be foreseen and to be foretold. But it was equally easy 
to foresee and to foretell that he would, without any delay, 
hasten to strike this injurious blow. The moment of his 
going out of office and of power was fixed by the consti- 
tution. He saw that the friends of the republican consti- 
tution, as well as his dynastic rivals, were, day by day, 
preparing, and step by step, marshaling their forces; but 
he knew that the republican party, not having yet come 
to a decision about its common nominee for the presi- 
dency, was not entirely ready to oppose his blow suffi- 
ciently. Every moment of delay might compromise his 
success; so there was no alternative but either to hasten 
this impious blow, or to become an honest man, faithful to 
his word and oath. Who could have doubted what course 



384 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION" OP 

an ambitious crown-pretender would take, placed in that 
alternative ? And there is yet an essential circumstance 
not to be overlooked. The Emperor of Russia, and all 
his openly avowed, or secret but equally obedient satel- 
lites, hate the word " republic " everywhere, but chiefly a 
republic in that France, which, as such, once already made 
tremble all the kings and emperors of the earth. The 
Emperor of Russia and his satellites were well aware, 
that a new and peaceful presidential election would consol- 
idate republicanism in France, and make it dangerous to 
their absolutism. They wished to overthrow it, and there 
was but one alternative for that purpose — either a war or 
a coup d/etai by their tool, Napoleon. A war would have 
have been dangerous, because against foreign invasion the 
French nation knows well to unite; and the French repub- 
lic, attacked by continental despotism, would inevitably 
rouse all nations of that continent to side with France. 
They well remembered those portentious words of Merlin 
de Thionville, " If they send us war, we will send them 
back liberty." There was, therefore, no mistake about 
the fact that the Czar and his satellites will resort to the 
more easy, and to them more agreeable alternative, to 
make the hated French bleed by their own hands — a frat- 
ricidal combat — and so murder the republic by the very 
man who was appointed its chief guardian. This was an 
easier part to play for the despots than a war; and a little 
diplomacy was all the part they had to play. You see, 
therefore, gentlemen, there was no divinatory power wanted 
to foretell the Napoleon stroke, as really I very often 
have done since my arrival on your happy shores. But, I 
must beg leave to state, that however shocking it may be 
to the honest hearts of free Americans to see a man play- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 385 

ing, out of mere ambition, sucli a dreadful drama with the 
blood and the liberty of his nation; still, I feel entirely 
assured that the final issue of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's 
impious stroke will, and can but prove beneficial to the 
cause of liberty on the European continent. Before all, 
I beg to consider that there is not the slightest reason to 
believe that the French nation will submit to the ambitious 
usurpation of the nephew of the uncle, as he is called. 
[Laughter.] You, of course, are aware, that the whole 
stroke is but a copy of his uncle's eighteenth Brumaire. 
But it is characteristic in history that copies never have 
succeeded, and never will succeed. And, besides. Napo- 
leon, or the uncle, had the halo of military glory around 
his head; of that glory which, alas! is often idolized, 
where liberty only should be loved. However, Napoleon, 
the uncle, the victor in Italy, — the victor there, where, 
from the pyramids of Egypt, forty centuries looked down 
upon him, had the fascination of so-called glory to offer 
in exchange to his nation for his sovereignty. But what 
is the nephew to fascinate it with — a nation like the 
French, which has gone already through the ordeal of 
three great revolutions for liberty's sake ? Where is the 
glory which he is to offer in exchange for all which in 
these three great revolutions so heroically won, and by 
the blood of so many martyrs rendered dear to the peo- 
ple's warm, generous heart ? I see no glory at all, and 
scarcely do I believe that even Herschel, with his tele- 
scope, would succeed to find out any hidden spark of it; 
nor is it the word of liberty which he dares, even as a 
momentary pretext to raise up as a screen, to throw, com- 
fortably from behind, dust into the eyes of the people — so 
indeed his uncle did. He talked much, on the eighteenth 
25 



386 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

Brumaire, about freedom; the republic, and his resolution 
to vindicate it; and no man was even then mistaken about 
what the comedy meant. The nephew copies the very 
way to come by a ten years' consulate to the people, but 
he dares not even talk of liberty — how could he dare to 
talk of it ? — the majority of the legislative assembly of 
France, which Louis Napoleon has whipped asunder, will, 
to be sure, be cursed in the memory of every friend of 
right and liberty; but the very reason why it went to 
naught, loaded with contempt and curses, is not that it 
had opposed Louis Napoleon in encroaching on the con- 
stitution and freedom of the country, and the people's 
rights, but that it had aided and supported him too obe- 
diently, too unblushingly, in doing so. Was there one 
single blow struck by that Assembly, against liberty, 
which had not originated in the presidential palace — had 
not been carried out by the president's ministers, and ap- 
proved and sanctioned too readily by him ? Was not the 
much misused word of '' order" the watchword of alliance 
between Louis Napoleon and the majority of the Assembly 
against the people of the republic. Oh ! there is indeed 
a Nemesis in Providence. We bow with religious awe 
before the retributive hand of Divine justice, when we see 
men like Thiers sent to the dungeon of Vincennes, so 
much is evident that Louis Napoleon has not dispersed the 
Assembly for having aided him to violate the constitution, 
but for not having violated it sufficiently, so that it should 
be no more an obstacle to his ambition. [Applause.] That 
being the case, he not even would dare to talk of liberty, 
and the only thing he could quote as an intended justifica- 
tion of his sacrilegious act, is that some members of the 
Assembly were about to accuse him of high treason. Now 



GOVERNOE LOUIS KOSSUTH. 387 

that this would have been no mistake, but a well merited 
justice, his very impious act sufficiently shows; but only 
imagine, gentlemen, because a public officer fears to be 
accused of having violated a constitution, he takes that 
for a motive to annihilate the constitution. I am entirely 
sure that, to such a motive of an inglorious usurpation the 
great French nation will never submit; but, if there is 
neither the fascination of glory, nor the delusive pre- 
text of liberty, which could induce the French nation to 
submit to this usurpation of Louis Napoleon, is, perhaps, 
the word " peace" — at any price which might promise any 
duration to it ? There can be no mistake in the matter. 
Which is the political party in France which would sup- 
port him for tranquillity's sake — support him only to 
have peace — when every man knows that to support him, 
would be only to plunge France into the horrors of a long 
civil war, instead of plunging it into a dishonorable peace. 
The legitimist party must, of course, be in a fury against 
him. The Orleanist party equally so, — their leaders, De 
Joinville and Aumale, are already threatening him from 
Belgium, — the republicans, of course, must hate him, the 
murderer of the constitution, so nobly won, and so dearly 
paid for, — the party of glory must look with contempt at 
him — he has no glory to offer to them — there is no glory 
to be earned on the side of the despots of the European 
continent. Even the uncle, ambitious as he was, had glory 
to offer to France, not because he fought for the despots, 
but because he fought against them; not because he main- 
tained their wavering thrones, but because he was an 
upsetter of kings. Thus, having neither the legitimists, 
nor the Orleanists, nor the republicans, nor the partisans 
of glory with him, but rather each of them against him, 
how could his usurpation be a pledge of peace, even to 



388 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

those few who loved their own tranquillity more than 
their country— who loved their pottage more than free- 
dom, and hate servitude less than they love liberty? 
Indeed, many a thing may be possible in France — even the 
restoration of the Bourbons, if you please; but Louis Napo- 
leon's ludicrous and yet bloody ambition, triumphant over 
France, is impossible. The French nation may bear delu- 
sion; it may bear deceit for a time; alas ! too often it has; 
but insult, never. [Applause.] An insult to the French 
nation is an earthquake to Europe. History proves it; 
and Louis Napoleon's act is an insult; and that, at least, 
the French nation never will bear. It is mournful enough 
that humanity, to the ambition of happy soldiers, or the 
vain prestige of a false principle, such as the pretended 
legitimacy of dynastical rights often did submit. Ctesars, 
Cromwells, Napoleons, may succeed, and Romans trample 
awhile on oppressed nations ; but ambition, without 
glory; ambition without a principle to lean upon, never 
yet was borne by mankind; even when mankind was yet a 
child. It will not be borne now, when it is grown up a 
man. To use a characteristic word of your own, " hum- 
bug" never yet ruled the destinies of a nation; and the 
ambition of Louis Napoleon is a humbug; and criminal 
and ridiculous, too. It would be a great mistake to be- 
lieve that the momentary success of the first days has any 
importance. No, it has none. I will explain this success 
and the real nature of it. Existing governments always 
have a power in a standing army that is a logical conse- 
quence of the principle of passive obedience and of disci- 
pline. Now-a-days even bayonets think. The Russo- 
Austrian advisers of Louis Napoleon did very well know 
that to strike the first blow of attack against a despised 
chattering Assembly, often hated by soldiers, and never 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 389 

•with more reason than now, in France; that to such a pur- 
pose of attack, even that army will readily submit to the 
iron rule of discipline which, when the people strike the 
first blow, becomes a citizen, and lowers its thinking bay- 
onet before its fellow-citizens. [Great applause.] An army 
which would not support a government attacked by the 
people, obeys, of course, its leaders, when led to attack 
an assembly despised by the people itself. There is some 
key to Louis Napoleon's first day's success. Some men 
talked so much about the spring of 1852, as the appointed 
moment of action, that it became quite natural for the 
people not to be prepared to act in December, 1851. And 
you know, he who is not prepared to defend himself is 
easily taken by surprise. Since rescued, by your generous 
aid, from captivity, I am free to judge circumstances by 
myself. I often foretold this surprise, because beating the 
drum is not the best means for catching fowls. [Applause.] 
This is the second key of Louis Napoleon's momentary 
success. The third is the prestige of centralization in 
France. They were wont to look to Paris as all in all; 
now, when we know that our enemy has only one camp, 
and that camp is neither prepared nor watchful, it is 
easily taken by surprise in a fair night; all this, of course, 
is very natural. I knew it would come thus; I have fore- 
told it openly; it was as clear as a summer's noonlight; 
but it would be the greatest mistake to believe, because 
that the stroke by surprise did succeed, the people are 
beaten, and the victory of ridiculous ambition achieved. 
No, its defeat is insured. It is very probable, that even 
the cunning manoeuvre of election voting was carried in 
passive silence, scarcely troubled by some unconnected 
outburst of isolate indignation. Nay, it is even probable, 
that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte had the majority of the 



390 EEPOET ON THE RECEPTION OV 

given votes; but mark well, gentlemen, tlie majority of tlie 
given votes, but not of the nation. The majority of the 
people have not voted. It has not accepted the arbitrary 
battle field which ridiculous ambition offered to it. The 
majority of the nation has pronounced, by abstaining from 
voting; and that abstinence, you will see, to prove the 
most effective protestation against the ambitious usurper. 
That is my impression of what has happened on the 
twentieth of this month, appointed for voting by the 
usurper. Has it happened otherwise, then the majority 
of the nation has voted against him. I am sure of it. In 
both cases we are but at the beginning. Those who look 
for peace, at any price, mind my words, without Louis 
Napoleon's imposing stroke, there was yet a possibility 
that the church-yard place of oppression, might yet go on 
for a while. Now, the alarm bell has rung; war has 
broken out. It appears that there is a mournful fatality 
in the destinies of freedom to be baptized in blood. 
We may regret this fatality — but accept it we must; and 
Louis Napoleon's stroke made this fatality a fact. The 
blow is struck. Thus the partisans of peace, at any price, 
must come to a speedy decision what course they will 
adopt. Every thing is possible but irresolution, and the 
delay of a decision is impossible. [Applause.] And 
there is one thing against which public opinion of the 
United States must be warned — that is, attaching any 
value to that circumstance that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte 
has appealed to the universal suffrage, and declared to 
submit to the will of the people. That is nothing, worse 
than nothing; it is a too well known humbug, and a too 
often tried crime to be deceived. I am glad of it. With- 
out Louis Napoleon's stroke I had hoped success; after 
his stroke, I am almost sure of it. [Great applause.] 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 391 

Because, now the success depends entirely upon what 
policy the United States of America will adopt. [Ap- 
plause.] And that being the case, I cannot fear that you 
will forsake humanity. [Great applause.] There is, 
indeed, a Providence which rules over us; and even crime 
becomes subservient to liberty. I am glad to state that 
there were nations aware of the necessity of discipline, of 
prudence, for the approaching struggle; but I am sorry to 
state that some yet there are, like the men of old, who 
were discussing controverted doctrines of their creed 
when Byzantium fell. There::^t'eyet some people quar- 
reling about petty matters when they should be prepared 
for the decisive blow. Now, of this difficulty mankind is 
rid. Louis Napoleon has brought unity and harmony in 
these matters, and nothing more can hinder maturity of 
combination. That blow will not be struck where man- 
kind's enemies are prepared to meet us; but where they 
are not prepared. Everywhere it cannot be prepared. 
"Were it so, it would be beaten, of course, with one single 
blow by it. Tyrants always use such humbug when they 
plot oppression and deceit; that is always a common trick 
in history. It is Louis Napoleon, whose government car- 
ried the abolition of universal suffrage — it is he himself 
who sanctioned that aboliiion; it is himself, the avowed 
pretender to the imperial crown, who struck down the 
republican constitution of his country by an impious blow 
of usurpation and violence, and put the terrorism of prison, 
blood, and armed ambition in the place of the people's 
will. When an ambitious man raises the sword over 
your head, and then orders you to vote, that is as 
much as if he would lock your lips, and engage you to 
speak. He knows that it is only his friends who will 



392 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

dare vote. The snare is too coarse, too often used, to be 
mistaken by such an intelligent people as that of the 
United States. You know that there is, there can be 
nothing in it, but a bad copy of the impious words of 
Louis XIV, " I, myself, am the state;" that is — I, myself, 
the country, the constitution, the people, and all. My 
ambition is the people's destiny, and my will its law. If 
it will submit to this, my will, it is permitted to speak, but 
beware of opposition. I will have my will; and in this, 
his will, Louis Napoleon is but a tool of the allied conti- 
nental despots. Intelligence received by telegraph, before 
I sat down to dinner, confirms this view. We learn thereby 
that Count Chamborg, the so-called legitimate pretender, 
has asked an interview with the Austrian Prince Swart- 
zenburg, and been refused, on the plea that the absolutist 
powers are determined to support Louis Napoleon. The 
real key of the whole matter is, that they feared the 
peaceful consolidation of the French republic, and went 
to work, anxious to anticipate the combined movement 
of the European revolution. They knew that a stroke 
from Louis Napoleon would raise some ill-combined barri- 
cades in Paris. They imagine that the first barricades in 
Paris, will cause isolated, untimely risings through all 
Europe, easily to be repressed, because isolated and not 
combined. But you have seen, what has already happened, 
that this plot of the tyrants has failed. Wiih one single 
small exception, in Sicily, which has no importance at all, 
the oppressed nations of Europe proved to have acquired 
what they were wanting in the past — prudence and 
discipline. Soldiers well know the axiom, that he who 
guards every thing, guards nothing. Revolution in Eu- 
rope has no terrors more. One single city is no more the 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 

key of success. Freedom has no successful metropolis 
more. What I have shown in Hungary is, that a nation 
is invincible, where it does not depend upon the metropo- 
lis. That has not become a truth for all the European 
continent. [Applause.] Centralization is replaced by 
federative harmony. I thank Louis Napoleon for it. 
[Applause.] And there are yet several other providential 
lessons in this sacrilegious blow. Without it, the French 
nation, would probably have tried a peaceful solution, on 
the legitimate field of a presidential election. In May 
next he would have that election contended and completed. 
Was it possible the French people had remained isolated 
from the European people. Precisely as it remained iso- 
lated in the revolution of 1848. I say, would it have 
been possible matters would have depended upon the indi- 
vidual elected as the new president? Now the blow is 
struck in France, and the French nation is effectively 
pushed into the common circle of the destiny of the whole 
European continent. That is worth as much as a battle 
gained. [Applause.] That ground gained is more im- 
portant, because it is an assured community of action, and 
unites the French nation with the oppressed nations of the 
continent. It has enlisted France in the ranks of those 
who a;re arrayed against the despots of the continent, 
without subjecting the oppressed nations to the necessity 
of taking the initiative. That predominance of the Parisian 
initiative not being engaged to join the moral consequen- 
ces of it, turned often to be a very great misfortune to Eu- 
rope, as you know. Now that diffieulty is removed. France 
stands upon the ground of equal community of interests, 
and not upon that of predominance of the initiative. 
Peace in France is impossible; that is clear, because every 



394 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

political party is against Louis Napoleon, and he has no- 
body to support him but his personal friends, and the 
indifference of men of peace at any price, and the un- 
thinking part of the bayonets. In this respect it is good 
to remember that the popular leaders of the army have 
escaped his blow — you will soon see the consequences of 
the fact. Therefore, in every case, so much is here that the 
peaceful continuance of Napoleon's usurpation is impossi- 
ble. But two things are possible there — a civil war, (the 
rest of the sentence was lost to the reporter.) As to the 
civil war, you know that the false principle of Bourbon 
legitimacy has given power to the party to carry on civil 
war long enough. How would it be imagined that the 
principle of freedom, of republicanism, as the national 
indignation against the inglorious usurpation of an indif- 
ferent man, not conspicuous by any prestige, would not 
give strength enough to a mortally offended people, to be 
worth so much as to sustain a civil war ? and that is a 
great gain, because a civil war in France takes away one- 
half the preparations and the attention of all European 
despots. It is the sword of Damocles over the head. In 
a word, civil war in France is a largely diffused war in 
Europe, in which not only the other nations, but ours itself 
become engaged; — whereas, on the other hand, the victory 
of republicanism in France is the consolidation of repub- 
lican principles, and not only a pledge of success to Euro- 
pean revolution, but an indispensable alliance with the 
other nations aiming at freedom and independence; and 
one great gain there is Jet in all the e matters — the prin- 
ciple of centralization is struck down mortally in France; 
Louis Napoleon's stroke has convinced the French nation 
to give centralized power into the hands of one man is to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 395 

j)ut under his power the constitution and the sovereign 
rights of the people ; and the moment the victory of 
Napoleon has proved that there is no security for the 
nation; when it is Paris only which decides the fate of 
France, the principle of centralization has no future morn- 
ing in France. Your principles of self-government, gen- 
tlemen, have their triumph assured; without Napoleon's 
stroke, we, in Hungary, would have been perhaps the only 
nation on the continent addicted to your principles — his 
stroke drew at once the whole continent to that side 
where your republic stands; your principles have con- 
quered the world; God Almighty be blessed for it. In 
this triumph of your principles there is yet another great 
victory for humanity. The French republic triumphant, 
but centralized, would have conserved the great standing 
armies, this constant consumption of Europe — those dan- 
gerous instruments of ambitious men — the news of the 
Europeans reconstructing their freedom and independence 
on the basis of your principles, delivers mankind from 
that consumptive sickness and dangerous curse — great 
standing armies. [Applause.] But why have I this topic 
for this occasion ? Why have I dwelt so largely upon it ? 
Firstly, to show that there is nothing in the news from 
France to arouse that attention, which the public opinion 
of the people of the United States, have been pleased to 
bestow upon the question what course this country has to 
adopt, in its foreign policy, in respect to European con- 
cerns; but that this news from France — thus forming my 
prophecy, of being on the very eve of a crisis in Europe, 
into an accomplished fact — brings that question of foreign 
policy to your immediate decision, which you cannot fur- 
ther postpone or delay; because, even the very delay of it 



396 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

would be more than a delay; it would be a positive answer 
given to the expectations of the world; an answer which 
not only I, but all the oppressed nations of Europe would 
exactly understand to be as much as to say, that the peo- 
ple of the United States have good wishes for the freedom 
of the European continent; but in its public capacity as a 
power on earth, it declares not to care whether the public 
laws of nations are respected or violated by the inter- 
ference of the strong arm of foreign power oppressing 
the spirit of freedom in whatever country. Well, gentle- 
men, it may be that it is the will of the sovereign people 
of the United States to give such an answer to the expec- 
tations and hopes of the world. [Cries of " No ! no !"] 
You will see a mournful tear in the eye of humanity; 
its breast heaving with a sorrowful sigh, and the answer 
must be accepted. Of course ; you are mighty and pow- 
erful enough not to care about the law of nations, or about 
the oppression of down-trodden lands, and about the fune- 
ral of freedom — the European continent, if you would. I 
will not speak of the future unavoidable consequences of a 
lost opportunity to save liberty on earth, by assuring the 
power of the people to its trouble against despotism. No. 
I will even object in nothing to those who believe that 
should even liberty and nature's law, and the law of na- 
ture's God be beaten down on the earth, that can even 
bring no harm to you, because you feel powerful enough 
to defend yourselves, when it will become your own do- 
mestic interest to maintain the laws of nature, and of 
nature's God, in your own particular case. Well, let it 
be so, if you please. I have, in the name of oppressed 
nations, and of down-trodden liberty, entreated the people 
of the United States not to fight our battles, but to main- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 397 

tain the law of nations against foreign interference, in order 
that down-trodden liberty may have fair play to fight its 
own battles with its own force. [Great applause.] Per- 
haps you may answer no, no. I have reminded the public 
opinion of your people, that your own statesmen say you, 
as a nation, have precisely the same interest in interna- 
tional laws as a private individual has in the laws of his 
country. Well, you may answer no; you may answer, let 
every one take care of himself, and God for us all — we are 
not the keepers of our brethren in humanity. I took the 
liberty to remind you, that in the hour of your need, you 
have asked, accepted, and received more from Europe to 
help you, than I humbly ask for Europe, from you in re- 
turn. [Great and long continued applause.] You have 
asked and received auxiliary convoys and fleets to fight 
your battles, in company with you, and received peace by 
the intermediation of France. Well, you may answer, that 
you have asked and accepted help because you wanted it ; 
but that is no reason why you should help others who are 
in want. You may answer thus, if you please. I have 
said that, by declaring to be willing not to allow speaking 
in the very terms of your president. That the strong 
arm of a foreign power should suppress the spirit of free- 
dom in any country, by declaring to be willing not to al- 
low that the law of nations, in which you have the same in- 
terests as a private individual in the laws of his own coun- 
try, should be violated by the armed interference of foreign 
powers with the sovereign right of every nation to dispose 
of its own domestic affairs. I have said that by declaring 
that, and inviting England to be united with you in this 
policy, as it has united with you, when, in the South Ame- 
rican question, you thought it to be your interest to adopt 



398 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

such a policy, and to unite with England for it. I have 
said that all these will bring you in no complication, in no 
way, because you are powerful, and the word of the power- 
ful will be respected. Well, you may answer me that you 
do not believe me — that you are not conscious of your 
power — that you fear Russia. You may answer, that 
Russia does not fear you — and that it will not respect your 
word — that you would rather be on friendly terms with 
the Czar than rejoice in the liberty and independence of 
Hungary, Italy, Germany, France — all this you may an- 
swer, if you please. Dreadful as it is, I will wipe off the 
tear of sorrow from my eye, and say to my brethren, let us 
pray, and let us go to the Lord's last supper, and then to 
battle, and to death. [Great applause — the people rise 
and cheer.] I will say to them, there is no help for us but 
in our trust in God, and in our own good swords. I will 
leave you, gentlemen, with a dying farewell; and in giving 
you this farewell, I will bless you with the warmest wishes 
of my heart, and pray to God that the sun of freedom 
may never decline from the horizon of your happy land. 
[Applause.] I will not urge you more about the policy of 
not meddling with European concerns; but one thing, gen- 
tlemen, you must allow me to remark, that if the people of 
the United States intend to give such an unfortunate an- 
swer to my humble request, as I was about, by supposition, 
to say, then you may well adjourn the decision, because 
you have already answered by not taking any decision at 
all. But if, happily, the people of the United States were 
willing to decide otherwise, then let me entreat you to do 
it, because, soon it may be too late. The struggle is be- 
gun in Europe. The revolution has broken out. Every 
day of delay is a decision too late. When a man is swim- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 399 

ming, and about to reach the shore of salvation, and a 
robber is ready to throw him from the shore, and you say, 
" Look, the poor man will be drowned. We sympathise 
with him, and we will to-morrow, or the day after, or in a 
month, consider whether we should allow him to be thrown 
back in the waves. We will adjourn the question." Your 
very adjournment is a decision, and, to be sure, a very 
negative one. [Applause.] Hungary — nay, the European 
continent — is in this very condition. I am on my way to 
Washington. If the congress of the United States ad- 
journs to come to a decision in respect to your policy, 
pointed out to its consideration by the president, in his 
annual message — if your national government delays to 
answer my humble request, I will understand it as a nega- 
tive. So much is true. History has received my humble 
request, and history is recording the answer of the people, 
congress, and government of the United States. No an- . 
swer at all will also be recorded; it is an answer too clear ' 
to be misunderstood. My task here is nearly done. It 
was a duty imposed on me by Providence, by the confi- 
dence of nations — by the voice of the people from Sweden 
down to Italy, and from Hungary across to Portugal; by 
the expectations aroused by my liberation by your gracious 
aid. The confidence may fail — the voice of Europe die 
like the sound of the wanderer's step in the desert, and the 
expectation turn out to have been vain. I am in the 
hands of God, and no man is too humble to become an in- 
strument in the hands of Providence, if it be God's will. 
So I have done what it was my duty to do — too much at 
least. Nobody can lay to my charge that I have not dealt 
fairly, openly, or left any doubt about what I wish, request, 
and humbly ask. [Applause.] I am in Philadelphia, the 



400 REPORT 01^ THE DECEPTION OF 

city of brotherly love — the city founded by William Penn, 
whose likeness I saw this day in a history of your city, 
with the motto under it, Sivis pacem para helium — (prepare 
for war if thou wilt have peace;) a weighty memento, gen- 
tlemen, to the name of William Penn; and I am in that 
city which is the cradle of your independence — where, in 
the hour of your need, the appeal was proclaimed to the 
law of Nature's God, and that appeal was extended for 
help from Europe, and that help was granted to you. I 
stood in Independence Hall, whence the spirit of freedom 
lisped eternal words of history to the secret recesses of 
your hearts. Man may well be silent when from such a 
source history so speaks. So, my task is done — with me 
the pain — with you the decision; and let me add the pro- 
phetic words of the poet, " the moral of the strain." 

Kossuth took his seat, amid the enthusiastic cheers of 
the audience. 



BALTIMORE. 



Kossuth and suit proceed to, and arrived in Baltimore 
on Saturday, Dec. 27th, en route for Washington. He 
was cordially welcomed to the city by Mayor Jerome. In 
consequence of his inability to remain in the city during 
Monday, it was arranged that he should address the citi- 
zens at the hall of the Maryland Institute, this evening. 
At 8 o'clock, Kossuth appeared at the hall, accompanied 
by Mayor Jerome, Gov. Lowe, and other distinguished 
gentlemen. He was most enthusiastically received by the 
immense audience, and addressed them as follows : 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 401 

Sir, and Ladies and Gentlemen : I look with some 
fear along this vast and distinguished assembly. I have 
the apprehension that some of those who now honor me 
with their presence, and the manifestation of their sympa- 
thy, have the expectation to hear from me an eloquent 
speech. This pleasure I am entirely incapable to afford 
them; Firstly^ because I must confess, that from day to day, 
I more and more fear to address the people of the United 
States in a tongue foreign to me; because, from day to day, 
I meet such eloquent men, such masters of the art of ora- 
tory, here in the United States, that of course I can only 
bow with respect before them, with the consciousness of 
my own inability ; and, tSfcojic^/y, because, since I have been 
upon your shores, I have, indeed, not had a single moment 
for the necessary preparations, especially during the last 
few days. 

But, gentlemen, my consolation is, that I suppose you 
come not to have a pleasure here, but to bestow a benefit 
upon that cause which I have the honor to represent; and 
if you come with that intention, your expectation cannot 
fail, because you have the fulfillment of it in your own 
hearts. [Applause.] Therefore let me entreat you to ex- 
cuse me if you shall not hear any eloquent speech. Take 
for excuse, for my boldness in addressing you, unprepared 
as I am, the feeling that having seen with what warm sym- 
pathy you cheered the exiled governor of down-trodden, 
but not broken Hungary, I indeed, gentlemen, feel in Bal- 
timore as if I were at home. [Applause.] I feel in your 
assembly as if I were in your own family; and between 
members of one family there is no place for ceremonies, 
and you will excuse me. Therefore, if you find me not 
eloquent, you will fi.nd me true. 
26 



402 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

Gentlemen, it was gratifying to me to receive, during 
my stay in New York, through the joint committee of the 
Corporation and the citizens of Baltimore, the expression 
of your sentiments, and to get notice of those generous 
resolutions which you tendered me. Those resolutions 
out of which the resolutions of the city of Baltimore issued, 
became to me the more important, the more beneficial, as 
the day approached when my duties were about to call me 
to "Washington city — that place where the elected of your 
national confidence stand, in the proud position of taking 
care of all those lofty interests which bind together the thir- 
ty-one stars of your sovereign states in one mighty constella- 
tion of mankind's majesty. The manifestation of the pub- 
lic opinion in Baltimore, because the more beneficial, as the 
day appointed for my going to Washington, that the pres- 
ident, the congress and the government of your great and 
glorious republic are called to take care of those mighty 
common interests of your country, which make you a power 
on earth, a full grown member of that great family of man- 
kind, the members of which having one Father in heaven, 
are also brethren called to act, each toward the other, as 
brethren should act. 

Among those mighty interests, intrusted by the sover- 
eign people of the United States to the care of your na- 
tional government and congress, almost the most important 
is the question of your foreign policy; that is, the ques- 
tion of your intercourse and community with other nations 
of the world. I believe you will agree with me, gentle- 
men, that even in private, no man can entirely seclude 
himself from the community, and from intercourse with 
his family — with the village, with the town, and with the 
country in which he lives. If ever a man would be will^ 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 403 

ing to seclude himself from this intercourse, he would be 
an exile in his own family; an exile in his own city; an 
exile in his own country. [Applause.] Even so is it 
with nations, which are only single individuals in the 
great family of mankind. If a nation should be inclined 
to seclude itself from all interest in the concerns of other 
nations, that nation would seclude itself out of the com- 
munity of mankind, and would become an exile in human- 
ity. No man, ladies and gentlemen, is indifferent to his 
fellow-man; — no nation, however powerful, can be regarded 
as independent of other nations. Put the richest, the 
strongest, the most powerful man, only for a single week, 
into a position to be excluded from all intercourse with 
the members of his family, his fellow-citizens of the city 
and county in which he lives; and only look at the con 
sequence; what would become of this man? Quite the 
same is also true in respect to nations. If a nation would 
seclude itself from intercourse, and from being interested 
in the concerns of other nations, it would become quite 
the same as a private man who would seclude himself only 
for a week. The only difference is, that the consequences 
are not felt so soon, because the hours of nations are 
counted by years; and the years of nations are counted 
by centuries ; and the consequence would be, that the 
nation would become an exile from humanity, which takes 
no interest in the fate of humanity. Indeed, gentlemen, wo 
to the nation whose citizens care only for the momentary 
private comfort, and not for the future of that country in 
which they live — an immortal life in their children, and 
their children's children, of that country whose future glory 
is the glory of their children; whose future power and hap- 
piness is the power and happiness of their children. Man 



404 EEPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

secluded, like nations secluded from each other, would be 
like the silk-worm, which, to be sure, secludes itself in a self- 
woven hou~e, but which cannot remain for eternity in that 
seclusion. [Applause.] It must come out; but you know, 
gentlemen, that when the silk-worm leaves its seclusion, it 
comes out only to die. That would be precisely the con- 
dition of every man who secludes himself from taking an 
interest in the fate of his fellow-man; — that would be 
precisely the condition of every nation that would be 
willing to seclude itself from taking an interest in the 
condition of every other nation. [Great cheering.] When 
that nation should come out of its silk-worm house, it 
would only creep out to die. [Applause.] But I am told 
that the generous people of the United States are not 
indifferent, and that the government of the United States 
has a foreign policy toward other nations; but that this 
foreign policy is the policy of not meddling with European 
concerns. 

Now, gentlemen, permit me to say, if that would be your 
policy it would be no foreign policy. Indeed, it would be 
no policy at all; because a foreign policy is not to have 
no concern, but to have concern with other nations. But, 
I am also told, that you are interested in concerns of for- 
eign nations, but that Europe is too far. "Well, you know, 
gentlemen, that it is one of your glories that, by the inven- 
tion of one of your former fellow-citizens, the word dis- 
tance is blotted out from the dictionary; but let me only 
mention that your own territory is so large that you have 
some portions of your own united republic that are more 
distant from Baltimore than Hungary is, and therefore the 
argument " that Europe is too distant," is, in my opinion, 
nothing, and can be no motive for taking any concern in 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 405 

the fate and destiny of the nations of Europe. Besides, 
this distance is refuted by nature itself. Is Europe too 
far to have a commercial intercourse ? Not at all ? The 
United States have a much larger commercial intercourse 
■with Europe than with all the other parts of the conti- 
nent of America, and therefore, if the commerical interests 
of Europe are not too far, that argument stands as no- 
thing. The ocean, which separates America from Europe, is 
now regarded not as a separation, but rather as a means of 
communication and connection between the two continents. 
Now, gentlemen, would you be willing to have the favor 
only of this connection with Europe? Would you not 
take upon your shoulders the duties which spring out of 
this connection ? This disregard of duties would sooner or 
later kill the favor of this intercourse. You cannot help — 
the United States cannot help feeling the influence of the 
condition of Europe at home. The peace or the war, the I 
civilization or the barbarism, the freedom or the oppres- 
sion, the happiness or the distress, the progress or the 
stagnation of Europe, cannot fail to react upon you, as 
your freedom or your oppression, your civilization or your 
barbarism, your stagnation or your progress, must of course 
react upon the European continent. There is a link in the 
destinies of mankind, from which no man in the world can 
separate himself. You therefore cannot remain indifferent 
to the condition of that Europe with which, in so many re- 
spects of your own interests. [Here there was a great 
deal of confusion in the hall, owing to the admission of a 
large number of persons at once.] I am fully aware, gen- 
tlemen, this interruption is out of no disregard, but is an 
almost unavoidable consequence of your situation. Where 
so large a number of generous men are crowded together, 



406 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

it is not possible to remain silent; but still also you must 
have the expectation to hear a speech, and indeed I must 
hasten my humble remarks. [Cries of, Oh no, go on !] No, 
it is hardly possible. It is not from indisposition that I 
wish to shorten my remarks, because I find some strength 
in my mind to command my body when it is wanted, but 
it is an entire impossibility to make exertions to speak to 
so large an assembly. Therefore, I will shorten my re- 
marks the more, because, I am happy to feel myself in a 
land of publicity. I know very well, from the generous 
attention you have bestowed upon the cause which I rep- 
resent, here among an intelligent people, where almost ev- 
ery man reads his newspaper, that wherever I have spoken 
one word upon that cause, which you honor by your atten- 
tion, I have spoken it to the whole people of the United 
States. Every man, every woman is acquainted with my 
motives, knows the cause I plead, and has also taken reso- 
lution in his or her heart already, and therefore want not 
many speeches more during my stay in the United States. 
I can dispense with argument. I can only humbly make 
the suggestion, that it is impossible for the United States 
not to feel interested in the condition of Europe, and that 
there never yet was a time when the condition of Europe 
deserved your attention more than at the present moment. 
You know what is the condition of Europe now. It is 
universal oppression of civil, political and religious liberty. 
These are the three great treasures which make your glory 
and your happiness. And you know also, that out of this 
oppression every man has foreseen that a new revolution 
on the European continent must arise. You know that 
the great revolution is brought home, already, to the na- 
tions of Europe by the impious blow of Louis Napoleon. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 407 

The elected president of France, has, by his impious blow, 
struck down the constitution, in order that he might be- 
come emperor. He has stricken it down as a tool of the 
Czar of Russia, and the Emperor of Austria. It was 
yesterday I received the news that the Austrian min- 
istry has openly declared that the absolutistical pow- 
ers of Europe are resolved to maintain the usurpation of 
Louis Napoleon, therefore the revolution has already bro- 
ken out in Europe. The first blow of war is already struck, 
and no man in the world has the power to stop its pro- 
gress. Its vibration will be felt throughout Europe, and 
nowhere with more resolution than in my poor down-trod- 
den father-land. [Applause.] The people of Hungary 
have mighty motives to risk; life to risk; existence to risk, 
all it has, for the restoration of my father-land to its free- 
dom and independence. We have had a nationality, now 
we have none. We have had a constitution; by the bless- 
ing of God we succeeded to transfer it from an aristo- 
cratic to a democratic one, three years ago; now Hungary 
has no constitution at all. We were a free people for a 
thousand years; now we are none. We are mixed like a 
fold of sheep into a so-called centralized power of, not the 
empire, not the nation, but the despotic ambition of the 
House of Austria. We have had freedom of the press. 

It is not nineteen years ago when I began the struggle 
of that great right of mankind, the freedom of thought; I 
have endured three years' imprisonment for it. But at 
last I succeeded in carrying it through. Now, there is no 
free press. There is no press at all in Hungary; there is 
only the hangman and the martial law. We have had 
freedom. We established freedom; entire religious liber- 
ty, equal protection to whatever religion, to whatever 



408 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

cause. Now, there is equal oppression for all. The Pro- 
testant church had its own self-government for its own 
churches and schools. Now it is taken from it. The 
Catholic church had its own power to dispose of its 
temporary affairs; now that is taken from it, and day by 
day the nearly bankrupt Austrian government is encroach- 
ing upon the property of the Catholic church, which is 
considered as the best means to get up a new loan. That 
is the position of the Catholic church, of which it is, with 
high gratification that I, a Protestant, not only by birth 
but by conviction, declare, that when we struggled for a 
lifetime for religious liberty in Hungary, we had that 
church in the foremost rank of the struggle for the rights 
of our Protestant religion. [Great applause.] So much 
do we value the freedom of conscience, that the single 
thought, that a Protestant has lost his religious liberty, 
equally with the Catholic, or that those who profess the 
faith of Moses are excluded from the rights of citizenship 
because of their religion; this very circumstance will be 
sufficient for us, Hungarians or Magyars, to carry on the 
war as long as there is a single drop of blood in our 
veins; for the rest was for religious independence as we 
have carried it on for three centuries past, because Hun- 
gary was always foremost in Europe to struggle for 
religious liberty, as it was the only barrier, in former times, 
of Christianity, when Mohammedanism was invading Eu- 
rope. [Applause.] 

I have succeeded in my efforts to make the agriculture 
of Hungary free, and to transform the peasants into en- 
tirely free proprietors of the soil which they cultivate. 
Now, the government of Austria is again introducing 
feudal rights, under different pretexts, in several parts of 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 409 

Hungary; and when we freed the peasants and the people 
of Hungary, we did not touch any material right of what- 
ever class, but we declared, that the nation would give 
indemnification to landlords who lost, by the reform laws, 
any of the rights — any of the oppressive rights — which 
they held upon the peasantry. Now, Austria, by heavy 
taxation, takes from the people its very life's-sweat, and 
out of this the people's treasure itself. It is giving the 
indemnification which we promised, not out of the peo- 
ple's pocket, because we all know that freedom is a right 
for which the people have nothing to pay. The nation has 
other treasures out of which to make such indemnification. 
Now, Austria takes it out of the pocket of the people, 
and the landlords will not collect the indemnification, 
except only a few of them, who are most faithful to the 
oppression of the Austrian despot. [Applause.] There- 
fore you see the Protestants and Catholics, every religious 
party, and the peasantry and landlords, are equally inter- 
ested not to endure the present condition of Austrian 
oppression. We have, in Hungary, large property of the 
state itself, which we declared by law we would divide 
among the peasantry, because we considered no govern- 
ment to be a good agriculturist, mechanic or tradesman. 
That is no business of the government; it must be left to 
private individuals, to private industry; therefore we de- 
clared that we would divide the property among those who 
had no landed property who should pay a moderate price for 
it, by-and-by, through facilities afforded them by a banking 
system, and that out of that price we would pay the land- 
lords for their lost rights. Now, of course, this landed 
property cannot be given by the Austrian government to 
those who have nothing, because Austria wants every foot 



410 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

of land to support its existence by means of loans. Again, 
you have a class interested in the revolution of Hungary. 
We had to provide for the necessity of our past struggles 
by an issue of paper money — the Kossuth bank notes, as 
it was called. It was some thirty-three millions of dollars. 
Now, of these thirty-three millions, twenty millions are 
yet in sacred trust by the people, who will in no case let 
it pass out of its hands. All those twenty millions can 
be of no value, except in a new revolution and new inde- 
pendence, because Austria will not recognize its establish- 
ment. 

Again, we have a people interested not to endure the 
oppression of their father-land, and that accounts for the 
immediate taxation which, under most different shapes, 
consumes the very life of the people of Hungary. Before 
we fell under the stroke of Russian interference, the whole 
taxation of Hungary amounted to not more than four and 
a half millions of dollars; now it has to pay sixteen. 
Before, we were free from any duties on tobacco. Now, 
the Hungarian is very fond of the pipe, and even with 
myself, though it is a bad custom, the only luxury I know 
is tobacco. [Laughter.] Now, the government has taken 
a monopoly in that trade, and what is the consequence ? 
The people of Hungary, with whom, heretofore, smoking 
was almost indispensable, have ceased to smoke. It has 
burnt its tobacco, as your fathers formerly threw in the 
water the tea which was imposed upon them by taxation 
[laughter and applause]; and will neither produce to- 
bacco nor buy it from the oppressor who has taken the 
monopoly into his hands. There is a heavy taxation laid 
upon the production of wine, amounting to twenty millions 
of dollars, annually. Now, the people prefer to cut down 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 411 

their vines than to endure the heavy taxation. Even our 
fruitful trees are cut down rather than endure the taxa- 
tion. Such is the condition of Hungary. I might go on 
for hours and hours to enumerate all the motives which 
must induce Hungary to resort to revolution — the first 
moment that war breaks out in Europe. I am quite sure 
that you, yourselves, would not remain in such a condition. 
Therefore, believe us, gentlemen, that we will not endure 
it. You love freedom — the Magyars love freedom also. 
You have a sense of your own dignity — you would not 
stoop to be the tool of oppression; believe us, we also will 
not stoop to be the tool of foreign oppression. [Applause.] 
We- have a heart in our breast, and we have armies ready 
to shed the last blood of that heart for the freedom and 
independence of our father-land. ["Applause.] Therefore, 
you see that a revolution in Hungary is unavoidable. 
Now, what will be the consequence of this revolution 
upon Europe? I will only say, that the oppression of 
Hungary has brought forth the oppression of all Europe. 
Since Hungary has fallen Italy has lost its existence. In 
Germany, wherever freedom dares raise its head in the 
most moderate hope, it is put down by Austria, by the aid 
of Eussia. And even the usurpation of Louis Napoleon, 
which is intended to strike out the word republic from 
the European continent, is a consequence of this prepon- 
derance of Russia, which was gained by the oppression of 
Hungary. Therefore, I say, without the restoration of 
Hungary, there is no possibility to get this thraldom of 
oppression of Europe out of the hands of Russian prepon- 
derance. You know what is the nature of this prepon- 
derance. It is the erasure of all nationalities^ — the aboli- 
tion of all political freedom and religious toleration. 



412 REPOET ON THE EECEPTION OF 

Catholics and Protestants are oppressed under the hands 
of Russia. 

Gentlemen, the emperor Napoleon, nearly fifty years 
ago, spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty 
years the European continent would become either Eepub- 
lican or Cossack. Now the fulfillment of that prophecy 
draws near. Hungary once free, the continent of Europe 
becomes Republican; Hungary oppressed, the continent 
becomes Cossack. [Applause.] 

Now, gentlemen, what does Hungary want, to become 
free ? For the restoration of Hungary to freedom and in- 
dependence, it is not necessary that other nations should 
fight our battles. We will fight our battles ourselves. 
We want only non-interference; we want only, that the 
right of every nation to dispose of itself shall be respected. 
We want fair play. [Laughter.] And what is necessary 
for this ? Nothing more than that the United States shall 
feel and declare itself to be a power on earth, and that it 
will become the executive power of the laws of Nature and 
of Nature's God; and that you, raising your gigantic arm 
in a commanding attitude, should speak these words to the 
Russian Bear, "Keep back;" and to the Czar, "Hands 
off." Let the brave Magyars fight their own battles, and 
have fair play. That is all that's wanted. [Great cheer- 
ing.] You will never, perhaps for centuries, have a more 
glorious opportunity to exert this, your power, for the ben- 
efit of mankind than now. For centuries and centuries the 
word glory was connected with conquest and oppression. 
Take the new glory for yours to give freedom to the world, 
by assuring to all nations fair play to fight their own bat- 
tles against their own oppressors. That is what I first 
humbly request and hope from the people of the United 
States. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 413 

My second request is, that the United States should pro- 
tect the trade of its citizens, because now, the freedom of 
commerce with Europe is not only unprotected, but is en- 
tirely at the mercy of the absolutistical principles of the 
despots of Europe. I pray that the private generosity of 
the American citizens will furnish me with the means to 
be somewhat better prepared for that war which we will 
fight, even if forced to fight with our nails. [Great laugh- 
ter.] But, suppose that your private generosity provides 
me with the means to furnish some preparation to my na- 
tion, for that indispensable war, may I not be permitted to 
buy, with this money, which you give for the benefit of 
Hungary, some ships built here in Baltimore; and put upon 
these ships some cannon cast here, or some hundred weight 
of powder from Wilmington, to blowup the despots in the 
air, [great cheers] or some cotton to guard our breasts 
against the chill wintry campaign. Why may I not be 
permitted to buy this, if you are willing to sell to me, and 
I am willing and have the means to pay ? Now, it is not 
permitted to make this commerce with me. The emperor 
of Austria may come and buy ships, powder, cannon, mus- 
kets, every thing ; but oppressed nations have not the 
right, even for ready money, to buy these means for their 
self-defence. [Applause.] I would humbly ask, is such a 
commerce founded upon the principle of the eternal rights 
of men? I answer, no. Freedom of commerce is, that 
when you find any market in the world, ready to accept 
your merchandise, you should not be excluded from that 
market to sell what you have. Commerce must be restored 
to the basis of those principles which are your rights, be- 
cause you may dispose of your own domestic concerns, and 
nobody in the world has a right to interfere with them, 



414 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

and the intercourse of nations witli you. That is a com- 
mon right of Hungary. In this right other nations also 
have a word to speak. It is our right also, and it is the 
right of every citizen of the United States. You, gentle- 
men, are attached to the principles of self-government. 
You say that the people are sovereign — sovereign in the 
family — sovereign in the community — sovereign in the 
city — the town — in the country — in the republic; and, 
therefore, there are some rights in regard to which you 
cannot depend upon any good will or understanding with 
the tyrants of the European continent. I have very often 
read and studied the words of Washington, and there I 
find that your great leader has recommended to the peo- 
ple of the United States harmony and good understanding. 
With whom ? With the oppressors ? — with the tyrants of 
the world ? No ! with nations. And now you are in the 
condition in which you cannot carry on commerce with the 
nations of Europe, when those nations chance to make up 
an account with their own oppressors. Is that a reason 
for you to be deprived of your commercial rights ? I say 
no; and therefore I request that the people of the United 
States may be pleased to restore the law of national inter- 
course, in respect to commerce, to those internal principles 
which it is your own interest to maintain. I have spoken 
of ships, and muskets, and cannon, and powder of Wil- 
mington. I beg leave not to be misunderstood. I am 
told it would not be lawful for me to buy these things. Of 
course, I will obey; because the law has to command, and 
I will not only respect it, but will not evade it; and I only 
want humbly to entreat the people of the United States to 
be pleased to look to those laws, and perhaps, if you should 
find them not quite convenient to your own interests, to 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 415 

make, with constitutional means — with the same means by 
which you make other laws — such changes as will allow 
the emperor of Austria to buy what he pleases, and also 
to allow the oppressed nations to buy what they may re- 
quire. You are ready to sell them. [Applause.] For 
this purpose 1 humbly entreat that the people of the United 
States may be pleased to restore the word sovereignty to 
that place where it must stand. You must recognize that 
the word sovereignty can rest only in the people of what- 
ever country, and that there is no other sovereign than 
the people's will. That is the principle upon which you 
stand; and therefore you must recognize it also with re- 
spect to other nations, for it is a logical consequence of 
your own existence. Then, I humbly claim, that you will 
be pleased to recognize the legitimate character of the De- 
claration of Independence of Hungary ; because, by making 
this recognition, you raise Hungary to the station of those 
sovereign nations which have ever, according to your 
present laws, the right to take and to buy whatever they 
want, and not to be excluded from your markets. Whereas, 
if you do not recognize this declaration of independence, 
Hungary is only as an individual who is forbidden to look 
here in your country for any means of legitimate defence 
against her oppressors. Therefore, my third wish is, that 
you may be pleased to declare the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of Hungary a legitimate thing, and the right of 
the people to exist, and to act as an independent nation. 
[Applause.] Now, these, and some substantial aid, of 
which I will not speak more, but leave to the generous 
people of the United States, are my humble requests. 
The war in Europe has already broken out. There is 
110 time to adjourn your decision on my requests. I am 



416 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

on my way to WasMngton, to know if congress and the 
government will be pleased to execute, or do any thing in 
respect to these, my humble requests. But I know that 
your congress and your government are proud that they 
are not the masters of your country, but only the execu- 
tive and legislative powers of the public opinion of the 
country; [great cheering;] and it is not only your happi- 
ness, it is the proud position, the glory of your congress 
and government, that it has the will, as also the duty, to 
follow public opinion. Therefore, if you will benefit the 
cause of down-trodden freedom, on the European conti- 
nent, I humbly entreat you, as the people of the United 
States, to pronounce in time; because the blow is already 
struck, and a few weeks hence, perhaps, all your sympa- 
thies will be too late. My humble wish is, that public 
opinion may pronounce whether it is willing or not will- 
ing to bestow anything upon the cause of Hungary. The 
question cannot be delayed, because delay is a negative. 
But, if you are willing to do something for Hungary, then 
do not delay, because, if you do, your help will come too 
late. These requests I have very often explained since I 
have had the honor to be in the United States. I ex- 
plained them yesterday, in Philadelphia, the cradle of 
your Declaration of Independence. There I was answered, 
not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions 
of the city of Harrisburgh, the capital of Pennsylvania, 
containing these three propositions by the people of Har- 
risburgh, but also by the people of Philadelphia, at a 
great and important meeting. Nor was that enough. I 
received more in Philadelphia. I was told that, besides 
the granting of these, my humble requests, when war 
breaks out for Hungary's freedom and independence, I 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 417 

will find brave hearts and stout arms, among the twenty- 
four millions of the people of the United States, to go 
over to Europe and fight side by side in the great battle 
for the freedom and independence of the European con- 
tinent. [Great applause. J I was told that it was not 
possible, when the great battle for mankind's liberty is 
fought, for the sword of Washington to remain in its 
scabbard. That sword, which struck the first great blow 
here, on this continent, for the republican freedom of this 
great country, must be present there, where the last stroke 
for all humanity will be given. [Great cheering.] Now, 
gentlemen, I will not misuse your kind indulgence and 
patience, which you have bestowed, in your crowded situa- 
tion, to hear my dry remarks. I will only say, that should 
this be the generous will of the people of the United 
States, in the name of the honor of my nation, I can give 
the assurance that the Hungarians will be found worthy 
to fight, side by side with you, for civil and political free- 
dom on the European continent, and to take care, with the 
sword of Washington, that no hair of that locl<, which I 
received as a present in Philadelphia, and which I prom, 
ised to attach to that very standard which I will bear to 
decide the victory against despotism ; [loud, cheers,] that 
no hair of that lock shall fall into the hands of tyrants; 
and now, may the ladies, who have honored me with their 
presence, graciously allow me to express to them my most 
humble thanks, and one humble prayer. The destinies of 
mankind, the future of humanity, repose in the hands of 
womankind. The mark, which the mother imprints upon 
the brow of the child, remains for his whole life. Ladies 
of the United States, when the wandering exile passes 
away from your presence, take to your kind care the great 
27 



418 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

cause of the liberty of the world, with a tenderness with 
which a mother takes care of her child; and when you 
take care of this great cause, the sympathy of the people 
of the United States will not vanish, like the passing emo- 
tion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and 
operative. 

The speaker then took his seat, with three times three- 
from the audience. 



WASHINGTON. 



SPEECH AT THE CONGRESSIONAL BANQUET. 

The Congressional Banquet to Gov. Kossuth took place 
in the city of Washington, on Wednesday evening, Jan- 
uary 7th, 1852. The Hon. Wm. R. King presided, assist- 
ed by the Hon. Linn Boyd and the Hon. Daniel Webster. 

Mr. King, in giving the following toast, said it was one 
to which every generous American would cordially re- 
spond. He, in common with others, while the Hungarian 
struggle was going on, rejoiced in her success, and mourned 
her temporary defeats. We honored those who struggled, 
and were prepared to sacrifice all to obtain liberty. We 
followed our illustrious guest in his mournful exile, were 
the first to call on him to return, and were the last that 
were ready to receive him with open arms to the land of 
liberty and of hospitality. The toast I give you is : 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 419 

" Hungary represented in the person of our honored guest — 
Having proved herself worthy to be free, by thevirtue 
and valor of her sons, the law of nations, and the dic- 
tates of justice, alike demand that she shall have fair 
play in her struggle for independence." 

To which Kossuth responded as follows : 

Sir : — As once Cyness, the Epirote, stood among the 
senators of Rome, who, with an earnest word of self-con- 
scious majesty, controlled the condition of the world, 
and arrested mighty kings in their ambitious march, thus, 
full of admiration and of reverence, I stand before you, leg- 
islature of the new capitol — that glorious hall of your peo- 
ple's collective majesty. The capitol of old yet stands, but 
the spirit has departed from it and come over to yours, 
purified by the air of liberty. The old stands, a mournful 
monument of the fragility of human things — yours as a 
sanctuary of eternal rights. The old beamed with the red 
lustre of conquest, now darkened by oppression's gloomy 
night — yours beams with freedom's bright ray. The old 
absorbed the world by its own centralized glory — yours 
protects your own nation against absorption, even by it- 
self. The old was awful, with irrestricted power — yours 
is glorious with having restricted it. At the view of the' 
old, nations trembled — at the view of yours, humanity 
hopes. To the old, misfortune was only introduced with 
fettered hands to kneel at the triumphant conqueror's 
heels — to yours, the triumph of introduction is granted to 
unfortunate exiles, invited to the honor of a seat, and 
where kings and Caesars never are hailed for their powers, 
might, and wealth, there, the persecuted chief of a down- 
trodden nation is welcomed as your great republic's guest, 



420 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

precisely because he is persecuted, helpless and poor. In 
the old, the terrible vevictis was the rule — in yours, pro- 
tection to the oppressed, malediction to ambitious oppres- 
sors, and consolation to the vanquished, in a just cause. 
And while out of the old a conquered world was ruled, 
yoii, in yours, provide for the common confederative inter- 
ests of a territory larger than the conquered world of old. 
There sat men, boasting their will to be the sovereign of 
the world — here sit men whose glory is to acknowledge 
the laws of Nature and of Nature's God, and to do what 
their sovereign, the people, wills. Sir, there is history in 
these parallels; history of past ages, and history of fu- 
ture centuries may be often recorded in a few words. The 
small particulars to which the passion of living men clings 
with fervent zeal, as if the fragile fingers of men could ar- 
rest the rotation of destiny's wheel— these particulars die 
away. It is the issue which makes history, and that issue 
is always logical. There is a necessity of consequences 
wherever the necessity of position exists. Principles are 
the Alpha — they must finish with Omega, and they will. 
Thus history may be tokl, often in a few words. Before 
yet the heroic struggles of Greece first engaged your 
country's sympathy for the fate of freedom in Europe — 
then so far distant, now so near— Chateaubriand happened 
to be in Athens, and he heard, from a minaret raised upon 
the Propylemus ruins, a Turkish priest, in Arabic lan- 
guage, announcing the lapse of hours to the Christians of 
Minervastown. What immense history in the small fact 
of a Turkish inman, crying out, " Pray, man, the hour is 
running fast, and the judgment draws near !" Sir, there 
is equally a history of future ages written in the honor be- 
stowed by you to my humble self. The first governor of 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 421 

independent Hungary, driven from his native land by Rus- 
sian violence, an exile on Turkish soil, protected by a Mo- 
hammedan sultan against the blood-thirst of Christian 
tyrants, cast back a prisoner to far Asia by diplomacy; res- 
cued from his Asiatic prison by America; crossing the At- 
lantic, charged with the hopes of Europe's oppressed na- 
tions, pleading, a poor exile, before the people of this great 
republic, his down-trodden country's wrongs, and its inti- 
mate connection with the fate of the European continent; 
and with the boldness of a just cause, claiming the princi- 
ples of the Christian religion to be raised to a law of na- 
tions; and to see not only the boldness of the poor exile 
forgiven, but to see him consoled by the sympathy of mil- 
lions, encouraged by individuals, associations, meetings, 
cities and states; supported by operative aid, and greeted 
by congress, and by the government, as the nation's guest; 
honored out of generosity, with that honor which only one 
man before him received — and that man received them out 
of gratitude — with honors such as no potentate ever can 
receive, and this banquet here, and the toast which I have 
to thank for; oh, indeed sir, there is a history of future 
ages in all these facts. Sir, though I have the noble pride 
of my principle, and though I have the inspiration of a just 
cause, still I have also the consciousness of my personal 
humility. Never will I forget what is due from me to the 
sovereign source of my public capacity. This I owe to my 
nation's dignity, and therefore, respectfully thanking this 
highly distinguished assembly in my country's name, I have 
the boldness to say that Hungary well deserves your sym- 
pathy — that Hungary has a claim to protection, because it 
has a claim to justice. But as to myself, permit me hum- 
bly to express that I am well aware not to have, in all these 



422 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

honors, any personal share. Nay, I know that even that 
which might seem to be personal in your toast, is only an 
acknowledgment of an historical fact; very instructively 
connected with a principle valuable and dear to every repub- 
lican heart in the United States of America. Sir, you were 
pleased to mention, in your toast, that I am unconquered by 
misfortune and unseduced by ambition. Now, it is a prov- 
idential fact, that misfortune has the privilege to ennoble 
man's mind and to strengthen man's character. There is 
a sort of natural instinct of human dignity in the heart of 
man, which steels his very nerves not to bend beneath the 
heavy blows of a great adversity. The palm-tree grows 
best beneath a ponderous weight; even so the character of 
man. There is no merit in it — it is a law of psychology. 
The petty pangs of small daily cares have often bent the 
character of men, but great misfortunes, seldom. There is 
less danger in this than in great luck; and as to ambition, 
I, indeed, never was able to understand how anybody can 
more love ambition than liberty. But I am glad to state 
a historical fact as a principal demonstration of that influ- 
ence which institutions exercise upon the character of na- 
tions. We Hungarians are very fond of the principle of 
municipal self-government, and we have a natural horror 
against the principle of centralization. That fond attach- 
ment to municipal self-government, Avithout which there is 
no provincial freedom possible, is a fundamental feature of 
our national character. We brought it with us from far 
Asia, a thousand years ago, and we conserved it through- 
out the vicissitudes of ten centuries. No nation has, per- 
haps, so much struggled and suffered from the civilized 
Christian Avorld as ours. We do not complain of this lot. 
It may be heavy, but it is not inglorious. Where the era- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 423 

die of our Savior stood, and where his divine doctrine was 
founded, there another faith now rules, and the whole of 
Europe's armed pilgrimage could not avert this fate from 
that sacred spot, nor stop the rushing waves of Islamism 
absorbing the Christian empire of Constantino. We stop- 
ped those rushing waves. The breast of my nation proved 
a breakwater to them. We guarded Christendom, that 
Luthers or Calvins might reform it. It was a dangerous 
time, and the dangers of the time often placed the confi- 
fidence of my nation into one man's hand, and their confi- 
dence gave power into his hands to become ambitious. 
But there was not a single instance in history where a man, 
honored by his people's confidence, had deceived his peo- 
ple by becoming ambitious. The man out of whom Rus- 
sian diplomacy succeeded in making the murderer of his 
nation's confidence — he never had it, but was rather re- 
garded always with distrust. But he gained some victo- 
ries, when victories were the moment's chief necessity. At 
the head of an army, circumstances placed him in the ca- 
pacity to ruin his country. But he never had the people's 
confidence. So, even he is no contradiction to the histori- 
cal truth, that no Hungarian, whom his nation honored 
with its confidence, was ever seduced by ambition to be- 
come dangerous to his country's liberty. That is a remark- 
able fact, and yet it is not accidental. It is the logical 
consequence of the influence of institutions upon the na- 
tional character. Our nation, through all its history, was 
educated in the school of municipal self-government; and 
in such a country, ambition, having no field, has also no 
place in man's character. The truth of this doctrine be- 
comes yet more illustrated by a quite contrary historical 
fact in France. Whatever have been the changes of gov- 



424 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ernment in that great country, and many they have been, 
to be sure — we have seen a convention, a directorate of 
consuls, and one consul, and an emperor, and the restora- 
tion — the fundamental tone of the constitution of France, 
was power always centralized; omnipotence always vest- 
ed somewhere, and remarkably, indeed, France has never 
yet raised the single man to the seat of power who 
has not sacrificed his country's freedom to his personal 
ambition. It is sorrowful, indeed; but it is natural. It is 
in the garden of centralization where the venomous plant 
of ambition thrives. I dare confidently afi&rm, that in your 
great country there exists not a single man through whose 
brains has ever passed the thought that he would wish to 
raise the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your coun- 
try's liberty if he could; such a wish is impossible in the 
United States. Institutions react upon the character of 
nations. He who sows the wind will reap the storm. His- 
tory is the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules 
by eternal laws, not only the material, but the moral 
world; and every law is a principle, and every princi- 
ple is a law. Men, as well as nations, are endowed 
with free will to choose a principle, but that, once chosen, 
the consequence must be abided. With self-government is 
freedom, and with freedom are justice and patriotism; 
with centralization is ambition, and with ambition dwells 
despotism. Happy your great country, sir, for being so 
warmly addicted to that great principle of self-government. 
Upon this foundation your fathers raised a home to free- 
dom, more glorious than the world has ever seen. Upon 
this foundation you have developed it to a living wonder 
of the world. Happy your great country, sir, that it was 
selected, by the blessing of the Lord, to prove the glorious 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 425 

practicability of a federative union of many sovereign 
states, all conserving their state rights and their self-gov- 
ernment, and yet united in one — every star beaming with 
its own lustre, but all together one constellation on man- 
kind's canopy. Upon this foundation your free country 
has grown to a prodigious power in a surprisingly brief 
period. You have attracted power in that. Your funda- 
mental principles have conquered more in seventy-five 
years, than Rome, by arms, in centuries. Your principles 
will conquer the world. By the glorious example of your 
freedom, welfare and security, mankind is about to become 
conscious of its aim. The lesson you give to humanity will 
not be lost, and the respect of the state rights in the fed- 
eral government of America and in its several states, will 
become an instructive example for universal toleration, for- 
bearance and justice, to the future states and republics of 
Europe. Upon this basis will be got rid of the mysterious 
question of language and nationalities, raised by the cun- 
ning despotisms in Europe to murder liberty; and the 
smaller states will find security in the principles of federa- 
tive union, while they will conserve their national freedom 
by the principles of sovereign self-government; and while 
larger states, abdicating the principle of centralization, will 
cease to be a blood-field to sanguinary usurpation and a 
tool to the ambition of wicked men; municipal institutions 
will insure the development of local, particular elements. 
Freedom, formerly an abstract political theory , will become 
the household benefit to municipalities; and out of the wel- 
fare and contentment of all the parts will flow happiness, 
peace and security for the whole. That is my confident 
hope. There will at once subside the fluctuations of Ger- 
many's fate. It will become the heart of Europe, not by 



426 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OP 

melting North Germany into a southern frame, or the south 
into a northern— not by absorbing historical peculiarities 
by centralized omnipotence; not by mixing in one state, but 
by federating several sovereign states into a union like 
yours, upon a similar basis, will take place the national re- 
generation of the Slavonic states, and not upon the sacri- 
legious idea of Panslavism, equivalent to the omnipotence of 
the Czar. Upon a similar basis will we see fair Italy in- 
dependent and free. Not unity, but union, will and must 
become the watchword of national bodies, severed into des- 
ecrated limbs by provincial rivalries, out of which a flock 
of despots, and common servitude arose. To be sure, it 
will be a noble joy to this, your great republic, to feel that 
the moral influence of your glorious example has operated 
in producing this happy development in mankind's destiny; 
and I have not the slightest doubt of the efficacy of your 
example's influence. But there is one thing indispensable 
to it, without which there is no hope for this happy issue. 
This indispensable thing is, that the oppressed nations of 
Europe become the masters of their future, free to regulate 
their own domestic concerns; and to secure this, nothing is 
wanted but to have that fair play to all, and for all, which 
you, sir, in your toast were pleased to pronounce as a right 
of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of nations, as by 
the dictates of eternal justice. Without this fair play 
there is no hope for Europe — no hope of seeing your prin- 
ciples spread. Yours is a happy country, gentlemen. You 
had more than fair play. You had active, operative aid from 
Europe in your struggle for independence, which, once 
achieved, you so wisely used as to become a prodigy of 
freedom and welfare, and a book of life to nations. But 
we, in Europe, we, unhappily, have no such fair play with 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 427 

US. Against every palpitation of liberty, all despots are 
united in a common league, and you may be sure despots 
will never yield to that moral influence of your great ex- 
ample. They hate the very existence of this example. It 
is the sorrow of their thoughts and the incubus of their 
dreams. To stop its moral influence abroad, and to check 
its speading development at home, is what they wish, in- 
stead of yielding to its influence. We will have no fair 
play. The Cossack already rules, by Louis Napoleon's 
usurpation, to the very borders of the Atlantic ocean. One 
of your great statesmen — now, to my deep sorrow, bound 
to the sick bed of far advanced age — alas, that I am de- 
prived of the advice which his wisdom could have imparted 
to me — your great statesman told the world, thirty years 
ago, that Paris was transferred to St. Petersburgh. What 
would he now say, when St. Petersburgh is transferred to 
Paris, and Europe is but an appendix to Russia. Alas ! 
Europe can no more secure to Europe, fair play. Albion 
only remains; but even Albion casts a sorrowful glance 
over the waves. Still we will stand in our place, sink or 
swim, live or die. You know the word. It is your own. 
We will follow it. It will be a bloody path to tread. 
Despots have conspired against the world. Terror spreads 
over Europe, and anticipating persecution rules from Paris 
to Pesth. There is a gloomy silence like the silence of na- 
ture before the terrors of a hurricane. It is a sensible si- 
lence, only disturbed by the thousand-fold rattling of the 
muskets by which Napoleon murders the people which 
gave him a home when he was an exile; and by the groans 
of new martyrs in Sicily, Milan, Vienna and Pesth. The 
very sympathy which I met in England, and was expected 
to meet here, throws my sisters into the dungeons of Aus- 



428 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OP 

tria. Well, God's will be done. The heart may break, 
but duty will be done. We will stand in our place, though 
to us, in Europe, there be no fair play. But so much I hope, 
that no just man on the earth can charge me with unbe- 
coming arrogance, when here, on this soil of freedom, I 
kneel down and raise my prayer to God — " Almighty Fa- 
ther of humanity, will thy merciful arm not raise a power 
on earth to protect the law of nations, when there are so 
many to violate it ?" It is a prayer, and nothing else. 
What would remain to the oppressed if they were not per- 
mitted to pray. The rest is in the hand of God. Gentle- 
men, I know where I stand. No honor, no encouraging 
generosity, will make me ever forget where I stand, and 
what is due from me to you. Here my duty is silently to 
await what you or your wisdom will be pleased to pro- 
nounce about that which public opinion knows to be my 
prayer and my aim; and be it your will to pronounce, or be 
it your will not to take notice of it, I will understand your 
will and bow before it with devotion, hopeless, perhaps, 
but my heart full of admiration, love and gratitude to your 
generous people, to your glorious land. But one single 
word, even here, I may be permitted to say, only such a 
word as may secure me from being misunderstood. I came 
to the noble-minded people of the United States to obtain 
its generous operative sympathy for the impending strug- 
gle of oppressed freedom on the European continent, and 
I freely interpreted the hopes and wishes which these op- 
pressed nations entertain, but as to your great republic, as 
a state, as a power on earth, I stand before the statesmen? 
senators and legislators of that republic, only to ascertain, 
from their wisdom and experience, what is their judgment 
upon a question of national law and international right. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 429 

I hoped, and now hope, that they will, by the foreboding 
events on the other great continent, feel induced to pro- 
nounce in time, their vote about that law and those rights, 
and I hoped and hope that pronouncing their vote it will 
be in favor of the broad principles of international justice, 
and consonant with their republican institutions and their 
democratic life. That is all I know, and Europe knows 
the immense weight of such a pronunciation from such a 
place. But never had I the impious wish to try to entan- 
gle this great republic into difficulties inconsistent with its 
own welfare, its own security, its own interest. I rather 
repeatedly and earnestly declared that a war on this ac- 
count, by your country, is utterly impossible, and a mere 
phantom. I always declared that the United States re- 
mained masters of their actions, and under every circum- 
stance will act as they judge consistent with the supreme 
duties to themselves. But I said, and say, that such a de- 
claring of just principles would insure to the nations of 
Europe fair play in their struggle for freedom and inde- 
pendence; because the declaration of such a power as your 
republic will be respected even where it should not be 
liked; and Europe's oppressed nations will feel cheered in 
resolution and doubled in strength to maintain the decision 
of their American brethren on their own behalf, with their 
own lives. There is an immense power in the idea to be 
right, when this idea is sanctioned by a nation like yours, 
and when the foreboding future will become present, there 
is an immense field for private benevolence and sympathy 
upon the basis of the broad principles of international jus- 
tice pronounced in the sanctuary of your people's collec- 
tive majority. So much to guard me against misunder- 
standing. Sir, I must fervently thank you for the acknowl- 



430 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

ment that my country has proved worthy to be free. Yes, 
gentlemen, I feel proud at my nation's character, heroism, 
love of freedom, and vitality, and I bow with reverential 
awe before the decree of Providence, which placed my coun- 
try into a position that, without its restoration to indepen- 
dence, there is no possibility for freedom and the indepen- 
dence of nations on the European continent. Even what 
now in France is about to pass, proves the truth of this. Ev- 
ery disappointed hope with which Europe looked toward 
France i , a degree more added to the importance of Hun- 
gary to the world. Upon our plains were fought the de- 
cisive battles for Christendom. There will be fought the 
decisive battle for the independence of nations, for state 
rights, for international law, and for democratic liberty. 
We will live free, or die like men; but should my people 
be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not 
be recorded as a suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world; 
and future ages will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar 
race, doomed to perish, not because we deserved it, but be- 
cause, in the nineteenth century, there was nobody to pro- 
tect the laws of Nature and of Nature's God. I look to 
the future with confidence and with hope. Adversities, 
manifold, of a tempest-tossed life, could, of course, not fail 
to impart a mark of cheerfulness upon my heart, which, if 
not a source of joy, is at least a guaranty against sanguine 
illusions. I, for myself, would not want the hope of suc- 
cess for doing what is right to me. The sense of duty 
would suffice. Therefore, when I hope, it has nothing in 
common with that desperate instinct of a drowning man, 
who, half sunk, is still grasping at a straw for help. No; 
when I hope, there is a motive for that hope. I have a 
steady faith in principles. I dare say that experience 



GOVERNOB LOUIS KOSSUTH. 431 

taught me the logic of events, in connection with princi- 
ples. I have fathomed the entire bottom of this mystery, 
and was, I perceive, right in my calculations there, about 
once in my life. I supposed a principle to exist in a cer- 
tain quarter, where, indeed, no principle proves to exist. 
It was a horrible mistake, and resulted in a horrible issue. 
The present condition of Europe is a very consequence of 
it; but precisely this condition of Europe proves, I did not 
wantonly suppose, a principle to exist there, where I found 
none to have existed. The consequences could not have 
failed to arrive, as I have contemplated them well. There 
is a providence in every fact. Without this mistake, the 
principles of American republicanism would, for a long 
time yet, find a sterile soil on that continent, where it was 
considered wisdom to belong to the French school. Now, 
matters stand thus. That either the continent of Europe 
has no future at all, or this future is American republican- 
ism And who could believe that three hundred millions 
of that continent, which is the mother of civilization, are 
not to have any future at all ? Such a doubt would be al- 
most blasphemy against Providence. But there is a Provi- 
dence, indeed — a just, a bountiful Providence — I trust, 
with the piety of my religion in it; I dare say my very 
humble self was a continual instrument of it. How could 
I be else, in such a condition as I was, born not conspicu- 
ous by any prominent abilities? Having nothing in me 
more than an iron will, which nothing can bend, and the 
consciousness of being right, how could 1, under the most 
arduous circumstances, accomplish many a thing which my 
sense of honest duty prompted me to undertake ? Oh, 
there is, indeed a Providence which rules, even in my being 
here, when four months ago I was yet a prisoner of the 



432 EEPORT ON THE EECEPTION OP 

league of Buropeaa despots, in far Asia, and the sympathy 
which your glorious people honor me with, and the high 
benefit of the welcome of your congress, and the honor to 
be your guest, to be the guest of your great republic, I, the 
poor, humble, unpretending exile. Is there not a very in- 
telligible manifestation of Providence ia it ? the more 
when I remember that the name of your humble, but thank- 
ful guest, is, by the furious rage of the Austrian tyrant, to 
the gallows nailed. Your generosity is great, and loud 
your protestation of republican principles against despo- 
tism. I firmly trust to those principles, and relying upon 
this very fact of your generosity, I may be permitted to say 
that that respectable organ of the free press was mistaken, 
which announced that I considered my coming hither to be 
a failure. I confidently trust that the nations of Europe 
have a future. I am aware that the future is contradicted. 
Bayonets may support, but afford no chair to sit upon. I 
trust to the future of my native land, because I know that 
it is worthy to have it, and it is necessary to the destinies 
of humanity. I trust to the principles of republicanism, 
whatever be my personal fate. So much I know, that my 
country will remember you and your glorious land with 
everlasting gratitude. 

To the last regular toast, viz : 

" Turkey — Her noble hospitality extended to a foreign 
patriot, even at the risk of war, proves her to be worthy 
of the respect of liberal nations." 

Governor Kossuth responded as follows : 

Sir : — 1 feel very thankful for having the opportunity 
to express, in this place, how much I feel obliged, in ever- 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 433 

lasting gratitude to the Sultan of Turkey, and to his noble 
people. I am now a man in the world. Before God, the 
people, and principles, I bow — before none else. But I 
am proud to say, that I bow with deep acknowledgment, 
and with warm gratitude, before the memory of the gener- 
ous conduct I met with in Turkey. Instead of any pre-, 
tension to an eloquent speech, I would rather humbly 
entreat your kind permission to make a few dry remarks 
upon facts, which may, perhaps, contribute something to 
a better knowledge of Turkey; because, I am confidently 
sure that, once better known, more attention will be paid 
to its fate. First, as to myself. When I was in that 
country, Russia and Austria, in the full pride of their vie- , 
tory, opposing their will upon the sultan, claimed the 
delivery of me and my associates. It is true that a grand 
divan was held at Constantinople, and not very favorable 
opinions were pronounced by a party opposed to the pre- 
sent existing government in Turkey, which induced the 
Sublime Porte himself, to believe that there was no help 
for us poor exiles, only to abandon our faith and become 
Mohammedans, in order that Turkey might be able to pro- 
tect us. I have, in that respect, declared what the duty 
of every honest man, I believe, would have been, to de- 
clare, under similar circumstances; but I owe it to the 
power of the sultan to declare openly, that I would rather 
die than accept the condition. [Applause.] That declar- 
ation was conveyed to Constantinople before any one 
there could have got knowledge that I had applied to the 
public opinion of the people of England in relation 
thereto — before all this was known at Constantiuople, 
where the very decision of the majority of that great 
divan was announced to the sultan to be unfavorable to 
28 



434 REPOET ON THE RECEPTION OF 

the protection of the poor exiles. Out of the generosity 
of his own heart, without knowing if we were willing 
to accept, or not accept, he declared — " They are upon 
the soil — they have trusted to my honor ; they have 
trusted to my justice — to my religion ; they shall not be 
deceived; rather war, than that I should deliver them up. 
[Great applause.] That is entirely his merit. But, not- 
withstanding these high obligations, which I feel toward 
Turkey, I never, indeed, will venture to try to engage 
sympathy and attention toward a country on the basis 
of one single act; but there are many considerations, in 
reference to Turkey, which merit the full attention of the 
United States of America. Firstly, when we make a com- 
parison between the Turkish government and that of 
Austria and Russia, in respect to religious liberty, the 
scale turns entirely in favor of Turkey. There is not 
only liberal toleration for all religions, but the govern- 
ment does not mix with their religious affairs, but leaves 
them entirely to their own control; whereas, in Austria, 
self-government was secured by three victorious revolu- 
tions and pacifications, which insured these revolutions 
and hundreds of laws, and still Austria has blotted out of 
the condition of Hungary, the self-government of the Pro- 
testant church, while Turkey accords and protects the 
self-government, of whatever religious denomination. 
Russia, taking for a political tool the very principle of 
religion, as it is universally known, persecutes the Roman 
Catholics; and, indeed, the Greeks and Jews, in a most 
horrible manner — in such a manner that the heart of man 
must revolt against it. The Sultan of Turkey, whenever, 
in his wide dominions, one single man of fanaticism dares 
to encroach upon the religious freedom of whomsoever is 



GOVEENOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 435 

in his country, is the unimpeachable judge and vindicator 
of that religious liberty which is permitted in all his do- 
minions. [Applause.] Again; I must recall, out of the 
history of Hungary, this fact — that when one half of Hun- 
gary was under Turkish dominion, and the other half 
under Austrian, religious liberty was always encouraged 
in that part which was under the Turkish rule, and there 
was not only a full and entire development of Protestant- 
ism; but Unitarianism was also protected, and the Unita- 
rians, though they were, in Transylvania, lawfully pro- 
tected in those times, by the sultan who governed that 
country, were still, in the last revolution, excluded from 
every civil right, because they were Unitarians. Only 
our revolution restored them to full and entire religious 
liberty. That was the condition, in respect to religious 
liberty, under the Austrian and under the Turkish domin- 
ion. Now, in respect to municipal self-government, Hun- 
gary, and all those different provinces which were now 
opposed to the Austrian empire — if, indeed, it existed, 
which I do not believe — became an empire, which only 
rests upon the good will of a foreign master, and has no 
existence, scarcely vegetation. [Applause.] All those 
different provinces were absorbed by Austria. They 
were attacked in their existence, and there was not a sin- 
gle one which had not, in former times, a constitutional 
life, and of which Austria did not deprive it, by centraliz- 
ing power in its own court. That is the principle of the 
law of the Christian powers. Now, take on the other 
hand the Turk. In Turkey, I have not only seen de- 
veloped, to a very considerable degree, the municipal self- 
government of cities; but I have seen a demonstration of 
justice very much like the institution of the jury. I have 



436 REPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

seen a public trial, in a case where one party, a Turk, and 
the other, a Christian, were engaged; where the municipal 
authorities of the Christian population were called togeth- 
er, to be not only witnesses of the trial, but materially 
to control and direct it, with perfect publicity. But more 
yet ; there exists Wallachia Moldayia, under Turkish 
dominion, and the Turkish nation dominant, which has 
conquered that province, out of respect for national self- 
government, has prescribed itself not to have a right of a 
house to dwell in, or a single step of soil in that land, or 
any interference whatever with the domestic concerns of 
this province, because it has got a charter for centuries, 
by which charter the self-government of Wallachia Mol- 
davia was insured. It is worthy to mention, that the 
Turk has never broken his oath. (Applause.) Whereas, on 
the European continent, there exists not a single king, or 
prince, or duke, or emperor, who has not broken his word 
a thousand times, before God and man. Now, the ex- 
ecutive of this Turkey, great as the present condition of 
Europe is, is indispensable to the security of Europe. 
You know that, in St. Petersburgh, in the time of 
Catharine, the policy all turned on a way to Con- 
stantinople. The politics indicated by the king, at 
that time, are always the politics of St. Petersburgh; and 
Constantinople is that place of which Napoleon rightly 
said, that the power which has Constantinople in com- 
mand, if it is willing to rule three quarters of the world, 
has power to rule. Now, it is the intention, it is the con- 
sistent policy of the Russian cabinet to get hold of Con- 
stantinople; and, therefore, I declare that, to protect the 
independent existence of Turkey, is so necessary to Eu- 
rope, bacause, Turkey crushed, Russia becomes, not only 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 437 

entirely predominant, as she already is, but becomes the 
single master and ruler of Asia, and of all Europe. And 
to conserve this independence of Turkey, gentlemen, 
nothing is wanted but some encouragement from such a 
power as the United States. Since Turkey has lost its 
dominion in Buda, in Hungary, its power is declining. 
But why ? Because, from that time European diplomatists 
began to succeed in persuading Turkey that she had not 
sufficient power or strength to stand upon her own feet; 
and, by-and-by, it became the rule in Constantinople, that 
every small, petty, interior question was to be decided 
with the interference of European diplomacy. Now, I 
say, Turkey has vitality such as not many nations have. 
It has a power that not many have. Turkey wants 
nothing but a consciousness of its own powers, and en- 
couragement to stand upon its feet; and this encourage- 
ment, if it comes as counsel, as kind advice, out of such a 
place as the United States, I am confident, will not only 
be thankfully heard, but joyfully followed. That is the 
only thing which is wanted there; and, besides this politi- 
cal consideration, that the existence of Turkey, as it is, is 
necessary to the future of Europe, there are also high 
commercial considerations, proper to interest, and to 
attract the attention of the United States. The freedom 
of commerce on the Danube, is a law of nations, guaran- 
teed by treaties; and yet there exists no freedom ; it is 
in the hands of Russia. Turkey, to be sure, is very anx- 
ious to re-establish freedom; but there is nobody to back 
her in her demands. Turkey can also present to the 
manufacturing industry of such a country as the United 
States, a far larger and more important market than all 
China, with her two hundred and fifty millions inhabitants. 



438 EEPORT ON THE RECEPTION OF 

But one consideration I can mention, and, though it has 
no reference to the public opinion here, I beg permission 
to avail myself of this opportunity to pronounce it, and 
give it publicity — and that is, that I hope, in the name of 
the future freedom and independence of the European 
nations, those provinces of Turkey, which are inhabited by 
Christians, will not, out of theoretical passion, and out of 
attachment to a mere word, neglect to act in such a man- 
ner as only can convey to them the future development of 
their own freedom and independence. Gentlemen, I de- 
clare, that should the revolutionary movement in Europe 
extend to the Turkish provinces; and, by that extension 
Turkey falls, this would not become a benefit to those pro- 
vinces of the Moldavians and Servians, but would only 
benefit Eussia; because then, Turkey, no more existing, 
all those provinces are, and will be naturally absorbed by 
Russia; whereas, holding fast to Turkey, that Turkey 
which respects religious liberty, gives them, entirely and 
fully, self-good. So much, gentlemen, I desired to express. 
I believe you will excuse me for the inappropriate manner 
in which I have acquitted myself. In this, which I con- 
sidered to be my duty, in expressing my thanks to Turkey, 
I declare before you, that I am fully convinced of the 
identity of interest of Hungary and of Turkey. We have 
a common enemy — therefore, Hungary and Turkey are, by 
national ties, provoked to a close alliance against that 
enemy. I declare, that not only out of gratitude, but also 
out of knowledge of this community of interest, I will 
never in my life let escape a single opportunity where I, 
in my humble capacity, can contribute to the glory, wel- 
fare and happiness of Turkey ; but will consider it the 
duty of honor toward my country, ever to be the truest, 
most faithful friend of the Turkish empire. 



GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH. 489 

In closing this report of the proceedings of your Com. 
mittee, we desire to express our warm thanks for the very 
valuable assistance and counsel we received from the Press 
of this city, which enabled us to give, what was deemed a 
proper and unequaled reception. We are also under obli- 
gations to Colonel Linus W. Stevens, the Grand Marshal, 
and his aids; to Major General SANDF0RD,and the officers 
under his command, and to the citizens generally, in so 
promptly responding to our invitations to meet and wel- 
come the city's guest, 

"We endeavored to carry out the spirit of the resolutions 
under which we were appointed, and as seemed to be de- 
manded by the popular voice; it is hoped that we have 
done so, to the approval of our colleagues and constituents. 



1 



JEDEDIAH MILLER, 

GEORGE H. FRANKLIN 

SAMUEL DELAMATER, , 

WM. A. DOOLEY, I ^°"^^"'^the ^'"' 

PATRICK KELLY, [ Board of Aldermen. 

HENRY SHAW, I 

MORGAN MORGANS, 

President. 



J 



SAMUEL R. MABBATT, ] 

H. B. BOLSTER, | 

JOHN B. WEBB, j Committee on the part 

FLORENCE McCarthy, > of the Board of 

WESLEY SMITH, ' -^^^i^iant Aldermen. 

A. A. ALVORD. j 

President. J 



APPENDII, 



The following address by Governor Kossuth, was writ- 
ten by him in the Magyar language, and forwarded to 
Governor Ujhazi, late of Hungary, and was translated by 
Major Tochman, of Washington, D. C. 

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



TEANSLATION. 



Broussa, March 27, 1850. 

Two years ago, I, by God's providence, who would be 
only an humble citizen, held in my hands the destiny of 
the reigning House of Austria. 

Had I been ambitious, or had I believed that this treach- 
erous family were so basely wicked as they afterward 
proved themselves to be, the tottering pillars of their 
throne would have fallen at my command, and buried the 
crowned traitors beneath their ruins, or would have scat- 
tered them like dust before a tempest, homeless exiles, 
bearing nothing but the remembrance of their perfidy, and 
that royalty which they ought to have lost through their 
own wickedness. 

I, however, did not take advantage of these favorable 
circumstances, though the entire freedom of my dear na- 
tive land was the only wish of my heart. My requests 



442 APPENDIX. 

were of that moderate nature which, in the condition of 
Hungary and Europe, seemed best fitted for my country- 
men. I asked of the king, not the complete independence 
of my beloved country — not even any new rights or privi- 
leges — but simply these three things: — 

1. That the inalienable rights, sanctioned by a thousand 
years, and by the constitution of my father-land, should be 
guaranteed by a national and responsible administration. 

2. That every inhabitant of my country, without re- 
garding language or religion, should be free and equal be- 
fore the law — all classes having the same privileges and 
protection from the law. 

3. That all the people of the Austrian empire that ac- 
knowledged the same person as emperor whom we Hun- 
garians recognized as king, and the same laws of succes- 
sion, should have restored their ancient constitutional 
rights, of which they had been unjustly despoiled, modi- 
tied to suit their wants and the spirit of the age. 

The first demand was not for any new grant or conces- 
sion, but simply a fresh guarantee. In the arrangement 
made with our ancestors, when, by their free will, they 
elevated the House of Hapsburgh to the throne, a condition 
was made that the king should preserve the independence 
and constitution of the country. This independence and 
this constitution were the very vitality of our national be- 
ing. During three centuries twelve kings of the house of 
Hapsburgh had sworn, in the presence of the eternal God, 
before ascending the throne, that they would preserve our 
independence and the constitution; and their lives are but 
a history of perpetual and accursed perjury. Yet such 
conduct did not weaken our fidelity. No nation ever 
manifested more faithfulness to their rulers; and, though 



APPENDIX. 443 

we poor Himgarians made endless sacrifices, often at the 
expense of our national welfare — though these kings, in 
times of peace, drew their support from us, and in times 
of war or danger relied upon the unconquerable strength 
of our army, though we ever trusted in their words, they 
deceived us a thousand times, and made our condition 
-worse. 

While other nations were able to apply all their ener- 
gies to promote the general welfare, and to develop their 
means of happiness, we had to stand on guard, like the 
watchmen mentioned in Scripture, for three centuries, to 
prevent our treacherous kings from destroying entirely 
the foundation of our national existence, our constitution 
and independence. 

I, as the representative of my countrymen, asked nothing 
more than a constitutional ministry, whose responsibility 
would prevent the king from violating his oath. 

The second demand was still less for any political right. 
We asked for nothing more than a reform in the internal 
administration of the state; a simple act of justice which 
the aristocracy owed the people: and in this how much 
the king would have gained ! The strength of his throne 
would have been increased ten-fold by thus winning the 
affections of his faithful people. 

The third demand was prompted by humanity and fra- 
ternal feeling. It was the proper and holy mission of our 
nation as the oldest member of the empire, and possessing 
a constitutional form of government, to raise its voice in 
behalf of those sister nations under the same ruler, and 
who were united to us by so many ties of relationship. 
Lovers of freedom, we would not ask liberty for ourselves 
alone; we would not boast of privileges that others did 



444 APPENDIX. 

not enjoy, but desired to be free, in fellowship with free 
nations around us. This motive was inspired by the con- 
viction that two crowns — a constitutional and a despotic 
crown — could not be worn by the same head, no more than 
two opposing dispositions can harmonize in the same 
breast, or than a man can be good and evil at the same 
time. 

The king and royal family granted these requests, ap- 
pealing to the sanctity of their oaths as a guarantee of 
their fulfillment; and I, weak in myself, but strong through 
the confidence of my countrymen, and the noble sympathy 
of the Austrian people, proclaimed everywhere, amid the 
raging storm of revolution, that " the House of Austria 
should stand; for, by the blessing of the Almighty, it had 
begun to move in the right direction, and would be just to 
its people." It stood; and stood too, at a time when, 
whatever might have been the fate of Hungary, the revolu- 
tionary tempest, under my direction, would have blown 
away this antiquated and helpless dynasty like chaff be- 
fore the winds of heaven. 

I not only preserved the House of Austria, but placed in 
its hands the materials of a long and glorious future — the 
foundations of an indestructible power in the affections of 
thirty-two millions of people. I tendered them the fidel- 
ity and assistance of my own heroic Hungary, which alone 
was able to defend them against the assaults of the world. 
I afforded them the glorious opportunity — more glorious 
than ever had been presented before — of establishing an 
impenetrable barrier to protect freedom, civilization, and 
progress against the Cossack power which now threatens 
Europe. To attain this honor, this glory, one thing only 
was necessary — that they should remain faithful to their 



APPENDIX. 445 

oaths. But when was it that Austria was not treacherous ? 
We look in vain for as much honor as is found even among 
robbers, in the Hapsburgh family. 

On the very day they signed the grant of these moder- 
ate demands of the Hungarian people, and solemnly swore, 
before God and the nation, to maintain them, they secretly 
resolved and planned the most cruel conspiracy against 
us. They determined to break their oaths, to desolate 
the land with insurrection, conflagration, and blood, till, 
feeble and exhausted under the burden of a thousand mis- 
eries, Hungary might be struck from the roll of living na- 
tions. They then hoped, by the power of the bayonet, and, 
if necessary, by the arms of Eussia, to erect a united and 
consolidated empire, like the Russian, of sixteen various 
nations; they hoped to realize their long-conceived pur- 
pose of making themselves an absolute power. 

Never were so many hellish arts used against a nation 
before. Not suspecting a counter-revolution or an attack, 
we were not prepared to defend ourselves, when suddenly 
we were surprised by danger. The perfidious Hapsburgh, 
destitute of all shame, and rejoicing in the anticipation of 
an easy victory, hesitated not to disclose before the civil- 
ized world their horrible plans; to subjugate us by the 
force of arms, to excite hatred of race, to call in the aid of 
robbers, incendiaries, and reckless insurgents. 

At this crisis of great danger, when many of our ablest 
men even were ready to yield themselves to this decree of 
destruction, I stood among those who called the nation to 
arms; and, confiding in a just God, we cursed the cowards 
who were preparing to abandon their native land to sub- 
mit to a wicked despotism, and to purchase a miserable 
existence by sacrificing liberty. I called the nation to 



446 APPENDIX. 

arms in self-defence. I acted not with blind presumption, 
and emotions of despair found no place in my breast — for 
he who despairs is not fit to guide a people. I estimated 
the valor and power of my country; and on the verge of 
a fearful struggle I had the faith to promise victory, if 
Hungary would remain true to herself, and fortify her 
breast with the impulsive fire of a strong will. 

To sustain the stern resolution to combat such an enemy, 
we were supported, first, above every thing, by our unshaken 
confidence in God, whose ways are past finding out, but 
who supports the right, and blesses the cause of an honest 
people fighting for freedom; secondly, by a love of country 
and the holy desire of liberty, which make the child a 
giant, and increase the strength of the valiant; and, third- 
ly, by your example, noble Americans ! you, the chosen na- 
tion of the God of liberty ! My countrymen — a religious, 
a God-venerating people — in whose hearts burned the all- 
powerful feeling of patriotism, were inspired by the influ- 
ence of your sublime example. 

Free citizens of America ! from your history, as from the 
star of hope in midnight gloom, we drew our confidence 
and resolution in the doubtful days of severe trial. Ac- 
cept, in the name of my countrymen, this declaration as a 
tribute of gratitude. And you, excellent people, who were 
worthy to be chosen by the Almighty as an example to 
show the world how to deserve freedom, how to win it, 
and how to use it; you will allow that the Hungarians, 
though weaker and less fortunate than you, through the 
decaying influence of the old European society, are worthy 
to be your imitators, and that you would be pleased to see 
the stars of your glorious flag emblazon the double cross 
of the Hungarian coat-of-arms. When despotism hurled 



APPENDIX. 447 

defiance at us, and began the bloody war, your inspiring 
example upheaved the nation as one man, and legions, 
with all the means of war, appeared to rise from nothing, 
as the tender grass shoots up after spring showers. 

Though we were inferior in numbers to the enemy, and 
could not compare with their well-trained forces — though 
our arms were shorter than theirs — yet the heroic sons of 
Hungary supplied the want of numbers by indomitable 
bravery, and lengthened their weapons by a step further 
in advance. 

The world knows how bravely the Hungarians fought. 
And it is not for me, who was identified with the war — 
who, obeying the wishes of the nation, stood faithfully at 
the helm of government — to extol the heroic deeds of my 
countrymen. I may mention, however, that while every 
day it became more evident that the heart of Europe beat 
to the pulsations of the Hungarian struggle, we main- 
tained the unequal conflict alone. Cut off from the rest of 
the world and all external aid till a year ago, we laid the 
haughty power of the tyrant House of Hapsburgh in the dust; 
and, had it not been for the intentional and traitorous dis- 
regard of my commands by one of our leaders, who after- 
ward shamefully betrayed the country, not only would the 
imperial family have been driven from Vienna, but the en- 
tire Austrian nation would have been liberated ; and, 
though by such treason this base family saved themselves 
from destruction, they were so far humbled in March, 1849, 
that, not knowing how to be just, they im.plored foreign 
aid, and threw themselves at the feet of the Czar. 

The emperor hoped that the Hungarian people would 
be terrified by his threatening, and would prefer slavery 
to death ; but he was deceived. He sold his own liberty 



448 APPENDIX. 

to Russia for aid to enslave Ms people. The choice of a 
coward is to purchase a miserable, ephemeral existence, 
even though at the cost of his honor and independence. 

The Austrians fought against us, not only with arms and 
by the aid of traitors, but with studied and unceasing slan- 
der. They never ceased to impeach our motives, falsify 
our conduct, and vaunt the pretended justice of their own 
cause before the judgment seat of public opinion. Efforts 
were constantly made, to weaken, among the people of 
Hungary and among the nations of the world, that sympa- 
thy and force which spring from a righteous cause. 

Free citizens of North America ! you have given, in spite 
of these slanders, the fullest sympathy for the cause of my 
country. We had no opportunity to explain to'^you our 
motives and conduct, and refute the libels against us ; but 
we said, and how truly your noble and magnanimous con- 
duct shows it, that such a nation knows how to defend a 
just and holy cause, and will give us its sympathy ; and 
this conviction inspired us with more confidence. Oh, that 
you had been a neighboring nation; the Old World would 
now be free, and would not have to endure again those 
terrible convulsions and rivers of blood which are inevita- 
ble. But the end is with God, and he will choose the means 
to fulfill his purposes. 

Yet, great and free people, receive the thanks of my 
country for your noble sympathy, which was a great moral 
support in our terrible conflict. 

When the House of Austria sold itself to the autocrat, 
we, who were fatigued with our hard-earned victory, but 
not subdued or exhausted, saw with apprehension the spec- 
tre of Russian invasion — an invasion which violated the 
laws of nations, which was openly hostile to the cause of 



APPENDIX. 449 

civilization, the rights of man, of order, and even to that 
principle which the diplomacy of Europe calls " the balance 
of power." I could not believe that the governments of 
Europe would permit this invasion; for, I believe they 
would intervene to effect a treaty of peace, if not so much 
on our account, yet to prevent Austria becoming the vassal 
of Russia — to check the growing strength and influence of 
the latter power in the East. 

We desired an honorable peace, and were willing to sub- 
mit to any reasonable terms. We many times tendered the 
olive-branch. We asked the constitutional governments 
of Europe to interpose. They heard us not. The haughty 
imperial family, forgetting that they were the real traitors, 
rejected every proposition, with the defying expression 
that they " did not treat with rebels." Ay, more — they 
threw our ambassadors into prison; and one of them, the 
noblest of Hungary's sons, they cowardly and impiously mur- 
dered. Still, we hesitated to tear asunder forever the bonds 
that united us. Ten months we fought, and fought victori- 
ously, in defence; and it was only when every attempt to 
bring about an honorable peace failed ; when Francis Joseph, 
who was never our king, dared, in his manifesto of the 4th 
of March, 1849, to utter the curse " that Hungary should 
exist no longer;" when there was no hope of arresting the 
Russian invasion by diplomacy; when we saw that we must 
fight, to save ourselves from being struck off the earth as a 
nation; when the House of Austria, by its endless acts of 
injustice and cruelty, and by calling in the aid of a foreign 
power, had extinguished, in the heart of the Hungarian 
people, every spark of affection — then, and then only, after 
so much patience, the nation resolved to declare its abso- 
lute independence. Then spoke the National Assembly 
29 



450 APPENDIX. 

the words which had long been uttered by every patriotic 
tongue — " Francis Joseph, thou beardless young Nero 1 
thou darest to say Hungary shall exist no more ! We, the 
people, answer, we do and will exist; but you and your 
treacherous house shall stand no longer ! You shall no 
more be kings of Hungary ! Be forever banished, ye 
perfidious traitors to the nation !" 

We were not only ready to accept any terms that were 
honorable; but we carefully abstained from doing any thing 
which would give the Czar a pretence, which he had long 
sought, to meddle with our affairs. 

The Hungarian nation loved freedom as the best gift of 
God, but it never thought of commencing a crusade against 
kings in the name of liberty. In Hungary there were 
none of these propagandists, who alarm so much the rulers 
of the Old World. There were no secret societies plotting 
conspiracies. My countrymen were not influenced by the 
theories of communists or socialists, nor were they what 
the conservatives call anarchists. The nation desired 
justice, and knew how to be just to all, irrespective of 
rank, language, or religion. A people so worthy of free- 
dom were generous enough to leave something to time, 
and to be satisfied with a progressive development. No 
violence was used; no just right was attacked; and even 
some of those institutions were left undisturbed which, in 
their principle and origin, were unjust; but which, having 
existed for centuries, could not be abolished at once with 
impunity. 

The Hungarian people did not wish to oppress any — 
not even the aristocracy; they were more ready to make 
sacrifices than to punish the descendants of nobility for the 
evils of miso-overnment, and of those institutions which 



APPENDIX. 451 

emanated from their ancestors ; nor would they let the 
many suffer for the sins of the few. 

There was no anarchy among us. Even in the bloodiest 
conflicts, when the human passions are most excited, there 
was the most perfect order and security of property and 
person, tlow did the conduct of my noble countrymen 
compare with that of the " order-making Austria ?" When- 
ever the whirlwind of war ceased for awhile, where the 
social elements were left in chaos, the instinctive moral 
feeling of this incorruptible people, in the absence of all 
government, preserved better order and safety than legions 
of police. A common spirit animated the whole nation — 
no secret aims, no personal or local attacks, but a bold 
and open defence in the face of the world. Following the 
example of your great Washington, we adopted, as our 
policy, conciliation, justice, and legality, and scrupulously 
observed the laws of nations. 

The Russians and Austrians made the soil of Wallachia 
the basis of military operations; and the Turkish govern- 
ment, which either knew not its own interests, or was un- 
able to defend them, silently permitted this violation of 
treaties and the rights of nations; thus humbling itself and 
betraying its own weakness. Several times we drove our 
enemies across the Wallachian boundaries; for it was only 
necessary for our victorious army to advance into the 
countries of the Lower Danube, to rouse the inhabitants 
against the Russians, and to transfer the war to their own 
soil. But we respected the law of nations, and stopped our 
conquering forces on the confines of Wallachia. Her soil 
was sacred to us. Austria left Gallicia almost unpro- 
tected, and collected all her forces to attack us. Had we, 
at this time, sent a small portion of our army to Poland, it 



452 APPENDIX. 

would have caused a general insurrection; and that heroic 
but unfortunate nation would have revenged herself by 
throwing the Russian empire into a state of revolution. 
But we acted in defence only, and we deemed it a sin to 
precipitate other nations into a terrible and uncertain war, 
and we checked our sympathies. Besides, we avoided 
giving the Emperor of Russia a pretence for a war of re- 
taliation against us. Oh, it was foolish ! for the despotic 
hypocrite made a pretence; he called our own struggle the 
Hungarian-Polish revolution, though the whole number of 
Poles, in our armies, did not exceed four thousand. 
' We doubted not that the European powers would ne- 
gotiate a peace for us, or that they would at least prevent 
the Russian invasion. They said they pitied us, honored 
our efforts, and condemned the conduct of Austria ; but 
they could not help us, because Europe required a power- 
ful Austrian empire, and they must support it, in spite of 
its evils, as a balance against Russia in central and eastern 
Europe. What a mistake 1 What diplomacy ! Is it not 
as clear as the sun that the Czar, in aiding Austria, would 
do it in such a manner as to obtain the greatest advan- 
tages for himself! Was it not manifest that Austria, who 
had always, through the help of Hungary, strength enough 
to oppose Russia, would, when she destroyed Hungary by 
Russian bayonets, no longer be an independent power, but 
merely the avant-garde of the Muscovite ? Yet Europe 
permitted the invasion. It is an indelible mark of blind- 
ness and shame. It is ever thus in the imbecile Old 
World. They treated us just as they treat Turkey. 
They assert always that the peace of Europe and the 
balance of power require the preservation of the Turkish 
empire — that Turkey must exist to check the advance of 



APPENDIX, 453 

the Cossack power. But, notwithstanding this, England 
and France destroyed the Turkish fleet at Navarino, a 
fleet which never could have injured them, but might have 
contended with Russia in the Black Sea. 

Always the same worn-out, old, and fatal system of 
policy, while Eussia, ever alert, seizes province after pro- 
vince from Turkey. She has made herself the sovereign 
of Moldavia and Wallachia, and is sapping the founda- 
tions of the Ottoman empire. Already Turkish officials 
are more dependent on the lowest Russian agents than upon 
their own Grand Yizier. 

Oh, that Hungary had received but a slight token of 
moral support from the European powers — from those 
powers whose dreams are troubled with fears of the ad- 
vance of the Cossack. Had only an English or a French 
agent come to us, during our struggle, what might he not 
have done ! He, too, would have seen and estimated our 
ability to sustain ourselves ; he would have observed the 
humanity, the love of order, the reverence for liberty, 
which characterized the Hungarian nation. Had these 
two powers permitted a few ships to come to Ossara, 
laden with arms for the noble patriots who had asked in 
vain for weapons, the Hungarians would now have stood 
a more inpregnable barrier against Russia than all the 
arts of a miserable and expensive diplomacy. 

There was a time when we, with the neighboring Poles, 
saved Christianity in Europe. And now, I hesitate not 
to avow, before God, that we alone — that my own Hun- 
gary — could have saved Europe from Russia domination. 
As the war in Hungary advanced, its character became 
changed. In the end, the results it contemplated were 
higher and far more important ; nothing less, in fact, than 



454 APPENDIX. 

universal freedom, which was not thought of in the begin- 
ning. This was not a choice ; it was forced upon us by 
the policy of the European nations, who, disregarding their 
own interests, suffered Russia to invade and provoke us. 
Yes, we were martyrs to the cause of freedom, and this 
glorious but painful destiny was imposed upon us. 

Though my dear native Hungary is trodden down, and 
the flower of her sons executed, or wandering exiles, and 
I, her governor, writing from my prison, in this distant 
Asiatic Turkey, I predict — and the eternal God hears my 
prediction — that there can be no freedom for the continent 
of Europe, and that the Cossacks, from the shores of the 
Don, will water their steeds in the Rhine, unless liberty 
be restored to Hungary. It is only with Hungarian free- 
dom that the European nations can be free ; and the 
smaller nationalities, especially, can have no future with- 
out us. 

Nor could the united Russo- Austrian forces have con- 
quered my heroic countrymen had they not found a traitor 
to aid them in the man whom, believing in his honesty, 
and on account of his skill, I raised from obscurity. En- 
joying my confidence, the confidence of the nation and the 
army, I placed him at the head of our forces, giving him 
the most glorious part to perform ever granted to man. 
What an immortality was within his reach, had he been 
honest ! But he betrayed his country. Cursed be his 
name forever ! I will not open my bleeding wounds by 
the sad remembrance of this event, and will merely men- 
tion that the surrender at Vilagos was the crowning act 
of a long system of treachery, secretly practiced — by not 
using the advantages which victories put in his hands ; by 
not fulfilling my commands, under cunning pretences ; by 



APPENDIX. 455 

destroying national feeling in the army ; by weakening its 
confidence, and by the destruction, through unnecessary 
exposures and dangers, of that portion of the army that 
he could not corrupt, in his base designs to make himself 
military dictator. God, in his inscrutable wisdom, knows 
why the traitor was permitted to be successful. In vain 
fell the bravest of men in this long war ; in vain were the 
exertions of my countrymen ; in vain did the aged father 
send, with pious heart, his only son, the prop of his de- 
clining years, and the bride her bridegroom; in vain did 
all private interests yield to the loftiest patriotism; in 
vain arose the prayers of a suffering people; in vain did 
the ardent wishes of every friend of freedom accompany 
our efforts; in vain did the genius of liberty hope for suc- 
cess. My country was martyred ! Her rulers are hang- 
men ! They have spoken the impious words that the 
liberty-loving nation " lies at the feet of the Czar !" In- 
stead of the thankful prayers of faith, of hope, and of love, 
the air of my native land is filled with the cries of despair; 
and I, her chosen leader, am an exile. The diplomacy of 
Europe has changed Turkish hospitality to me and my 
companions into hopeless bondage. It is a painful exist- 
ence. My youthful children have begun the morning of 
their life in the hands of my country's destroyer, and I — 
but no; desponding does not become me, for I am a man. 
I am not permitted, or, I would say, I envy the dead. 
Who is unfortunate ? I am in Broussa, where the great 
Hannibal once lived in exile, homeless like myself, but 
rich in services performed for his country, while I can 
claim only fidelity to mine. The ingratitude of his nation 
went with him in his banishment, but the sorrowful love 
of my countrymen follows me to my place of exile. To 



456 APPENDIX. 

thee, my God, I offer thanks that thou didst deem me 
"worthy to suffer for dear Hungary. Let me suffer afflic- 
tions, but accept them as propitiatory sacrifices for my 
native land ! 

And thou, Hungarian nation, yield not to despair ! Be 
patient ; hope, and wait thy time ! Though all men forget 
thee, the God of justice will not. Thy sufferings are 
recorded, and thy tears remembered. The blood of thy 
martyrs — thy noble sons — which moistened thy soil, will 
have its fruits. The victims which daily fall for thee are, 
like the evergreen cypress over the graves of the dead, 
the symbol of thy resurrection. The races whom thy 
destroyer excited against thee by lies and cunning, will be 
undeceived; they will know that thou didst not fight for 
pre-eminence, but for the common liberty ; that thou wast 
their brother, and bled for them also. The temporary 
victory of our enemies will but serve to take the film from 
the eyes of the deceived people. The sentiment of sym- 
pathy for our sufferings will inspire, among the smaller 
states and races, the wish for a fraternal confederation — 
for that which I always urged as the only safe policy and 
guarantee of freedom for them all. 

The realization of this idea will hurl the power of the 
haughty despots to the abyss of the past; and Hungary, 
free, surrounded by free nations, will be great, glorious, 
and independent. 

At the moment when I hardly hoped for further conso- 
lation on earth, behold the God of mercy freed my wife, 
and enabled her, through a thousand dangers, to reach me 
in my place of exile ! Like a hunted deer, she could not, 
for five months find, in her own native land, a place of rest. 
The executioners of the beardless Nero placed a reward 



APPENDIX. 457 

upon her head; but she has escaped the tyrants. She was 
to me, and to my exiled countrymen, like the rainbow to 
Noah, for she brought intelligence and hope in the un- 
shaken souls of the Hungarian people, and in the affec- 
tionate sympathy of the neighboring nations who had 
fought against us. They had aided the wife of the much- 
slandered Governor of Hungary. 

Although the sympathy of the world often depends upon 
the result of action, and the successful are applauded, still, 
Hungary, by her noble bearing and trials, has drawn the 
attention of the world. The sympathy which she has ex- 
cited in both worlds, and the thundering curse which the 
lips of millions have pronounced against her destroyers, 
announce, like the roaring of the wind before the storm, 
the coming retribution of Heaven. 

. Among the nations of the world there are two which de- 
mand our gratitude and affection. England, no less 
powerful than she is free and glorious, supported us by 
her sympathy, and by the approving voice of her noblest 
sons, and the millions of her people. And that chosen 
land of freedom beyond the ocean — the all-powerful peo- 
ple of the United States, with their liberal government — 
inspired us with hope, and gave us courage by their deep 
interest in our cause and sufferings, and by their con- 
demnation of our executioners. 

The President of the United States, whom the confidence 
of a free people had elevated to the loftiest station in the 
world, in his message to congress, announced that the 
American government would have been the first to recog- 
nize the independence of Hungary. And the senators and 
representatives in congress marked the destroyers of my 
country's liberty with the stigma of ignominy; and ex- 



458 APPENDIX. 

pressed, with indignant feelings, their contempt for the 
conduct of Austria, and their wish to break the diplomatic 
intercourse with such a government. They summoned the 
despots before the judgment-seat of humanity; they pro- 
claimed that the world would condemn them; they de- 
clared that Austria and Russia had been unjust, tyrannical 
and barbarous, and deserved to be reprobated by mankind, 
while Hungary was worthy of universal sympathy. 

The Hungarians, more fortunate than I, who were able 
to reach the shores of the New World, were received by 
the people and government of the United States in the 
most generous manner — yes, like brothers. With one 
hand they hurled anathemas at the despots, and with the 
other welcomed the humble exiles to partake of that glo- 
rious American liberty, more to be valued than the glitter 
of crowns. Our hearts are filled with emotion to see how 
this great nation extends its sympathy and aid to every 
Hungarian who is so fortunate as to arrive in America. 
The sympathetic declaration of such a people, under such 
circumstances, with similar sentiments in England, is not 
a mere sigh which the wind blows away, but is prophetic 
of the future. What a blessed sight to see whole nations 
elevated by such sentiments ! 

Free citizens of America ! you inspired my countrymen 
to noble deeds; your approval imparted confidence; your 
sympathy consoled in adversity, gave a ray of hope for 
the future, and enabled us to bear the weight of our heavy 
burden. Your fellow-feeling will sustain us till we realize 
the hope, the faith, " that Hungary is not lost forever." 
Accept, in the name of my countrymen, the acknowledg- 
ment of our warmest gratitude and our high respect. 

I, who know Hungary so well, firmly believe she is not 
lost; and the intelligent citizens of America have decided, 



APPENDIX, 459 

not only with impulsive kindness, but with reason and 
policy, to favor the unfortunate, but not subjugate, Hun- 
gary. The sound of that encouraging voice is not like a 
funeral dirge, but as the shrill trumpet that will call the 
world to judgment. 

Who does not see that Austria, even in her victory, has 
given herself a mortal wound ! Her weakness is betrayed. 
The world no longer believes that Europe needs the pre- 
servation of this decaying empire. It is evident that its 
existence is a curse to mankind; it can never promote the 
welfare of society. The magic of its imagined power is 
gone; it was a delusion that can deceive no longer. Among 
all the races of this empire — not excepting the hereditary 
states — there is none that does not despise the reigning 
family of Hapsburgh. This power has no moral ground of 
support; its vain dreams of a united empire, for which it 
has committed the most unheard-of crimes, are proved to 
be mere ravings, at which the world laughs. No one 
loves or respects it; and, when it falls, not a tear of regret 
will follow it to the grave. And fall it surely will. That 
moment Russia withdraws her support, the decayed edifice 
will crumble to dust. A shot fired by an English or by an 
American vessel from the Adriatic would be like the trum- 
pet at the city of Jericho. And this impious, foolish gov- 
ernment thinks to control fate by the hangman's cord. How 
long will Russia be able to assist ? This Czar, who boasts 
that his mission is to be the scourge of all the nations 
striving for liberty — will not the Almighty, whose vice- 
gerent he profanely assumes to be, blast the miserable 
boaster? The very character of his government is a 
declaration of war against the rights and interests of 
humanity, and the existence of other nations. Will the 
world suffer this long ? Not long. 



460 APPENDIX. 

The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not only gained 
a consciousness of her own strength, but she has forced 
the conviction into the minds of other nations that she 
deserves to exist and to be independent; and she can show 
justly that her existence and independence are essential to 
the cause of liberty in Europe. No, no ! Hungary is not 
lost. By her faith, bravery, and by her foresight, which 
teaches her to abide her time, she will be yet among the 
foremost in the war of universal liberty. 

You, noble Americans, we bless in the name of the God 
of Liberty ! To you, who have summoned the murderers 
of my countrymen before the judgment-seat of the world — 
to you, who are the first judges of this court, I will bring 
the complaints of my nation, and before you I will plead 
her cause. When the House of Hapsburgh, with the aid 
of a foreign army, invaded my country, and had destroyed, 
by their manifesto of the 4th of March, 1849, the founda- 
tion upon which the union with Austria rested, there re- 
mained for Hungary no alternative than the Declaration 
of Independence which the National Assembly unanimously 
voted on the 14th of April, 1849, and which the whole na- 
tion solemnly accepted, and sealed with their blood. 

I declare to you, in the most solemn manner, that all 
which has taken place, or that may hereafter take place, 
proceeding from individuals or government, contrary to 
this declaration, which is in perfect accord with the funda- 
mental law of Hungary, is illegal and unjust. 

Before you I assert, that the accusation that the Magyar 
race was unjust to the other races — by means of which a 
portion of the Servians, Wallachians, Slavonians, and Ger- 
mans, dwelling in Hungary, was excited against us — is an 
impious slander, circulated by the House of Hapsburgh, 



APPENDIX, 461 

wliich shrinks from no crime to weaken the united forces 
of our united army, to conquer one race after another, and 
thus bring them all under the yoke of slavery. 

It is true, some of the races in Hungary had reason to 
complain; hut these subjects of complaint were the in- 
evitable consequences of the preexisting state of things 
and the Austrian interference. But the Croatians had no 
reason to complain. This race of half a million, in a 
separate province, had a National Assembly of its own, 
and enjoyed greater privileges than even the Hungarians. 
They contributed proportionally but half as much in taxes. 
They possessed equal rights with Hungary; whilst the 
Hungarian Protestants, on account of their religion, were 
not suffered to hold lands in Croatia. Their grievances 
and ours were the same, in the perpetual violation of the 
constitution by the imperial government. But their own 
peculiar grievances arose from the evils of former times, 
and from the Austrian system of government, which forcibly 
placed the Sclavonian, Servian and Wallachian boundary 
districts on the German military footing. 

The moment, however, our people became free, and en- 
joyed their political rights, they became just, and placed 
all things upon the basis of freedom and perfect equality. 
But some of these races, blinded by the infernal slanders 
and suggestions of Austria, took up arms against us. This 
people, who for centuries had endured slavery, fought 
against their own freedom ! God forgive them ! They 
knew not what they did. 

In America people of different languages dwell, but who 
says that it is unjust for senators and representatives to 
use the English language in their debates, and to make it 
the official language of the government ? 



462 APPENDIX. 

This is what the Magyar race asked in Hungary. There 
was this difference only, that in America it was not neces- 
sary to establish this by law, for the original settlers had 
stamped their language in the country; but in Hungary a 
law was necessary to make the Magyar the ofl&cial language. 
The use of the Latin language — a bad relic of the middle 
ages, which the clergy and aristocracy preserved as some- 
thing precious, imitating the ancient despots who caused 
the laws to be written in small letters and placed on high 
towers, that the people might not understand their rights 
— had been retained among us. It was necessary to have 
a living, spoken, popular language. And what other could 
we have than tlie noble Magyar ? 

How often have I, and other leaders with me, said to my 
countrymen, that they must be strictly just, and seek their 
future greatness, not in the predominance of one race, but 
in the perfect equality of all? My counsel was adopted, 
and made the basis of the government. The same freedom, 
the same privileges, without regard to language or religion; 
the free development of each race under the protection of 
the law, were accorded to all. We not only guaranteed 
the right to use any language in the churches and schools, 
but we afforded aid for the education and development of 
each nationality. The principle we announced was that 
either the state should protect no religion, no nationality 
— leaving all to the free action of the people — or that it 
should protect all alike. 

In the general administration, the predominance of our 
language, and, consequently, the race that spoke it, was a 
necessity ; but, in the administration of county affairs, 
which, in some respects, resembled that of the individual 
states of North America, the use of each language was 



APPENDIX. 463 

granted. In tlie courts, in the trial by jury, in the right 
of petition, in the republications of all laws and ordinan- 
ces, the various races had the right to use their own lan- 
guage. In one word, nothing was left undone which could 
tend to place all on a footing of the most perfect equality. 
True, we did not, as Austria has done, for political pur- 
poses, solely to enslave all the people, and make the brave 
Hungarians a subordinate nation, make a territorial divi- 
sion of the lands. We respected rights and wished to 
progress, but were too honest to commence a system of 
spoliation. And who has been benefited by this policy of 
the Vienna bureaucracy ? Not even those on whom the 
pretended favors have been conferred. 

When those races clamored for national rights, I boldly 
demanded what was wanting, and what could be granted 
without injury to the country. No one answered but reck- 
less men, who spoke of territorial divisions. The Servians 
desired to have the Comitat Bacs, and the three counties 
of the Banat as a separate Servian state. The Walla- 
chians wished to have Transylvania. They (the Servians) 
did not consider that they owned no separate portion of 
the land of Hungary, and that in Bacs and the Banat were 
Wallachians, Germans, and Magyars, who could not be 
made subordinate to the less numerous Servians. So also, 
in Transylvania, there were Magyars and Saxons, who 
would complain of such a connection with Wallachia. 

As there were various races, speaking different Ian* 
guages, in Hungary, and divided into as many municipal- 
ities, who could blame us for laying the foundation of gov- 
ernment in a just equality to all? Croatia alone was a 
separate territory; and how often have we said to her, 
that if she would remain in union with us we would give 



464 APPENDIX. 

her the hand of brotherhood, but if she wished to separate 
we would not hinder her ? We could not, however, per- 
mit such a division of Hungary as would have destroyed 
her as a nation. It was Austria who sowed the seeds of 
division and dissolution. 

Citizens of America ! to you I declare honestly that my 
aim in the federation of Hungary with the smaller nations 
was to secure the nationality and independence of each, 
and the freedom of all; and, had anything been wanting 
which could have been justly granted to any or all of the 
races in Hungary, the Magyars had only to know it, and 
it would have been performed with readiness; for freedom, 
and not power, was their desire. 

Finally, I declare that, by the declaration of indepen- 
dence by which I was elected Governor of Hungary, I pro- 
test, so long as the people do not, by their free will, release 
me from that office, that no one can legally control the 
affairs of government but myself. This protestation is not 
made in a feeling of vanity or desire to be conspicuous, 
but from respect to the inherent rights of my countrymen. 
I strove not for power. The brilliancy of a crown would 
not seduce me; the final aim of my life, after having liber- 
ated my dear Hungary, was to end my days as a private 
citizen and an humble farmer. 

My country, in the hour of danger, called upon me to 
assist in the struggle for freedom; I responded to its call; 
others, doubtless, were more able, who could have won 
more fame; but I will yield to none in the purity of my 
motives. Perhaps it was confidence in my ardent patriot- 
ism and honesty of purpose, which induced the people to 
give me the power; they believed freedom would be safe 
in my hands; I felt my weakness, and told them I could 



APPENDIX. 465 

not promise them liberty unless they were united as one 
man, and would lay aside all personal, all sectional inter- 
ests, I foretold that, if the nation was divided it would 
fall. As long as they followed my injunctions, and were 
united, they were unconquerable; they performed miracles 
of valor; the fall of Hungary commenced the day they 
began to divide. Not knowing the secret causes of this 
division, and not suspecting treachery, and wishing to in- 
spire confidence, to give skill and all the elements of suc- 
cess to our army, and caring nothing for my own fame, do- 
ing all for the good of my country, I gave command of the 
forces to another. I was assured by the most solemn en- 
gagements, by the man to whom I gave the power, that he 
would use it for the welfare and independence of the na- 
tion, and that he would be responsible to me and the peo- 
ple for the fulfillment of these conditions. He betrayed 
his country, and gave the army to the enemy. Had we 
succeeded, after this terrible blow, he should have met his 
reward. And even now, he is not freed from his account- 
ability to the nation no more than I, in the morol right 
and sense, ceased to be the Governor of Hungary. A 
short time may reverse again the fate of all. The aurora 
of liberty breaks upon my vision, even at Broussa. 

I have, therefore, intrusted to Ladisiaus Ujhazi, Ober- 
gespum of the Saros comitat, and civil governor of Coruorn, 
the mission to be my representative, and through me the 
representative of the Hungarian nation, to the people and 
government of the United States, hoping and be.icving 
that so generous a people will not judge the merits of our 
cause by a temporary defeat, but will recognize Governor 
Ujhazi, and his companions, with the accustomed kindness. 

May God bless your country forever ! May it have the 
30 



466 APPENDIX. 

glorious destiny to share with other nations the blessings 
of that liberty which constitutes its own happiness and 
fame ! May your great example, noble Americans, be to 
other nations the source of social virtue; your power be 
the terror of all tyrants; the protector of the distressed, 
and your free country ever continue to be the asylum for 
the oppressed of all nations. 

Written at my place of banishment, Broussa, Asia Mi- 
nor, March 27, 1850. 

LOUIS KOSSUTH, 

Governor of Hungary. 



KOSSUTH IN MARYLAND. 



KOSSUTH'S SPEECH IN THE SENATE, MARYLAND. 

Mr. President — The stormy current of my life has of- 
fered several moments to me when the importance of the 
occasion, connected with associations of historical inter- 
est, impressed a deep emotion upon my mind. But, per- 
haps, never yet in my life, has the memory of the past made 
such a gloomy impression upon me as here. I bow with 
reverential awe before history in bowing before you, sen- 
ators of Maryland, in this glorious hall, the sanctuary of 
immortal deeds, hallowed by the memory of immortal 
names. Before I thank the living let me look to those 
dead, whose immortal spirits dwell witbin these walls — • 
(looking at the portraits that adorn the walls) — living an 
unimperishable life, in the glory, freedom, and ha|;piness 
of your great united republic, destined, as I confidently 
hope, to become the corner-stone of the future of huruauity. 
Yes, there they are, the glorious architects of the indepen- 
dence of this republic, grown up to such a giant in such a 
short time. There is Thomas Stone; there, your Demos- 
thenes, Samuel Chase; there Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, 
who designedly added that epithet to the significance of his 
name, that nobody should be mistaken about who was the 
" Carroll" who dared the noble deed; and was rewarded 
by being the last of his illustrious companions whom God 
called to paradise, after he had long enjoyed the paradise 
of freedom on earth; and here, William Paca; all of them 
signers of the Declaration of American Independence, that 



468 APPENDIX. 

noblest that happiest page in mankind's history. How 
happy that man must have been, [pointing to tlie portrait 
of Governor Paca,] having to govern this sovereign state 
in that happy day, when, within these very walls, was rati- 
fied the act, which, by the recognition of your very enemy, 
raised your country to the seat of an independent nation 
on earth. 

Ye spirits of the departed ! Cast a ray of consolation, 
by the thundering voice of your nation, over that down- 
trodden land, whose elect chief, a wandering exile, for 
having dared to imitate the inspiration of your hearts, 
lays the trembling hopes of an oppressed continent before 
the generous hearts of your people — now not only an in- 
dependent nation, but also a mighty, glorious power on 
earth. Alas ! what a difference in the success of two like 
deeds ! Have I not done what ye did ? Yes, I have. 
Was the cause for which I did it not alike sacred and just 
as yours ? It was. Or have we not fought to sustain it 
with equal resolution as your brethren did ? Bold though 
it be to claim a glory such as America has, I am bold to 
claim it, and say — yes, we did. And yet what a difference 
in the result I And where this difference ? Only out of 
that single circumstance, that while you, in your struggle, 
met with assistance, we in ours met not even fair play, be- 
cause when we fought there was nobody on earth to main- 
tain the laws of Nature's God. America was silent, and 
England did not stir; and while you were assisted by a 
French king, we were forsaken by the French republic, it- 
self now trodden down, because it has forsaken us. 

Well, we are not broken yet. There is hope for us, be- 
cause there is a God in heaven and an America on 
earth. [Applause.] May be that our nameless woes were 



APPENDIX. 469 

necessary that the glorious destiny of America be fulfilled; 
that after it was an asylum for the oppressed, it became, 
by regenerating Europe, the pillar of manhood's liberty. 
Oh ! it is not a mere capricious change of fate, that the 
exiled governor of that land whose name, four years ago, 
was scarcely known on your glorious shores, and which 
now, [oh, let me have the blessings of this faith !] is near 
to the generous heart of America. It is not a mere 
chance that Hungary's exiled chief thanks the senators of 
Maryland for the high honor of a public welcome in that 
very hall where the first continental congress met; where 
your great republic's glorious constitution was framed; 
where the treaty of acknowledged independence was rati- 
fied, and where you, senators, guard, with steady hand, 
the sovereign state's rights of your own state, united to 
thirty else, not to make you less free, but to make you 
more mighty; to make you a power on earth. I believe 
there is the hand of God in history. You assigned a place, 
in this hall of freedom, to the memory of Chatham, for hav- 
ing been just to America, by opposing the Stamp Act, 
which awoke your nation to resistance. Now, the people 
of England think as once Pitt the elder thought, and 
honor, with deep reverence, the memory of your Washing- 
ton. But suppose the England of Lord Chatham's time 
had thought as Chatham did, and his burning words had 
moved the English aristocracy to be just toward the colo- 
nies; those four men [pointing to the portraits,] had not 
signed your country's independence; Washington were 
perhaps a name " unknown, unhonored and unsung," and 
this proud constellation of your glorious stars had per- 
haps not yet risen on mankind's sky, instead of being now 
about to become the sun of freedom. [Applause.] It is 



470 APPENDIX. 

thus Providence acts. Let me hope, sir, that Hungary's 
unmerited fate was necessary, in order that your stars 
should become such a sun. Sir, I stand perhaps upon the 
very spot where your Washington stood, a second Cincin- 
natus, consummating the greatest act of his life. The 
walls which now listen to my humble words listened once 
to the words of his republican virtue, immortal by their 
very modesty. Let me, upon this sacred spot, express my 
confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you 
that his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough 
to defy any power on earth in a just cause; and he would 
tell you that there never was, and never w.ll be, a cause 
more just than the cause of Hungary, being as it is, the 
cause of oppressed humanity. Sir, I thank the senators 
of Maryland, in my country's name, for the honor of your 
generous welcome. Sir, I entreat the senate kindly to 
remember my down-trodden father-land. Sir, I bid you 
farewell, feeling heart and soul purified, and the resolution 
of my desires strengthened by the very air of this ancient 
city of Providence. [Applause.] 

Kossuth's speech in the house of delegates, Maryland. 

Sir — I most humbly thank the House of Delegates of 
Maryland, for the honor of this public reception. If to be 
an invited and welcome guest of his excellency, the noble- 
minded and warm-hearted governor of this state, was al- 
ready a source of high gratification to my heart, and a 
valuable benefit to the cause which I represent, the gener- 
ous welcome of the legislature has raised this benefit to 
the level of a principle. I cannot forbear to believe that, 
in this concurrence of the legislature with the executive 
government of this sovereign state in bestowing upon my 



APPENDIX. 471 

humble self the high honor of a solemn welcome, there is 
more than kindness, so congenial to true American hearts, 
and, in itself, so dear to me; there is apolitical revelation 
of the public opinion of the people, from whom both the 
legislature and executive derive the authority of their 
high position. And, whenever a people, by its elect, 
pronounces in such a solemn way, there is, in that pronun- 
ciation, more than civility to a stranger; more than gen- 
erous hospitality to a homeless wanderer; more than com- 
passion for misfortune, even though it be connected with a 
noble and just cause; there is a principle in it. Public 
opinion never can be moved to a great extent but by a 
principle. May it be a whim of mysterious destiny, of, as 
I believe, something providential, it is no merit of mine 
that my arrival in the United States became an oppor- 
tunity for the manifestation of a principle pre-existing in 
the heart of your people; which, besides the glory of 
being mighty, intelligent, and free, possesses, also, that of 
being especially practical, as the prodigious development 
of your great republic, in such a brief period, shows. And 
that pre-existing principle is, that the people of the United 
States are aware of having to take the high position of a 
power on earth, weighing, with all the importance of tliis 
position, in that scale where the great interests of the 
world are weighed. Sir, the rays of generous sympathy, 
with which the people of the United States brightens my 
sad brow, came upon me only because the light of your 
country's fundamental principles is reflected from the mir- 
ror of your country's position. [Applause.] Sir, [pointing 
toward a full length portrait of Lafayette,] that very pic- 
ture is a principle. If Washington's likeness teaches the 
world that 

" Who would be free themselves must strike the blow," 



472 APPENDIX. 

Lafayette's presence there tells the world what Europe's 
oppressed nations expect from the gallant sons of republi- 
can America. And, besides this glorious personification 
of patriotic duty and private generosity, there is the 
great idea in that picture there, that, if America was not 
too far from Europe to see, as Lafayette said in Annap- 
olis, " French and American standards united in the 
cause of mankind," when your country was in need; Eu- 
rope should not be considered too far to see the powerful 
republic of the United States when Europe is in need of 
seeing protected the laws of nations, in which every na- 
tion is iuterested, just as every citizen is in the laws of his 
country. America received from Europe private generos- 
ity, and public assistance. Europe expects from America 
only private generosity, and the assurance of " fair play." 
Sir, let me hope, that in this hall, where history thus speaks, 
principles will rule. Upon this appeal rests my hope, and 
it is with the consolation of hope that I beg you, sir, and 
the House of Delegates of the State of Maryland, to ac- 
C3pt the warmest acknowledgments of the distinction 
they were pleased to honor me with, and the assurance of 
my own and my country's sincere gratitude. 



KOSSUTH IN PENNSYLVANIA. 



Kossuth's speech in the hall of representatives, 
harrisburgh. 

Senators and Representatives of Pennsylvania : — 
I came with confidence, I came with hope, to the United 
States; with the confidence of a man who trusts, with burn- 



APPENDIX. 473 

ing faith, to the logic of principles, knowing that where 
freedom is sown, there generosity grows; with the hope of 
a man who knows that there is life in his cause, and that 
where there is life there must be a future yet. And still 
the hope of man is only an instinctive throb of the heart 
with which nature's motherly care counteracts the sad 
impression of adversity. We often hope without knowing 
why, and, like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct 
our weary steps toward the first glimmering window 
light, without knowing whether we are about to knock at 
the door of a philanthropist or a heartless egotist. But 
that hope and that confidence with which I came to the 
United States, was not such a one. There was a knowl- 
edge of facts in it. I did not know whom it might be my 
fate to meet, but I knew that meet 1 would with two living 
principles — with that oi freedom and that of national hos- 
pitality. Both are political principles here. Freedom is 
expansive, like the light; it likes to spread; and hospi- 
tality here, in this happy land, is raised, out of the narrow 
circle of private virtue, to a principle of political states 
wisdom. Just as you, gentlemen, are the representatives 
of your people, so the people of the United States, at large, 
is the representative of European humanity — a congrega- 
tion of nations, assembled in the hospitable hall of Ameri- 
can liberty. Your people is linked to Europe, not only by 
the common tie of humanity; not only by the communica- 
tive spirit of liberty; not even only by commercial inter- 
course, but, by the sacred ties of blood. The people of 
the United States is Europe transplanted to America. 
You are not one national tribe, like the retreating Indians, 
who retire before the white man to be with nature alone. 
You came over, not like the migrative people of the mid- 



474 APPENDIX. 

die age, seeking a home in one compact national mass. I 
said by design, the people of the United States is Europe 
transplanted to America. And it is not Hungary's woes 
alone, it is the cause of that Europe which I came to 
plead. Where was ever a son, who even, in his happiest 
days, could indifferently look at the sufferings of his 
mother, whose heart-blood is running in his very veins ? 
And Europe is the mother of the United States. Oh ! I 
hope to God, that the people of this glorious land is, and 
will ever be, fervently attached to this, their free, great 
and happy home. I hope to God, that whatever tongue 
they speak, they are, and will ever be American, and 
nothing but American. And so they must be, if they will 
be free; if they desire their adopted home's greatness and 
continued existence. Should once the citizens of the 
United States cease to be Americans, and become again 
Anglo-Saxon, Irish, German, Spanish, Italian, Danish, 
Swedish, French — America would soon cease tt) be what 
it is now, freedom elevated to the proud position of a 
power on earth. But, while I hope that all the people of 
the United States will never become any thing but Ameri- 
cans, and even its youngest adopted sons, though fresh 
with sweet, home recollections, will know here, no South, 
no North, no East, no West, nothing but the whole coun- 
try, the common nationality of freedom — in a word, 
America; still, I also know, that blood is blood; that the 
heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of his 
mother's sufferings. These were the motives of my confi- 
dent hope. And here, in this place, I have the happy right 
to say, God the Almighty is with me; my hopes are about 
to be realized. Sir, it is a gratifying view to see how the 
generous sympathy of your people, for the cause which I 



APPENDIX. 475 

respectfully plead, is rising, in natural process, to the ele- 
vation of public opinion. But nowhere had I the happy lot 
to see this rising process more clearly expressed than in 
the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania, this mighty key- 
stone state of the Union. [Applause.] 

First. The people of Harrisburgh spoke, and no city be- 
fore had so distinctly articulated the public sympathy into 
acknowledged principles. It has framed the sympathy of 
generous instinct into a political shape. I forever will 
remember it with fervent gratitude. Then came the me- 
tropolis — a hope and consolation by its very name, to the 
oppressed; the sanctuary of American independence, 
where the very bells speak prophecy, which now, shelter- 
ing more inhabitants than all Pennsylvania did, when, 
seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of Independence 
Hall, announced to the world that free America is born; 
which now, with the voice of thunder, will, I hope, tell 
the world that the doubtful life of that child has developed 
into a mighty power on earth. [Applause.] Yes, after 
Harrisburgh, the metropolis came, a flourishing example 
of freedom's developing power, as the metropolis of the 
West is the proof of freedom's creative power; and, after 
the metropolis, now, the first personification of your great 
republic's manufacturing interests, that mighty link of na- 
tions, and this natural ally of international law — then came 
Pittsburg, the immense manufacturing work-shop, alike 
memorable for its moral power and its natural advan- 
tages, which make it a link with the great Valley of the 
West, that cradle of a New World, linked, in its turn, to 
the Old World, by boundless agricultural interests. And, 
after the people of Pennsylvania thus spoke, now, here I 
stand, in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joy- 



476 APPENDIX. 

ful gratitude, acknowledging the inestimable benefits of 
this public reception, wherewith the elect of Pennsylvania, 
intrusted with the legislative and executive power of the 
sovereign people, gather into one garland the flowers 
of the people's public opinion; and, with the authority of 
their high position, announce loudly to the world, the 
principles, the resolutions, and the will of the two millions 
of this great commonwealth. [Applause.] 

Sir — the words your excellency honored me with, will 
have their weight throughout the world. The jeering 
smile of the despots, which accompanied the poor exile's 
wandering steps, may turn, at the report of these proceed- 
ings, to a frown which may yet cast mourning over fami- 
lies as it has cast over mine; but which will look for con- 
solation at the dawn of public happiness. The words your 
excellency spoke, will have their weight with the nations, 
who, under the encouraging auspices of such principles, 
will feel redoubled in resolution to shake off the yoke of 
despotism. 

The proceedings of to-day will have their weight in the 
development of public opinion in other states of your 
united republic; and, when congress and the national gov- 
ernment, bestow the cares of their patriotic wisdom to the 
question of foreign policy, now so pre-eminent by the con- 
dition of the world, and the position of this republic, will 
feel inclined to pronounce what shall be the common law 
of nations, as true republics can acknowledge, (as I have 
full reason to hope that they will feel inclined to pro- 
nounce,) the corresponding transactions of state legisla- 
tures, and manifestations like this, and words full of 
principles and generosity like yours, will give the practical 
weight to the pronunciation of the highest federative au- 
thorities. 



APPENDIX. 477 

And if, in addition to this, the sympathy of the people, 
registered, by establishing associations of friends of Hun- 
gary to support European liberty, proves itself practi- 
cal " by material aid," then allow me confidently to state, 
the resolute attitude of your great republic will be suffi- 
cient to raise it to that glorious seat among the powers on 
earth, the glory of which, no nation on earth has yet ever 
reached. 

And, if connected with that, you establish the right of 
commercial intercourse, which only, under the protection 
of the star spangled banner, can be restored to humanity, 
and which now is only a toy in the arbitrary hands of 
ambitious despots; then may your excellency, and the 
senate and the representatives of this glorious common- 
wealth, be sure that the oppressed nations of Europe will 
find " fair play," to settle the terrible account with their 
oppressors; ["applause;] and America, the son of Europe, 
will save Europe, regenerated by the gigantic glory, the 
gigantic spirit of freedom which rules in this place. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Governor ! I plead no dead cause. Oh ! what happiness 
would it be for me to enjoy, in the evening of my tempest- 
tossed life, a tranquillity, for which I so fervently long, 
and which I never yet enjoyed, if duty would not press me 
on with the confidence of success. Sir, Europe is no 
corpse; it has a future yet, because it wills. There is no 
difficulty to him who wills. 

Sir, from the window of your room, which 5^our hospi- 
tality opened to me, I saw, suspended, a musket and a 
powder horn, and this motto — " Material Aid," And, I 
believe, that the Speaker of the House of Representatives 
of Pennsylvania is seated in that chair whence the De- 



478 APPENDIX. 

claration of American Independence was signed. The 
first is what Europe wants, in order to have the success 
of the second. [Applause.] 

Permit me to take this for a happy augury; and allow 
me, with the plain words of an earnest mind, to give you 
the assurance of my country's warm, everlasting gratitude; 
in which, upon the basis of our restored independence, a 
wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly 
commercial intercourse, ennobled by the consciousness of 
imparted benefit from your side, and by the pleasant duty 
of gratitude on the side of my people, so well deserving 
your generous sympathy. 

SPEECH AT THE PUBLIC BANQUET, HAERISBURGH. 

Gentlemen: — The daily opportunity of addressing public 
assemblies affords me scarcely a moment for reflection. The 
continual exertion of my days, and the cares of my sleep- 
less nights, have worn out my strength. The restless ex- 
citement of my soul has shaken my frame, like as the cap- 
tured lion shakes his iron cage; and domestic griefs have 
troubled the serenity of my mind, peculiar to the resolute 
conviction of martyrs, but also indispensable to orators. I 
want some time to recover from the new blow which makes 
the heart of the son bleed, while the tongue of the patriot 
has to plead where the approbation of the listening tribu- 
nal is the condition of success. Indeed, my case is hard. 
I never had any eloquence but that of principles, so simple 
because so true; and that of sincere feelings finding their 
way to the heart, because they come from the heart, and 
meeting an echo in virtuous hearts, like the simple whis- 
pers of a limpid well in the breast of nature's happy son. 



APPENDIX. 479 

But the limpid well of my feelings is troubled by an im- 
pious tyrant's hand. Excuse me for sharing the common 
frailty of men, and do not expect eloquence from me. I 
cannot — indeed I cannot be eloquent; and to what purpose 
is eloquence here ? Have you not anticipated my wishes ? 
You have. Have you not sanctioned my principles ? You 
have. Are you not going on to action as generous men do 
who are conscious of their power and of their aim ? You 
are. Well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here ? I 
have nothing to ask from you. I have nothing to thank; 
and tliat is more eloquently told, by a warm grasp of the 
hand, than by all the skillful arrangement of words. Well, 
I beg, therefore, your indulgence for the dry combination 
of some facts, which, perhaps, may contribute to strengthen 
that conviction in the public opinion, that the people of the 
United States, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause, 
does not suppose a dead cause, but one which has a life, 
and whose success is rationally sure. 

Let me, before all, cast a glance at the enemy. And let 
those, imposed upon by the attitude of despotism, in 1852, 
consider how much stronger it was in 1849. France was 
lulled, by Louis Philippe's politics of peace at any price, 
into apathy. There was a faith in the firm solidity of his 
government. No heart-revolting cruelty of bloody perse- 
cution stirred the public mind. No universal indignation 
of offended national self-esteem prevailed. The faith of 
insured security encouraged the circulation of capital, and 
by that circulation, large masses of industrious poor found, 
if not contentment, at least daily bread. The king was 
taken for a prudent man, and the private morality of his 
family cast a sort of halo around his house. The spirit of 
revolution was reduced to play the scanty part of secret 



480 APPENDIX. 

associations. Not seconded by any movement of universal 
interest, the stirring spirit of radical innovation was re- 
strained into scientific polemic, read by few and under- 
stood by less. There was a faiih in the patriotic authority 
of certain men whose reputation was that of being liberal; 
and one part of the nation lived on from day to day, with- 
out any stirring passion, in entire passiveness; the other 
believed in gradual improvement and progress, because it 
had confidence iu the watchful care of party leading men. 
The combat of parliamentary eloquence was considered to 
be a storm in a glass of water; and the highest aspiration 
of parties was to oust the ministry, and to get in. And 
yet the interdiction of a public banquet blew asunder the 
whole compound, the mere void chaff. Germany was 
tranquil, because the honest pretensions or the ambition 
of her statesmen were highly satisfied by the opened lists 
of parliamentary eloquence. The public life of the nation 
had a field opened in legislative debates, a benefit not en- 
joyed for centuries. The professors being transferred to 
the tribune, and the college to the parliament; the nation 
was gratified by legislative improvements, and flattered 
by the oratory of her renewed men, who never failed to 
flatter the national vanity. It believed itself to be really 
in full speed train of greatness, and listened contented and 
quiet, like an intelligent audience to an interesting lecture, 
even in respect to the unity of great Germany. The Cus- 
tom Association (Zoll-Verein) became an idol of satisfied 
national vanity and of cheerful hopes; science and art de- 
veloped fast; speculative researches of political economy 
met an open field in social life, and men, conscious of higher 
aims, took the walking-stick of the wanderer in their hands 
and sought a new home, despairing to find a field of action 



APPENDIX. 481 

in their native land. Materialism was tlie ruling word, 
and the lofty spirit of freedom became withering between 
the blasting fingers of small interests. And yet a prohib- 
ited banquet at Paris shook the very foundation of this ar- 
tificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of Germany 
trembled before the rising spirit of freedom, though grop- 
ing in darkness, because unconscious of its aim. 

Italy, fair, unfortunate Italy, looking into the mirror of 
its ancient glory, beamed with gloomy grief; but the sky 
of the heaven was clear and blue above as it ever was 
since creation's dawn; and it sung like a bird in a cage 
placed upon a bough of a blooming orange-tree. And 
then Pius IX, placing himself at the head of Italian re- 
generation, became popular as no man in Rome since 
Rienzi's time. Even in 1848, men may have heard in sur- 
prise, on the coast of the Adriatic, my name coupled in 
evvivas with the name of Pius IX. The sarcasm of Ma- 
dame de Stael, "that in Italy men became women," was 
considered true; and Carlo Alberto became the hero of 
Italian independence, because he fought against Austria, 
and the hatred against Austria was a national inheritance; 
but the spirit of Italy was divided between Charles Albert, 
Mazzini, and the Pope. 

Austria did not for centuries, and Prussia never yet has 
experienced what sort of thing a revolution is; and the 
falling of the vault of the sky would have been considered 
less improbable than a popular revolution in Berlin or 
Vienna, where Metternich ruled in triumphant; proud 
security. The House of Austria was considered as a 
mighty power on earth — respected, because thought neces- 
sary to Europe against the preponderance of Russia. No 
people under the dominion of this dynasty had a national 
31 



482 APPENDIX. 

army, and all divided by the controversies of false lan- 
guage, rivalries, entertained by Metternich's satanic Ma- 
chiavelism. The nations divided ; none of them were 
conscious of their strength; but all were conscious of the 
nnited strength of a disciplined and large imperial army, 
the regiments of which never yet fought one against an- 
other, and never yet shook the prestige of the black and 
yellow flag, by tearing it to pieces by its own hands. 

And yet Paris stirred, and I made a plain, unpretending 
speech in the Hungarian Parliament, and the Honse of 
Austria was at the mercy of the people of Vienna, and 
Metternich was driven away, and his absolutism replaced 
by a promise of constitutional life. 

In Gallicia, the odiosity connected with the despotic 
Austrian rule was, by satanic craft, thrown upon those 
classes which represent the ancient Polish nationality; 
and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic oppression, 
though living only in traditional remembrances, prevailed 
in the sentiments of the people, even over the hatred 
against Austria, though despotic and a stranger, so much, 
that to triumph .over the ill-advised, untimely revolution 
of 1846, Austria had nothing to do but to open the field to 
murder, by granting a two dollars reward for every head 
of a Polish land proprietor. 

And in Hungary, the people of every race was equally 
excluded from all political right — from any share of con- 
stitutional life. The endeavors of myself and my friends 
for internal improvements, for emancipation of the peas- 
antry; for the people's restoration to its natural rights in 
civil, political, social and religious respects, were cramped 
by the government. But the odium of this cramping was 
thrown upon the conservative party, and thus the national 



APPENDIX. 483 

force was divided into antagonistical elements. Besides, 
the idea of panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by 
Russia and fostered by Austria, gave to the excitement of 
the public mind a diversion inimical to the development 
of common political freedom. And Hungary had no na- 
tional army. Its regiments were filled with foreign 
elements, and scattered over foreign countries, while our 
own country was guarded with well-disciplined foreign 
troops. And what was far more than all this — Hungary, 
by long oppression, poisoned in its character, deprived of 
its ancient heroic stamp; gormandized in its saloons; de- 
molished in its cottages and huts; impressed with the 
unavoidable fatality of Austria's sovereignty, and the 
knowledge of Austria's power, secluded from the attention 
of the world, which was scarcely aware of its existence. 
Hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had 
no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchi- 
cal in its inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the 
king. No man dreamed of the possibility of a revolution 
there, and lie who would have suggested it would only 
have gained the reputation of a madman. Such was the 
condition of Europe in the first part of February, 1848. 
Never yet seemed the power of despots more steady — 
more sure. And one month later, every throne on the 
continent trembled, except the Czar's. The existence of 
dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their people, 
and Europe was fire and flame. 

And in what condition is Europe now ? Every man on 
earth is aware that things cannot endure as they are. 
Formerly millions believed that a peaceful development of 
constitutional monarchy was the only future reserved to 
Europe by destiny. Now, nobody more believes that con- 



484 APPENDIX. 

stitutional monarchy can have yet a future on the European 
continent. Absolutistical reaction goes with all that ar- 
rogance which revolts every sentiment, and makes furious 
the very babe in its mother's arms. The promise, the 
word, the oath of a king became equivalent to a lie and 
to perjury. Faith in the morality of kings was plucked 
out, even to the last root, in the people's heart. The ex- 
periment of constitutional concessions proved dangerous 
to the absolutistical tendency of the dynasties, because 
they became aware the people of Europe is no imbecile 
child, wdiich takes the moon for a cheese— that it cannot 
be lulled to sleep by mockery, but that it will have reality. 
Thus, the kings on the greatest part of the continent, 
throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived 
every expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with 
a full gale upon the open sea of unrestrained despotism. 
They know that loved they cannot now be, so they told 
the world openly that they will not have love, but money 
to keep large armies, with which to keep the world in 
servitude. On the other hand, the nations so assailed in 
their moral dignity and material welfare, raging at the 
idea of being degraded to the condition of a flock of 
sheep, kept only to be shorn — these nations equally detest 
the working of constitutional royalty, which proved so 
prejudicial to them. Royalty has lost its prestige in 
France, Germany, Italy, Austria and Hungary. Both 
parties equally recognize that the time has come when the 
struggle of principles must be decided. Absolutism or 
republicanism; the Czar or the principles of America — 
there is no more transaction, no more truce possible. The 
two antagonist principles meet upon the narrow bridge of 
di, knife-edge breadth, cast across the deep gulf, ready to 



APPENDIX. 485 

swallow him who falls. There is no giving way; there is 
no turning round possible. He who would give way to 
his enemy would fall into the yawning gulf himself. He 
who would turn round would be pushed down by his 
enemy pressing on his rear — it is a struggle for life and 
death ! 

That is the condition of the European continent in gen- 
eral. A great, terrible, bloody revolution is unavoidable. 
That is known and felt by every one. And every sound 
man knows equally well that the temporary success of 
Louis Napoleon's usurpation made but the terrible crisis 
more unavoidable yet. Ye men of " peace at any price," 
do not shut willingly your eyes before the finger of God 
pointing to the me?ie, tekel, upharsin, written with gigantic 
letters upon the sky of Europe. Despots never yield to 
justice, and mankind, inspired with the love of freedom, 
will not yield to cowardly annihilation. Peace is impos- 
sible. Nobody can stop the wheels of destiny. It would 
be a mistake, terrible in its consequences, to believe that, 
if I should fail in my mission here, and if the United 
States should remain indifferent, then no revolution would 
break out on the European continent. That is an unavoid- 
able necessity which no power on earth can avert. Should 
even the United States not only remain indifferent, but 
with all their immense power, even side with the despots 
of the world, that the church-yard peace of Europe may 
not be disturbed, (which the United States, of course, 
would never do,) even that could not prevent a revolution 
in Europe. Hungary, Austria, Italy, Germany, would 
fight, be it against the combined power of the world. 
They would fight, even with the certainty of death; be- 
cause there is a condition in the life of nations, when 
oppression is more hated than death is feared. 



486 APPENDIX. 

No, gentlemen, tlie success of my mission here can in- 
sure the victory of freedom; can prevent torrents of 
martyr's blood; can shorten the earthquake of impending 
war, and bring nearer the restoration to solid peace. But 
be sure, the certainty of the European revolution is not, 
in the slightest manner, depending upon my good luck 
here and your government's support; as also my failure 
here would not, for a single week, retard the outbreak of 
that hurricane, the scent of which is already perceived in 
the very air. 

Well, the question rushes instinctively to the mind '• But 
has Hungary — have the other oppressed nations of Europe, 
a chance of success ?" The revolution being unavoidable, 
even were there no chance of success, that question is, in 
my opinion, pretty indifferent in respect to what course 
this, your great republic, may be pleased to adopt, be- 
cause the greater the means and chances of absolutism 
were, the greater claims had the cause of humanity to your 
operative sympathy. A just cause, sufficiently strong in 
itself, requires no support. We may well dispense from 
feeling interested in the struggle of a man, of whom we 
have no doubt that he is, by his own means, sure of vic- 
tory. To want sympathy and support in a just cause, is 
precisely a claim to more sympathy and support. 

Should we, meeting with no support here, such as your 
glorious republic, in its public capacity, and your generous 
citizens, in their private capacity, can afford, without 
jeopardizing your own welfare and your own interest, (and 
to be sure it never came to my mind to desire more,) 
should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, 
and absolutism consolidate its powers upon the ruins of 
murdered nations, I, indeed, gentlemen, cannot forbear to 



APPENDIX. 487 

believe that it would become a historical reproach of con- 
science, lying, like an incubus, upon the breast of the 
people of the United States, from generation to generation. 
I mean that idea that, had you not wMiheld that support 
which you were able to afford, in time, consistently with 
your own interest, Hungary, perhaps, would be a free and 
flourishing country, instead of being blotted out from the 
earth, and Europe was perhaps free, and the absolutistical 
tyranny of the despots were swept from the earth — you 
then would shed a tear of compassion upon our sad fate, 
and mourn over the grave of nations. You would do so, 
I know, because I know your generous hearts. But be- 
lieve me, gentlemen, the tear of compas ion could not fail 
to partake somewhat of a bitter self-reproach. Forgive 
me, gentlemen; the word was perhaps too bold, but it is 
true. It is the more true, because the victory of absolut- 
ism could not fail to be felt even here, in your mighty and 
blessed home. You would first resent it in your com- 
mercial intercourse, and ere long you would become inev- 
itably entangled; because all the power in Europe, con- 
centrated in absolutism, and obeying the orders of the 
Czar, would not look indifferently upon the development 
of your power, that personification of republican princi- 
ples in America. 

But I am not afraid to answer the question as to what 
are our means and chances of success, though, of course, 
prudence commands me to be discreet on that subject. 
I am not willing to imitate those who spoke so much about 
1852 in France, that they were anticipated in 1851. There 
is no fowling by beating the bush. Still, some considera- 
tions I may suggest. The prestige of Austria's power is 
broken. It is known that the power of the Austrian 
dynasty, though disciplined, well-provided, and supported 



488 APPENDIX. 

by deluded races, roused to the fury of extermination 
against us, — it is known that all this satanically, well- 
combined power could not withstand the power of Hun- 
gary, though we were surprised and unprepared, and had 
no army and no arms, no communication, no money, no 
friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole 
world. It is moreover proved that Austria could not 
conquer us when we were unprepared ; who can believe 
that we do not match her now we are prepared ? Yes, 
we are prepared, because resolved not to endure, cowardly, 
our national annihilation; we have learned by experience 
what is required for our success. In former times Hunga- 
ry was the strength of Austria; now, Austria is weak 
because it possesses Hungary. It was strong by the unity 
of its array, the power of which was founded upon the 
confidence in this unity. That confidence is broken, since 
one part of that army raised the tri-colored flag, and with 
it beat down the double-headed eagle, the black and yel- 
low flag — the emblem of the army's unity. 

Formerly the army believed that it was strong enough 
to uphold Austria's throne; now it knows that it is nothing 
by itself, and rests only upon the support of the Czar. 
That spirit-depressing sentiment in the Austrian army, even 
the most attached part of it, (if such there be,) is so uni- 
versally diffused, that only take the reliance upon Russia 
away, or weaken it only so as to make it doubtful Avhether 
Russia will interfere or not, and the Austrian army will dis- 
perse and fall asunder, almost without any fight; because it 
knows that the Austrian army has its most dangerous ene- 
mies within its own ranks, and is so far from having any 
cement, that no man, if he be attached to that perjured 
dynasty, can trust the man next in rank to him, but watches 



APPENDIX. 489 

every movement of his arm. In such an army there is no 
hope for tyrants. The old soldiers feel humiliated by the 
issue of our struggle. They are offended by having no 
share in the reward thrown away on despised court favor- 
ites. The old Crotian regiments feel outraged in their 
national honor, by being deceived in their national expect- 
ations. The recruits brought "with them recollections of 
their bombarded cities, and of the oppression of their 
families; — and in that army are one hundred and forty 
thousand Hungarians, who fought under our tri-colored 
flag against Austria, and whose burning feeling of national 
wrong are inspired by the glorious memory of their vic- 
tories. Oh! had we had, in 1848, such an army of disci- 
plined soldiers as Austria itself keeps now for us, never 
had one Cossack trod the soil of Hungary, and Europe 
were free. Or, let Austria dismiss them, and they will be 
disciplined soldiers at home. The trumpet of national 
resurrection will reach them wherever they are. 

Hungary has the conviction of her strength. The for- 
merly hostile races, all oppressed like us, and, besides, de- 
ceived, unite with us. I have no party opposite in the 
nation. Some ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristo- 
crats, there are, perhaps; but these are no party — they 
always turn toward the sun. and they melt away like 
snow in March. And besides Hungary, the people also in 
Austria, in Italy, in Prussia, in all Germany, are conscious 
of their strength. Every large city on the continent has 
been in the power of the people, and kept down by bom- 
bardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its 
heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome — 
all of them immortal pages in Italian history — glorious 
sources of inspiration, heroism, and self-conscious strength. 



490 APPENDIX. 

And now they know their aim, and are united in their 
aim, and are burning to show to the world that the spirit 
of ancient Rome is resurged in them. And then talve into 
consideration the financial part ; without money there is 
no war. Now, the nations, once engaged in the war, find 
money enough for home expenses of the war, in the rich 
resources of their own land; whereas the despots lose the 
disposition of these resources by the first outbreak of the 
war, and are reduced to foreign loans, which no emperor 
of Austria will find more, in any market of the world. 
And, mark well, gentlemen, every operative friendly step 
by which your great republic, and its generous people, tes- 
tifies its lively interest for our just cause, adding to the 
certainty of success, diminishes the credit of the despots. 
They can find no money, more; and this circumstance alone 
is of decisive weight in the issue. 

Though absolutism was much more favorably situated 
in 1847 than in 1851; it was overtaken by the events of 
1848, when, but for the want of unity and concert, the 
liberal party must have triumphed everywhere. That 
amity and concert is attained : why should not absolutism, 
in 1852, be as easily shaken as in 1848 ? 

The liberal cause is stronger, everywhere, because con- 
scious of its aim and prepared. Absolutism has no more 
bayonets now than in '48; but scarcely can it depend less 
upon them. Without the interference of Russia, our success 
is not only probable, but is almost sure. And as to Russia, 
it is not the military power it is taken for. It has never, 
since 1815, succeeded in sending more than two hundred 
and fifty thousand men across the frontier, or in making 
one campaign without a loan. Where would she have had 
credit for a second campaign before her ? And be sure 



APPENDIX. 491 

she can never send more troops across her frontier, so long 
as she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to 
watch, and Circassia to fight. Herein is the reason Avhy 
I confidently state that if the United States declare that a 
new intervention of Russia will be considered by your 
glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that de- 
claration will be respected, and Russia will not dare to 
interfere. Be pleased to consider the consequences of 
such a renewed interference, after the passive acceptance 
of the first has proved so fatal to Europe, and so danger- 
ous even to England itself. The most unavoidable conse- 
quence of it would be at least, that England would not 
forbear to encourage Turkey, not to lose again the favor- 
able opportunity to shake off the preponderance of Russia. 
I have lived in Turkey. I know what enthusiasm exists 
there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. 
Well, Turkey alone is a match for Russia on the continent. 
The weak point of Turkey is the neighborhood of Sebas- 
topal, to Constantinople and the Black Sea. Well, an 
English fleet, or an American fleet, or both joined, station- 
ed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this 
danger without one cannon's shot; and this prevented, 
Turkey is a match for Russia. And Turkey would not 
stand alone; the brave Circassians, triumphant through a 
war of twenty years, would send down eighty thousand of 
her unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow; and 
Poland would rise; and Sweden would remember Finland 
and Charles XII. ; and Hungary, in the rear, delivered by 
this very circumstance from the invaders — and Austria 
fallen to pieces for want of foreign support — oh ! by the 
Almighty God, Russia must respect your protest in behalf 
of international law, or else she will fall — never to rise 
again. 



492 APPENDIX. 

But suppose your protestation should not be respected 
by Russia, is it indeed true that the United States could 
not make it respected without having to go to war ? Are 
there no other means of giving practical meaning to your 
protestation than a war? Let me only suggest one hint. 
Suppose that the United States declare that, in regard to 
such a power — which, by armed intervention in the domes- 
tic concerns of any nation, violates the laws of nations — 
that act of the congress, which, we might term, the " neu- 
trality law," is not considered to exist. Suppose this 
single sanction, added to your protestation, and judge by 
your own generous feelings if I am wrong, confidently to 
hope, that the people of the United States, in its private 
capacity, would soon settle the account of all oppressed 
nations with all the czars of the world. That is my con- 
fident belief, and I have, indeed, good reason for it. And 
think only of the Black Sea and of the Lund — of Odessa, 
Sebastopal, Cronstadt, Petersburgh ! No ! Eussia will 
not dare to interfere, if you protest. And if she should, 
only help me, generous people of America, to have some 
money to provide for my brave countrymen, that they may 
have something better to fight with than their own nails, 
and you will soon see four hundred thousand Hungarians 
ranged in resolute attitude, calmly shouting out, " Russia, 



come on 



Oh, had I possessed arms to arm the hundred thousands 
of volunteers eager to fight for freedom and father-land, 
not even Gorgey would have broken our brave Hungary. 
But we were secluded from the world. Races, then hostile 
to us, stood between us and the Adriatic ; and the hesita- 
tion of Turkey permitted the Danube to be locked up from 
us. Where hostile races then stood friends now stand ; 
and if your generous encouragement helps only a little on 



APPENDIX. 493 

the way, friendly resolutipiQ will be found where wavering 
hesitation ruled. 

Gentlemen, I, in my condition, am inclined to value eve- 
ry thing*, even money, by the muskets and swords it will 
procure. That is my test, as the camel is to the Arab. 
Well, there are in Pennsylvania, probably four hundred 
thousand homesteads. If only half of the families inhabit- 
ing them would sacrifice one dollar each, that alone would 
give from fifty to seventy-five thousand muskets. 

Generous people of America ! help me in this legitimate 
commerce — for I am told it is lawful to buy arms here — 
and be assured, no stately intervention will be required to 
enforce non-intervention as a law of nations. Gentlemen ! 
I am not an idle man here; be pleased to believe that I 
have not been idle in other quarters, not even during my 
captivity. I never speak a word in vain, when I speak of 
facts and of hopes. The man who controlled the finances 
of Hungary, created armies out of nothing, and led on the 
people of Hungary in the glorious contest, may, perhaps, 
claim so much credit as not to be taken for an untried 
theorist,, but for something of a practical man. And one 
thing even I may be permitted to say, and that is, that ray 
whole life attests, if nothing else, at least the honesty of 
my intentions. Therefore, when I humbly beg leave to 
say, that I have strong prospects of success, if 1 had mate- 
rial means conveniently to utilize the short time which 
yet remains, before the hour of decision strikes; when I 
humbly beg leave to say, that I have strong prospects, even 
independent of fortunate accidents. 1 may, perhaps, not be 
considered too bold, when I say that there is reality in my 
prospects and in my hopes. 

Gentlemen — I most profoundly 'thank you for the gen- 
erous patience with which you have listened to this expo- 



494 APPENDIX. 

sition of dry facts, long and tedious, because I had no time 
to be brief; and begging leave to assure you of my lasting 
gratitude for all the generous favors you were and will yet 
be pleased to bestow upon my cause, let me proclaim my 
fervent wishes in this sentiment : 

Pennsylvania, the Keystone State — May it, by its legiti- 
mate influence upon the destinies of this mighty power on 
earth, and by the substantial generosity of its citizens, 
soon become the keystone of European independence. 



KOSSUTH S SPEECH AT THE PITTSBUEGH BANQUET. 

Sir : The instructive and highly interesting information 
which your kindness affoinied me about the peculiar char- 
acter of that new world of wonderful and surpassing inter- 
est, in the very entrance of which I now stand, impress my 
mind with a presentiment of unlooked for and unexpected 
events. Since I have been in the United States, I have al- 
ways felt a kind of magnetic attraction toward the West. 
It seemed as if my guardian angel, wliile I entered the 
cars, spoke that there is the place where the hopes of my 
bleeding country will be realized, and the anxiety of my 
heart relieved. It was a sort of unconscious instinct. It 
was like a ray of light shooting up the horizon from the 
yet unseen sun. 

You, sir, have shown me the sun in the full majesty of 
its lustre, and of its waving flames. I humbly thank you 
for it. You have transformed the instinct of my heart into 
a conscious conviction of my mind, and here, upon the very 
threshold of that West, I bow with admiring awe, but also 
ithjjy 3 fore it, like as the fire-worshippers in the land 



APPENDIX. 495 

of old Persia, bowed before its rising as the source of light 
and life. Indeed, sir, it is a great and joyful view to see, 
as you were pleased to say, the politicians of all parties, 
sectarians of various denominations, philanthropists of 
all classes, uniting in the spontaneous demonstration of 
sympathy for a cause, which an humble, unpretending 
stranger pleads. I, for my humble self, see, with thankful 
acknowledgment, the bounty of Providence in that fact, 
the revelation of the truth, that, like as the magnetic fluid, 
pervades alike the whole universe — so there is a sentiment, 
which, independent of party affections, of bubbling passion, 
pervades the breast of all humanity, and that is the love of 
freedom, justice and right. The chord of freedom passes 
through the breasts of all mankind, and whoever touches 
it, elicits a sound of harmony — the harmony is in the chord, 
not in him who touches it. There is no skill in the breeze 
which sweeps through the JEolian harp, and still a sweet 
harmony bursts forth from its vibrations. That harmony of 
sympathy which I meet is the most decisive proof, gen- 
tlemen, that the cause which I plead is, indeed, the cause of 
liberty, the love of which sparkles in the breast of all hu- 
manity; and indeed so it is. Allow me to take this for the 
topic of my address. 

Gentlemen, the cause of Hungary, were it not intimate- 
ly connected with the cause of Europe, nay. I dare say with 
the cause of freedom on earth, the cause of Hungary were 
in itself worthy of your country's protection, and like the 
operative sympathy of all generous men on earth, (and in 
making this claim, I intend not to support it by the heroism 
of my people, or by the heart-revolting perjury of the 
treacherous dynasty of Austria,) my people have bravely 
fought; but we often meet with heroism in history. My 



496 APPBNMX. 

Q9m.tvf lias -experienced tbe fell perjury ©f kings. Other 
nations have oftQii experienced the same. Our bravest bled 
on the scaffold for freedom's sakp. 'But tha/tis the sad fate 
of freedom'^ struggle not crowned with success. Tyran- 
nies are always eruel when they have power to do so. It 
is only the people who know how to be generous in vic- 
tory; or first, let me rather say, it is the people who were 
generous for the future. I hope it will be just. I hope 
this, not because there is a deep truth in those words of 
the poet, who, though he thought of but his dear green 
Erin, which he loved as if it were " the first flower of the 
earth, the first gem of the sea," — was the interpreter, not 
only of Irish sentiments, but the feelings of all oppressed 
humanity, when he sung revenge on a tyrant the sweetest 
of all. 

No, gentlemen, it is not for that reason I say that I hope, 
when the oppressed nations of Europe strike once more the 
blow, they will not stop half-way, and not sacrifice their 
fature to untimely generosity; but I say this because they 
have all too cruelly paid for the lesson — that with tyrants 
there is no faith, so there shall be no transactions with 
them. Gentlemen, it is not on account of all these claims 
that Hungary's cause, in itself, is worthy of the support of 
every friend of freedom on earth. My claim is founded 
upon the fact that it is in Hungary where the most striking 
violations of the laws of nations, of God, were trampled 
down; these principles upon which rests the very exist- 
ence of the independence of nations; and, therefore, if the 
law of nations is not restored to its full value, as it was 
when it was trampled down by sacrilegious violence, there 
will be no security to national independence, and to the 
self-government of whatever nation on earth. The prece- 



APPENDIX. 497 

dent is laid down, the league of despots will make it a 
rule, and humanity, having quietly adopted the precedent? 
will hear the united hue and cry of all the despots of the 
world against every people who dare appeal to the right 
of independence and self-government, without principles 
recognized to be inviolable on earth, and put under the 
guarantee of the indignation of all mankind. There is no 
right, no law, given on earth — none. No nation can move 
to be the master of its own destiny; and oppression, in a 
new form, unheard of in history, will rule the world. Yes, 
oppression in a new form, gentlemen. History has re- 
corded the time when one migratory nation has been driven 
from its territory. It has recorded the era of conquest, 
and it has recorded many a mournful issue of unsuccessful 
domestic struggles against oppression at home. But the 
new doctrine, that all the despots of the world have a right 
to interfere with every attempt to resist oppression at home, 
and to replace domestic affairs at home — the new doctrine, 
that to alter the form of government and the institutions 
of a country, neither the will nor the power of the respec- 
tive nation is sufficient securing against, because every op- 
pression is self-guarded by the Czar, and put under the 
guarantee of the principle of absolutism. Raised to the 
position of an arbiter in the person of the autocrat of Rus- 
sia, this doctrine is one more dangerous to humanity than 
any thing that the world has yet seen. 

Formerly, there was hope that oppressions might cease 
with the death of an oppressor, or with a favorable oppor- 
tunity to shake off the yoke. In future no such hope re- 
mains, because freedom and independence are, by the prec" 
edent in Hungary, declared inconsistent with the principle 

of absolutism on earth, and the security of absolutism is 
32 



498 APPENDIX. 

declared a supreme rule, inexplorable, like hell — a rule to 
wliicli every other consideration must yield. Now, there 
are many strange things in the world, and not to wonder 
at any thing is an old rule of classical wisdom; but even I, 
accustomed, in the school of adversities, not to be easily 
surprised by strange things, could not forbear to be aston- 
ished when, with the view of those alarming facts before 
the eyes of the world, I first heard my humble claims con- 
tradicted, by telling me that the cause of Hungary was 
not worthy of much consideration- — because, after all, it is 
only the cause of one country. I have read in history that 
the Borgias were wont to say that Italy is like the arti- 
choke, (I refer to the European prickly artichoke) it must 
be eaten leaf by leaf. Let me tell those who don't care 
about the violation of the law of nations in Hungary — be- 
cause it is but in Hungary — let me tell them that the free- 
dom and independence of the world is like the salad — not 
even the jaws of despotism can swallow at once — but only 
leaf by leaf. But he who is permitted to dispose of the 
leaves of the salad is the master to dispose of the whole. 
And do you know, gentlemen, with what argument that 
strange depreciation of the cause of Hungary is supported 
by my opponents. They say, " I, myself, confess my cause 
to be that of one country," only because there is, in my 
views, an ostentation of non-interference, which proves 
that I have no intention to benefit other nations; because 
I will leave them abandoned to their oppressors. Now, 
indeed, I may be permitted to ask, is there no truth in the 
world sure enough not to be distorted into a mockery ? 
Russia is the principle of evil on earth. The assurance to 
have the support of the Czar in the work of oppression 
makes every tyrant bold; and the assurance to have to 



APPENDIX. 499 

meet Russia, either directly or in his satellites, makes 
every oppressed nation depressed in spirit and desponding 
in hope, to resist oppression successfully; because it has 
to calculate, not only the forces of its own oppressor, but 
also, in addition, the forces of Russia, ready to support 
every despot who cannot succeed to beat down the spirit 
of freedom in his own country by his own force. This 
certainty of Russian aid is decisive in the scale of events — 
not as if the Czar were very powerful for himself, but be- 
cause he is powerful as a rear-guard — as a support. We 
have fought the Emperor of Austria — we have beaten him 
— crushed him to the earth, till he flew to the foot of the 
Czar, mendicating his aid. Our victories were, of course, 
not gained without sacrifice on our part. You know that 
on the battle field it is not only the vanquished who have 
to mourn over a loss. You know that your brave Duquesne 
Greys lost, in one action, more than half their men. Now, 
if after a victory gained at such a price, when the enemy 
is defeated, but the victor himself weakened, fatigued and 
exhausted, Russia steps in with a fresh force, well provided 
with every means of war, that circumstance, of course, must 
turn the scale, though ihat force be not absolutely formida- 
ble in itself. Herein lies the reason why Russia is dreaded 
so much. It is not powerful in itself. It cannot send more 
than two hundred and fifty thousand men across the fron- 
tier, and never had more than one hundred thousand men 
assembled in one battle field. But, with this force, it is 
formidable as a rear-guard, falling fresh and with full 
weight upon a nation, when it is exhausted by its very 
victories. You have conquered Mexico with a handful of 
your brave men — and a glorious and imperishable deed it 
was. But suppose that, after you had defeated your own 



500 APPENDIX. 

enemy, your regiments, exhausted by victory, would have 
to meet, on the very evening of a hard battle, a new, fresh 
host of only one hundred thousand well disciplined, well- 
provided men, what would have been the fate of your gal- 
lant army which entered the city of the Montezumas ? That 
is the condition of the European continent; that is the key 
of Russian preponderance. Now, be pleased to consider 
the practical development of consequences. Russia, in 
violation of the law of nations, interfered in such a manner 
with Hungary, when we were exhausted by our very victo- 
ries, and had no time and no means to repair our losses. 
And Russia had sent, in support of its fresh army, the still 
more elangerous power of its diplomacy, of which I will 
ask the liberty to say something hereafter. Well, by this 
interference we were trodden down, and Austria was re- 
stored, not to its independent position — that is lost forever 
— but to a position of a tyrant at home, obedient to the will 
of his master abroad. > What was the consequence ? Re- 
lying upon the precedent established by Russia, the King 
of Naples, the fleet of the Queen of Spain, and, above all, 
degraded France, interfered in Rome, and the glorious re- 
publican struggle of Rome, worthy of the highest days of 
the eternal city's history, was crushed. _/ The Emperor of 
Austria and the King of Prussia — both ambitious, both 
relying on Russian aid — were both quarreling about who 
should rule over Germany. Some German paper raised a 
cry about the horror of a battle of brothers; whereas, it 
would have been but a quarrel of ambitious tyrants, out of 
which Germany might have issued a free nation, delivered 
from both. Well, before they drew the sword, of course, 
they went to the Czar for permission and advice. The 
Czar told them, at Warsaw, " I forbid you to quarrel, I 



APPENDIX. 501 

order you to unite for the reconstruction of the German 
confederacy of 1815, without the slightest addition what- 
ever of constitutional element. You both, Austria and 
Prussia, are ordered to send your armies to Hesse- Cassel, 
to interfere with its domestic concerns, and crush down, 
by your bayonets, the lawful sensation of the people 
against the praiseworthy undertaking of the Grand Duke 
to tear to pieces the sworn constitution of the land; and 
as to Schleswig-Holstein, which dared to claim its natural 
rights of independence, the German confederacy having 
dared to countenance the rebellion, shall, for punishment, 
now have to do the contrary, and will have to request 
Austria to send an army against Schleswig-Holstein, be" 
cause I want the whole of Denmark, with all its appurte- 
nances, preserved in its integrity, as a satrap for my ser- 
vant and nephew, who has to inherit the Danish dominions." 
So ordered, the Czar again ordered the withdrawal of the 
pageantry of the constitution, which the Emperor of Aus- 
tria had promised, in the hour of need, to the Austrian em. 
pire. Well, it was withdrawn. The Czar, of course, does 
not like the word constitution itself, even if it be not in- 
tended ever to become a reality; and, when every popular 
movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom with- 
drawn, the scaffolds of Hungary and Italy saturated with 
blood, the prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven 
from every asylum in the European continent, and Ger- 
many reduced to a condition worse than when the unholy 
alliance was at the full tide; then the Czar wrote an auto- 
graph letter to Louis Napoleon, the perjured president of 
France, and ordered him to strike the death-blow to the 
French republic, assuring him of his imperial grace and 
benevolent support. And Louis Napoleon, obedient to 



502 APPENDIX. 

that power which sent his uncle to St. Helena, struck the 
blow. That is the condition of Europe now, and every 
oppression, every sacrilege, is evidently to be traced to 
the common source of evil, to that overwhelming prepon- 
derance of Russia, imposed upon Europe by its interfer- 
ence in Hungary; and what is it that I humbly beseech 
the people of the United States to do for my people ? Is 
it that you should fight Austria for us ? No ! A thousand 
times, "No." 

" Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." 

We are prepared for it, and to say more, against Austria 
we require nobody to fight for us. Take away the pres- 
tige of Eussian aid, and I, strong in the confidence of my 
people, will crumble it with one single battle, as I crush 
this paper in my hands. No ! I claim the maintenance of 
the law of nations, which establishes the right of every 
nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns against that 
flagrant violation by foreign interference to rob freedom. 
The independence and self-government of the European 
continent now lies sacrificed — a bleeding victim. And 
suppose I succeed in my mission, which I, indeed, con- 
sider to be a sacred one, because it is the cause of all op- 
pressed nations, and of all who will yet have to feel the 
weight of absolutism raised upon the principle of Russian 
interference in Hungary. Suppose I succeed in my sacred 
mission, what will be the immediate result ? Russian in- 
terference, which checked Hungary, will crush the totter- 
ing power of the Austrian dynasty — that dynasty crushed, 
Italy becoDies delivered from foreign dominion, and will 
playfully dispose of its little domestic tyrants, alike pow- 
erless as furious by themselves. In Austria, the na,tion 



APPENDIX. 503 

will become free, and instead of being employed to fetter 
Hesse Cassel, or Sclileswig Holstein, will become an im- 
portant ingredient of German independence, German lib- 
erty; and at the contemplation of this glorious result of a 
"new and successful struggle in Hungary, burning shame 
will mount to the cheeks of the French, and the inglorious 
usurpation of Louis Napoleon will be shaken off like empty 
straw. Those who are, and those who fear to be oppress- 
ed in Europe; those who are interested in the cause by 
their active sufferings, and their well-founded fears; those 
who experience in their own condition, the dreadful pro- 
gress of the mischievous results of Russian interference in 
Hungary, all can understand full well the importance of 
my cause and the weight of my mission. It is therefore, 
that the poor Hungarian exile, once under the protection 
of the star spangled banner, was hailed with unparalleled 
sympathy, and accompanied in his mission by the warm 
wishes of nations of different climates, of different races, 
from Sweden down to Portugal and Italy. Who could 
have imagined, that having this verdict of Europe with me 
here, in free, republican America, I should meet the objec- 
tion, that I plead egotistically, but my own country's cause, 
which, after all, is but one country's, and nothing else? 
To be sure, I advance the principles of non-interference, 
because it is written in the eternal laws of Nature and of 
Nature's God. Because, without this principle, there is 
no independence, no freedom, no self-government. But I 
advocate this principle, not as an exclusive privilege for 
my own country, but as a law of nations, as a common 
benefit to all humanity; and if it should be my lot to suc- 
ceed in this, my mission, I would feel entitled to the con- 
viction that I have more effectively served the cause of 



504 APPENDIX. 

freedom on earth, than if I were going on with an army of 
half a million heroes from land to land, to proclaim repub- 
lican institutions with. Let interference be checked; let 
nations become as they ought to be, the masters of their 
own fate, and rely upon the magic power of your glorious 
example. Republican institutions will spread as the light 
of the sun from the clear sky. Yes, gentlemen, the cause 
of my country were, in itself, worthy of your sympathy; 
still, it is not upon the narrow ground of one country's 
cause that I ask your generous support. My ground is as 
broad as the world, because it is the ground of eternal 
principles, of international rights common to all humanity. 
Mr. President — A great crisis in human affairs, instinct- 
ively and universally felt to be approaching, has placed my 
single self in the singular position of being able to claim, 
for the cause I represent, a universatility which is not re- 
stricted by the geographical limits of territories, or by the 
moral limits of nationalities. I preach principles indis- 
pensable to the independence of nations, and the crusades 
of these principles; I preach not against Austria, which 
has no vitality of itself, but against the principle of evil — 
Russia. I can appeal to my political course since my de- 
parture from Turkey — nay, to my suggestion in Turkey, 
which I honor and love, that I have always dismissed Aus- 
tria in a few words, as a dead body, which only moves by 
Russian galvanism. I have dismissed that Austria. We 
have twice crushed it in the field, and will crush it easily a 
third time. I have dismissed her in a few words, to attack 
the Russian despotism — that common enemy of Hungary 
and of all mankind, which has nothing left in Europe but 
its enemies and its tools, not even worthy to be classed 
any longer as mere accomplices. No man, therefore, on 



APPENDIX. 505 

the pretext of his being connected with, or a member of a 
different people — a German, Italian, Pole, Frenchman; nor 
on the ground of the comprehensive nature of natural sjm- 
pathy, too large to embrace less than a whole continent — 
no one, on the pretext that he is an universal philanthropist, 
who feels but interested in the civil and religious liberty, 
when he can vindicate it, for at least all Europe, can re- 
fuse to grant his sympathies, especially to the cause of 
Hungary; because it is the circumstantial privilege of that 
cause to epitomize all others. If, in fact, I were a Pole, a 
German, or an Italian, egotistically patriotic, and anxious 
only to serve Poland, Germany, or Italy, I could not more 
readily attain my object than by attacking Eussia, their 
only substantial enemy. What would the petty princes of 
Germany have been without Prussia ? And what was 
Prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the people, 
without the certainty of the Czar's support, which impart- 
ed boldness to the King of Prussia to butcher the people of 
Berlin ? Such he could not have dared to do, without re- 
liance on his son-in-law, the ambitious Czar. What would 
the petty despots of Italy have been without Austria, and 
what was Austria when her armies, driven from the soil of 
Hungary, in a series of pitched battles, were so demoral- 
ized that nothing but the debased and treacherous disobe- 
dience of a general, prevented our army from extinguishing 
in Vienna, Olmutz, the decrepit absolutism of the Haps- 
burghs? What prevented me from afterward crushing 
it? The aid of Russian despotism; the intervention of 
Russia. Always and everywhere, each effect is traceable 
up to the first cause of evil, in which it is the characteristic 
of this volcanic crisis, which, by its portentous sign, im- 
presses the hearts and minds of men against their will, 



506 APPENDIX. 

that all other causes of political evil are absorbed. Abso - 
lutism has understood, and freely declared that its repose 
is impossible while a free press and free institutions exist 
everywhere. At this time there is no free press on the 
continent of Europe; and except the precarious condition 
of Belgium and Switzerland, no free institutions from the 
Atlantic to the eastward. France, Austria, and Prussia 
are the three chief proconsulates of the Czar. Belgium, 
Sardinia, Switzerland, and the rest of Germany, are trem- 
bling on the eve of absorption — Turkey on the eve of a 
battle for life and death against the traditional policy of 
Russia, bequeathed by Peter, and pointed out by the tri- 
umphal march of Potemkin to Cashmere in the Krimea, 
saying there is the way to Constantinople. Formerly the 
absolutist powers adhered at least to the principle of the 
so-called divine right of hereditary dynasties, which they 
advocated by bayonet and the scaffold, as superior to every 
right, to every law; and provided this false principle was 
respected, they did not care about the regulation of do- 
mestic institutions. They did not contradict the develop- 
ment at least of constitutional monarchies, by which allow- 
ance the otherwise incomprehensible attachment to mon- 
archies was conserved. But now the despots have thrown 
away even the principle of dynastical legitimacy, and they 
have adopted, as the only true rule of their policy, the 
principle to oppress free institutions and constitutional 
government everywhere; and whoever is joining them in 
that infernal design is welcome to the league. Though ho 
be a usurper, let him be an enemy of the so-called divine 
right of dynasties, even if they don't care for that, j)rovided 
that absolutism falls. It is known, and publicly reported, 
that Eussia has decided to incorporate Turkey, and to rule 



APPENDIX. 507 

three-quarters of the earth, from Constantinople, and that, 
to get the willing consent of his tools, he gives Hungary 
and Italy to Austria; Belgium and the Rhenish provinces 
to France, and the rest of Germany to Russia. The Czar, 
acting like the Persian kings of old, when they sent gar- 
ments of honor to their satraps, flings in the addition of 
a few provinces to their satraps; and, oh, Almighty Father 
of Humanity ! is there no power on earth to stop this in- 
exorable annihilation of national and human rights, of 
freedom and independence ? Though there is a republic 
powerful enough to do so; a republic founded upon the 
very principles which the despotic powers have put under 
inexorable ban. 

Gentlemen, I have dwelt, perhaps, too long upon the 
condition of Europe; but it was necessary to show that 
though there be no Russian eagles painted over the public 
offices in Germany, Italy and France, still the Russian 
frontier is really extending to the Atlantic. People of 
free America, beware ere it will be too late. Hurriedly 
and by sudden violence, a civil and religious liberty must, 
for the repose of absolutism, be trampled out of Europe, 
and by most deliberate perpetration; by diplomacy, per- 
suasion and gold; the way must be prepared to trample it 
out elsewhere by ulterior violence. And here I claim per- 
mission to say something about the most dangerous power 
of Russia — its diplomacy. It is worthy of consideration, 
that while Russia starves her armies and underpays her 
officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she devotes 
greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power 
has ever done; acting on the maxim that men are not in- 
fluenced by facts; by opinions respecting facts; but by 
things as they are believed to be. She finds it cheaper, 



508 APPENDIX. 

througli diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a 
belief in the strength she has not, than to try to organize 
to attain that strength, and to come to that aim. Russian 
diplomacy is not restricted to diplomatic proceedings; bril- 
liant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well as marriages, is 
equally departments of Eussian diplomacy. The secret 
service money at the service of all other diplomatists is al- 
ways limited, and has only been exceptionably used; but 
every diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has un- 
limited credit, and is allowed to disburse any sum to 
achieve an adequate result. Their traditional experience 
teaches them how to attain their point. Their discretion 
can be relied on, and they understand every possible means 
of reaching men directly and indirectly; pulling frequently 
the strings of thoroughly unconscious puppets. In Con- 
stantinople, that great work-shop of diplomatic skill, wor- 
thy of more close interest than was bestowed upon it till 
now, from America, because there will be struck the most 
dreadful blow to the independence of Europe — in Constan- 
tinople, where Russia will turn a grand vizier out of 
ofi&ce, it does not attack him: it praises him rather, and 
spreads the rumor of having been its foes, and it is sure 
that foreign influential diplomats will turn out for it the 
noted grand vizier. When, on the other hand, the grand 
vizier is moving in his position, and Russia likes him to 
continue in office, it attacks him with the greatest ostenta- 
tious publicity. Russia hates not always the man whom it 
appears to hate, and loves not always the man whom it 
appears to love. Russian diplomacy is a subterranean 
power, slippery like an eel, and burrowing, like the mole. 
And when it has to come out in daylight, it watches to the 
left when it means to strike on the right. 



APPENDIX. 509 

Eiissia gives instructions never to allow herself to be 
directly defended by the press. That would lead to dis- 
cussion and further exposure. With regard to herself, 
she wants silence — the silence of the grave; but her agents 
devote, for scheming, any sums required to attack her op- 
ponents, and get up discords, or the appearance of division 
among them, to popularize any momentary view which 
suits her policy; and she delights in doing so, throvigh 
apparently hostile, and therefore, unsuspected agents. So 
also is Russia powerful, by an army held ready as a rear- 
guard to support needy despots with ; powerful by its 
ascendency over the European continent; powerful by 
having pushed other despots into extremities where they 
have lost all independent Adtality, and could not extricate 
themselves, but by throwing themselves at pleasure and 
discretion into the iron grasp of the Czar. But, above all, 
Russia is powerful by its great diplomacy. But this 
colossus, gigantic as it appears to be — the idol with front 
of brass but feet of clay — may be overturned, easily over- 
turned from its fragile pedestal, if the glorious republic of 
the United States opposes it with resolute attitude. It 
is not with the intention to create apprehension that I 
say this. The people of the United States fear nobody 
on earth. I know it may be that Russia, even after having 
absorbed Europe, will not dare to attack, directly, the 
United States; but it may be that it will soon dare even 
this. No nation is safe against it. The passion of partic- 
ular interests may cost some momentous discord. Russia 
will foster it by its secret diplomacy, from which nothing 
is sacred on earth; and, when irritation comes to the pitch, 
and the ties of affection become for a moment loose — then 
perhaps, Russia may step in, in a moment of interior weak- 



510 APPENDIX. 

ness, from which not the greatest nations are exempt. 
Russia will begin by " divide," and will perhaps come to 
impera. All this may happen. I can say neither yes nor 
no; but one thing I am sure of, and that is, that Russia 
can and will attack you in your most vital interests, and 
can hurt you mortally without even resorting to war. 

Be sure, gentlemen, so soon as Russia has achieved the 
triumph of absolutistical principles on the European con- 
tinent, and consolidated its undisputed preponderance, 
the first step will be to exclude the commerce of America 
from Europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. 
It will do it; it must do it: firstly, because commerce is 
the locomotive of principles. That is more sure yet than 
what a gentleman, in New York, so eloquently told, that the 
"steam engine is a democrat.'^ Absolutism could not, for a 
single moment, rule Europe with security, if Europe re- 
mained in commercial intercourse with republican America. 
And, secondly, Russia will exclude your trade from Eu- 
rope, because — (and let the great valley of the West mark 
it) — because your immensely developing agriculture is the 
most dangerous competition to Russian wheat and corn on 
the markets of Europe. Either you must be excluded from 
the trade with Europe, or Russia cannot find a market for 
its corn. Only think, gentlemen, by a commercial pro- 
hibitive system, which must be the first logical result of 
Russian preponderance, only think, the wheat, the corn, 
the cotton, and the tobacco of the United States, excluded 
from Europe for a couple of years ! What a dreadful 
catastrophe is lurking at your growing prosperity in this 
perspective ! And when may this happen ? you are perhaps 
willing to ask me. Within a year; within a single year, 
gentlemen; because, if within a year the league of despots 



APPENDIX. 511 

is not shattered asunder; if, within a year, Hungary can- 
not at least commence the fight for her independence, 
which is equivalent to a breakwater against Russian pre- 
ponderance, absolutism, under the protectorate of Russia, 
will be consolidated for a long while by accomplishing the 
partition of Europe within a year. Principles can only 
be balanced by principles; absolutism by republican insti- 
tutions; unrighteous interference by the law of nations; 
depotism by civil and religious liberty. This is the cause 
which I advocate. It is not the cause of Hungary alone; 
it is yours — it is the world's. It has a determination as 
absolute and extreme as despotism. Hungary would have 
been too content, if Russia had not interfered, to oppose 
defensively the immediate Austrian instrument of its 
oppression. Now, as it is, God, for some beneficent pur- 
pose, has implanted in my breast the conviction that the 
independence of Europe, and the independence of Hungary 
with it, can only be definitively secured on the Moskowa, 
and on the Neva, in the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of 
St. George. For this purpose, in which, as I had the 
honor to state, you yourselves are so vitally interested, 
we do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look 
to the nations of Europe, groaning under Russian weight. 
Look, in the first line, to Sweden, and from Sweden across 
Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to Turkey and to 
brave Circassia. The first indispensable step hereto, is 
the independence of Hungary, and to this is wanted some 
substantial aid for the necessary preparations, and free 
commerce with you, and the pronunciation of the law of 
nations, supported by the authority of your glorious posi- 
tion of a " power on earth." That is all; the rest may be 
left to our own care, and to those chances which I ex- 



512 APPENDIX. 

pounded in my speecli at Harrislburgli; and, during my 
stay in England, at Birmingham. Well, I am answered; 
" that if you proclaim the right of every nation to regulate 
its own domestic concerns, to be a common law of nations, 
and foreign interference a violation of this law, this your 
protestation will not be respected by Russia." If I had 
the honor to be a citizen of the United States, I would 
have a higher opinion of the power and position of this 
great republic; and, instead of letting such a doubt enter 
into my heart, I should be inclined to take for an insult, 
against this country's honor, if a foreigner dared to pro- 
nounce such a doubt. Consciousness of our power is the 
secret guarantee of our power; doubt of it, is loss of it. 

But I say Russia will respect your declaration, or else 
it will have a war from Sweden down to Turkey and Cir- 
cassia. So soon as it moves with one hundred and sixty 
thousand or two hundred thousand men against Hungary, 
(and with less it could not,) all those nations will be aware 
that there is the last opportunity afforded to them by 
Providence to shake off Russia's yoke; and they will avail 
themselves of this opportunity; be sure of it. The mo- 
mentary fall of Hungary was too powerful a loss to them. 

But again I am answered: " In case of such a war you 
will be entangled in it." To this I say that you will have 
to fight a war, single-handed and alone, within less than 
five years, against Russia and all Europe, if you do not 
take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take 
this position, the necessity of this war will be averted 
from you, and Russian preponderance will be checked, 
and your protestation respected, without having to go to 
war. Because there is another sanction which you may 
add to your protestation — a sanction powerful as that of 



APPENDIX. 513 

war, and yet no war at all. That sanction would be the 
declaration of Congress, that the intervention of a foreign 
power in the domestic affairs of whatever nation, being a 
violation of the laws of nations, by the fact of such inter- 
vention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended, in as 
far as the interfering or interference claiming power is 
concerned. In other words, that the citizens of the United 
States are at liberty to follow their own inclination, in 
respect to such a foreign power, which violates the laws of 
nations. This sanction would be sufficient, because the 
enterprising spirit of your high-minded people is too well 
known, not to be feared by all the despots of the world. 
Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an 
armed expedition abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, 
that, to a foreign power, with which you are on terms of 
amity, the regards of friendship are due. But you, without 
becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental princi- 
ples, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with 
a power which violates the laws of nations; so you may well 
withdraw the regards of friendship from it without resort- 
ing to war. Between friendship and hostility there is yet 
a middle position — that of being neither friend nor enemy; 
therefore permitting to every private individual to act as 
he pleases. 

Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws 
would enforce the respect to your protestation, with- 
out getting your country in the moral obligation to main- 
tain your protestation by war. I hope those who share 
my principles, but hesitate to pronounce on account of the 
possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble 
suggestion, and will see that, with my principles, war will 
be averted from the United States; and by opposing my 
33 



514 APPENDIX. 

principles, the United States will soon be forced into 
dangerous difficulties, out of which they cannot be ex- 
tricated but by a war, which they will have to fight single- 
handed and alone. 

Gentlemen, I have almost abused your kind patience, 
and still I must claim your indulgence for some further 
remarks. 'I am told that the Roman Catholics of the 
United States are opposed to my views. I am glad to be 
able to say, that in general it is not so. I have warm 
friends and kind protectors among the Roman Catholics 
here. The gallant General Shields; Mr. Soule, the senator 
from Louisiana; the warm-hearted governor of Maryland; 
Judge Le Grand, at Baltimore, and many others of my 
kindest friends are Roman Catholics ; and from New 
York up to whatever place, masses of Roman Catholics 
have so universally, so generously, shared in the common 
sympathy bestowed upon me as whoever else. How could 
it be otherwise ? Is my cause not the cause of freedom? 
And is freedom not a treasure to whatever religious de- 
nomination ? Can there be a people, of whatever religion, 
which loves to be oppressed? What country is more 
Roman Catholic than Italy — than Rome itself ? And is 
Italy — is Rome, not opposed to the despotic government 
of the Pope in Rome, while it remains strongly attached 
to the spiritual authority of the Pope ? 

As for myself, I am a Protestant, not only by birth, but 
by conviction; and no man can be more warmly attached 
to his religious convictions than I am. It is no merit of 
mine that my troublesome life has afforded to me oppor- 
tunities of severe trial in that respect; and it is no merit 
of mine, but a simple necessity, that I did not sacrifice 
my religious convictions to whatever consideration. But 



APPENDIX. 515 

I am no sectarian. I claim liberty of conscience for my- 
self ; and, what I claim for myself, I am, of course, ready 
to respect in whomsoever else. I therefore respect every 
religious conviction. I respect the conviction of Roman 
Catholics, and. will never forget that it is the religion of 
nearly half of my countrymen now, who have cordially 
co-operated in the cause of my country's independence. 
I will never forget that it is the religion of Poland, of all 
Italy, of half Germany, of the greatest part of France, 
and of Ireland, whose hearts, for the greatest part, are 
with me; and the rest of whom, on reflection, must be with 
me, because they must side with civil and religious liberty. 
But, if I were a Catholic, I would see, with even more 
pain, than, as the simple assertor of civil and religious 
liberty, I now see — popery prostituted by obedience to the 
Czar, the relentless persecutor of Catholicism, who forced 
the United Greek Catholics, in the Polish provinces, by 
every imaginable cruelty, to abjure their connection with 
Rome, and carried out, at a far greater expenditure of 
human life than Ferdinand and Isabella, or Louis XIV., 
the most stupendous proselytism which violence has yet 
achieved. Certainly, more than one hundred thousand 
human beings had died of misery, or under the lash, in the 
manner in which the unfortunate Minsk nuns were proven 
to have died, before he terrified those unhappy millions 
into a submission against which their consciences revolted. 
Yet, with this man, red with blood, and banned with the 
million curses of their coreligionist, have the men of that 
order which rules popery, now made an alliance, or rather 
a compact of submission, like that which evil-doers, accord- 
ing to the superstition of past ages, made with the evil 
spirit. A peculiar character of that order, is the ambi- 



516 APPENDIX. 

tion to rule the world. Hence, its alliance with the Czar. 
Hence is the Pope an obedient satrap of the Czar, the 
sanguinary persecutor of Catholics in the Polish provinces. 
Hence, we see high priests of that church misusing their 
ecclesiastical authority, opposing every movement of lib- 
erty, and supporting the cause of despotism on earth. In 
this abnormity, enlightened Catholics themselves, see 
clearly but that ambitious power, which it was a Pope who 
had been foremost to suppress, but who, with a reptile- 
like vitality, had writhed from under the heel that bruised 
it, and succeeded in wreathing itself, again and again, 
around the neck of Catholicism, for whom the ascendency 
of that power had always been a period of disaster and 
confusion. The Roman Catholics of Hungary, Poland, 
Italy, Germany, France, understand this thoroughly. Is 
it possible that Roman Catholics of this republic should 
less understand it? and, that among them, a movement 
should gain ground, opposite to the aspirations of freedom, 
and beneficial but to the Czar — the oppressor of their 
religion ? Is it not clear to them why good men. Catho- 
lics, like Lamennais and Fiobertz, F. Gioberto, incurred 
the censure of the Roman court; why the archbishop of 
Paris found himself in opposition to its policy, and why 
the majority of the Roman Catholic clergy of Italy, of 
Romagna, and of Rome itself, are hostile to the temporal 
authority of the Pope, and sympathize with Mazzini so 
generally that, of seventeen conspirators recently ar- 
rested, for conspiring, in favor of the republic, against Aus- 
tria, sixteen were priests belonging to the humbler orders 
of the clergy. They are, in fact, opposed to the union of 
temporal and spiritual authority, which degrades a relig- 
ious conviction into a policy subservient to despotism. 



APPENDIX. 517 

They are opposed to persecution and intolerance; and re- 
gard, with abhorrence, the unnatural league with all op- 
pressing despotism. These are, indeed, things which 
every Catholic, having only at heart the interest of his 
religion, ought, with deep sorrow, to view, and not allow 
himself to be abused as a tool by individuals who take 
the word " religion," but to screen their private ambition 
with; and whose motto is, " Let the world govern in 
chains when we but rule, under the shadow of the eagle 
of Russia." 

Really, I am sorry to have thus to speak. But once to 
do it was a necessity. If it be indeed true that, among 
the Roman Catholics, an opposition is got up against my 
cause, let them remember that, in opposing me they oppose 
the independence and freedom of millions of Hungarian 
Catholics; the independence and freedom of Catholic 
Italy^; Catholic half of Germany, and Catholic France ; 
and, in opposing me, they are supporting the Czar, the 
most bloody enemy of their religion; they are doing the 
business of Russian diplomacy. 

Gentlemen, here I will end. If the cause which I repre- 
sent were not of a higher dignity, and if the heart of the 
people of the United States were not more moved by 
principles, and by liberty than to require the moving 
power of petty interests, I would mention that, while the 
victory of absolutism is about to exclude America's agri- 
culture and industry from the market of Europe, the vic- 
tory- of freedom opens it to them. Hungary alone is a 
market to thirteen millions of dollars a year for cot- 
ton; and the pregnant necessity for some ten thousand 
miles of railroad, connected with the oppressed condition 
of its own iron-works, would afford an immense field of 



518 APPENDIX. 

enterprise to the industry peculiar to Pennsylvania. But, 
with you such arguments are not required, and I have 
spoken too long already. I most humbly thank you for 
your generous sympathy; I most humbly thank you partic- 
ularly for the manner in which this festival — ever to be 
remembered by me — was arranged. Indeed, more than 
enough of honors were spent on my humble self, though I 
never neglected to pray — " Don't mind my humble self ; I 
am not worthy of any personal regards; and I feel hum- 
bled, not gladdened, in receiving them; let me be unre- 
garded — let me be unhonored — let me be unfeasted, but re- 
member and help bleeding Hungary." May I be attacked, 
calumniated, and trampled in the dust — that is all the 
same. Hungary's cause will not be less just, less impor- 
tant, less worthy of your sympathy. So, nothing to me, 
nothing for me, but all for Hungary, for freedom's and for 
oppressed Europe's sake. 

And you have adopted, in this festival, this practical 
course. It was Hungary you invited to sit down to the 
banquet of your substantial generosity. Be thanked — a 
thousand times thanked for it. May your generous exam- 
ple be followed ! may the association of friends of Hun- 
gary, of which this festival is the first, on a broad, exten- 
sive basis, spread over the West ! may you have given the 
start to that practical view, that every dollar spent in 
kindly intended, but unprofitable demonstration, is a 
dollar lost for Hungary. And, if your generous, as well 
as practical example be followed through the West, upon 
the most promising threshold of which I now stand, then 
iadeed, it will prove true what some tell — that it is in the 
West I will find America energetic and generous as it is 
2:ia;antic and free. 



APPENDIX. 519 



Kossuth's addeess to the ladies of pittsbuegh. 

Ladies — I have seen too many of sad and bitter hours 
in my life, which was almost an inexhaustable series of 
struggles and sufferings, consoled but by the sense of duty, 
and by a noble aim, not to feel with uncommon intensity, 
the blessing of a summer ray of consolation and of hope, 
such as that is with which you brighten now my still 
gloomy way. And still the joy of the moment is some- 
what troubled by the anxiety to know, if there is, in that 
bright day, the dawn of better days, or is it but a passing 
blaze of lightning, which but shows forth to make, by its 
sudden extinction, the darkness still darker than it was 
before? Will your tender hands, more powerful, by their 
very tenderness, than the stoutest arm of man — will your 
tender hands foster that flame of substantial sympathy 
which you have planned with such noble zeal, and nursed 
it to bring a fair and precious fruit? Shall it go on 
blooming and bearing fruit and spreading over wide fields ? 
Excuse my anxiety, ladies, and be not offended by it. He 
who often has been disappointed, yields not easily to hope; 
and seeing the crisis drawing near, with giant steps, and 
feeling, therefore, the inestimable value of every moment's 
time; knowing what must, what will be gained, if I can 
employ the swiftly passing time in an appropriate, practi- 
cal way, and knowing what can and what will be lost; if I 
still must go on with tilling, with preparing the ground; 
or, to speak in dry prose; if I must yet go on to plead, and 
if I meet substantial co-operation but there, where I can 
be present myself, and only so long as I am present, in- 
stead of being provided with the necessary means to dq- 



520 APPENDIX. 

vote my time and my activity to that part of my task 
which is called, in common life " business transactions." 
Indeed, I may be excused that, even in view of such a con- 
solation and such generosity as I have now the honor to 
enjoy, and notwithstanding all the intensity of gratitude 
which I feel, (and oh ! how I would like to disclose every 
fibre of my heart, that you might see how thankful I feel,) 
still I cannot forbear to look with sorrow into the future, 
and feel not able, yet confidently to yield to those who 
with sincere benevolence, bid me to be of good cheer. 
Ladies, you know the German tale about the man who had 
a hobgoblin in his house, which left him not for a moment 
unmolested, either by day or by night. After having ex- 
hausted every means to get rid of the goblin, and all in 
vain, he shut every door, every window of his house, and 
set it on fire, so that the goblin might roast within, and 
flung himself into the saddle and galloped away penniless, 
homeless, and poor, but merry and glad, because rid of the 
torturer. So, having galloped awhile, he turned round to 
see if his house burned merrily, and what was it he saw ? 
The house burned, indeed, merrily, but the goblin — there 
he sat, cowering behind the rider on his saddle's croupe. 
Do you know, ladies, what is the goblin's name ? His 
name is Sorrow ! and look ! there he is, staring at me, out 
of my very sleeves. Ladies, here in Pittsburgh, Alle- 
ghany and the vicinity, I was not only honored with the 
most touching marks of kindness and civility; but I re- 
ceived also, so many testimonials of benevolent sympathy, 
and every manifestation of this sympathy took such a 
practical, such a substantial course, as I have not yet 
experienced in any other place of the Union; and besides, 
this practical manifestation of the most generous liberality 



APPENDIX. 521 

bears so much the character of universality, that, I have 
full reason to believe, the pronunciation of these cities 
and their vicinities, besides the important benefit of their 
substantial aid, cannot fail to have its due weight in the 
political scale. The corporate authorities, seconded by 
the citizens at large, pronounced themselves most explic- 
itly, because practically. Next came the working men, 
with the most touching generosity pouring into the treas- 
ury of freedom their spontaneous contributions, every 
shilling of which is baptized by the sweat of their brow. 
Oh, how great, how generous is the people's heart in a 
free land ! Then, the ministers of the gospel, sanctioning 
the cause, by the verdict of the word of the Lord, and 
sanctifying it by pious prayers and brotherly love — and 
the people of Birmingham, and the young men; and, 
again, and again, working men, and the very boys of the 
public school, and the German-Americans, that mighty 
element, linking America to the heart of the European 
continent — a bearing witness, by its pronounced sympathy 
for Hungary, that the cause of my country's independence 
is identical with Europe's independence and liberty; and, 
at last, the ladies, sealing the work with universal sympa- 
thy, with the seal of affection and of tenderness, and all 
this cast into the fructuous shape of associations of friends 
of Hungary, have so much the mark of earnest, benevo- 
lent will, that here, in this place, and particularly in this 
assembly, I may well be permitted to state the nature of 
my sorrows; because these, my sorrows, are in no relation, 
and have no application to Pittsburgh itself. So allow me 
the following humble remarks : — I am often told that the 
people of the United States, at large, sympathize warmly 
with my cause; that I have the heart of the large ma- 



522 APPENDIX. 

jority of the people witli me. Well, I acknowledge, with 
sincere gratitude, having received very numerous and 
very enthusiastic manifestations of this sympathy, from 
the most different parts of the Union. Almost every one 
of these manifestations was connected with an invitation, 
of which it was, of course, but possible very few to ac' 
cept; and the hospitality of these few, notwithstanding 
all my protestations, was managed in such an expensive 
way, that, although I myself am almost accustomed to live 
upon mere excitement, besides water and bread, still, so 
much was expended on entertainments and hospitality, 
which I would have indeed preferred to see regulated 
according to my less than moderate wishes and wants, 
that, if the amount of this expenditure would have been 
given into my hands, to benefit the cause of Hungary with, 
I could have accomplished important preparations with it; 
or, if that amount would have been desired to have been 
employed in entertainments, all the Hungarian exiles, 
scattered through Europe and America, a great part of 
them struggling with misery which my heart bleeds not 
to have the means to relieve, could have lived upon, to- 
gether with myself, for a whole year. And being aware 
that every word, spoken in public, is, by the medium of 
the free press, spoken all over the world, I avail myself 
of this opportunity respectfully to say, that if those who 
still intend to honor me with the generous offer of their 
kind hospitality, would intrust the amount, destined to 
this purpose, to our own cares, three-quarters of the 
amount, could be spared for the Hungarian fund; and we 
ourselves be more comfortable, because we would follow 
our own humble accustomed way. My good wife, whom 
God has given me, to be consoled for many sufferings — 



APPENDIX. 523 

my good wife would know how to take care of it. The 
ladies of Hungary know how to keep house; and we know 
that every dollar, unnecessarily spent, is a dollar lost fo 
Hungary. However, one circumstance is worthy of pecu- 
liar consideration. Wherever I have been invited to be 
a welcome guest — almost everywhere — (not everywhere, 
but nearly so) — my sad heart was also cheered by some 
substantial aid for my down-trodden country's cause; but 
the grant of this aid was postponed to my coming there, 
or coming to the next neighborhood, so much that, with 
some generous, but very few exceptions, the cause of Hun- 
gary was favored only there, with substantial aid, where 
I myself was able to be present to address the public, or, 
at least, to receive it personally. Now, the calculation of 
the results of thus directed sympathy, is very obvious. It 
is exactly eight weeks since I have had the honor to 
breathe the air of this land, which the genius of free- 
dom selected for his home. During these eight weeks, 
though I indulged not a moment's rest, I visited eight; 
cities. I cannot know how soon my supreme duties may 
call me back to Europe. Neither I, nor whoever in the 
world can stop the wheels of destiny. And when we see 
Louis Napoleon restoring the ancient aristocracy, for the 
abolition of which the French nation has spent torrents 
of blood; when we see the tyrant of Austria withdrawing 
even the words " fundamental right," after he has with- 
drawn the pageantry of constitution — it is easily imagined 
that the blindness and arrogance of the despots, is hasten- 
ing fast the unavoidable outbreak of the boiling volcano; 
and, it is easily to be imagined, without entering into de- 
tails, that the support of America can be of decisive 
weight in the happy issue of this, struggle; but not the 



524 APPENDIX. 

entire indifference of all America could prevent or retard 
the outbreak for a single day. Thus, I cannot tell how 
long I may yet be permitted to be far away from Europe; 
but, suppose I have another eight weeks to stay, how 
many cities can I visit more ? Perhaps not even eight — 
if I consider the immense distance from here to New Or- 
leans, and thence to Boston. Now, ladies, herein lies a 
source of deep and bitter sorrow for me; because, if the 
universal sympathy of the people of the United States 
continues to manifest itself in a substantial way, only 
under the condition of my personal presence, and of my 
being seen and being heard, then I, being able to visit 
only a very small portion of your immense country, the 
material aid will be also but very small, in comparison 
with the great arm. And, allow me humbly to remark, 
that my position is so well known that I am enabled to 
say, that if I have sufficient means, I can control the fore- 
boding events so as to insure their issue to be favorable to 
democratic liberty; to the welfare of the largest number; 
to the foundation of lasting peace and tranquillity; to 
the principles of personal security, and of the security of 
property — in a word, to the principle of well regulated 
liberty, civil, political and religious. But, if I have not 
sufficient means to use my existing influence with, that 
weight which is attached to that idea of having, at my 
disposition, the means necessary to facilitate or to insure 
the victory — then, my very absence from Europe can over- 
turn the prudence of sound calculation. Every day's 
accident may give the open field to nations' enemies; and 
then only one of these eventualities is possible. Either 
the triumph of despotism, or the triumph of some aristo- 
crats, who, aided by European diplomacy, would like to 



^ 



APPENDIX. 525 

depopularize the popular movement, in order to make tlien 
our peace with the despots; or, as the third alternative, 
the triumph of anarchy. This is a practical suggestion, 
worthy of the most earnest consideration of the American 
nation. One of two things is true; either there is, in the 
widely spread sympathy of the people of the United 
States, a passing enthusiasm, which, by its very nature, 
can, of course, not endure, without being kept up by con- 
tinual excitement; i^i this case, there is no hope of any 
considerable practical result, or there is in it a principle, 
an enlightened love of liberty, practical Christian virtue, 
and prudent consciousness of the necessities of your coun- 
try's position. Then, let me fervently request the people 
of the United States not to attach its substantial support 
to the condition of seeing and hearing me; because, this 
is a practical impossibility for at least twenty of the twen- 
ty-five millions, and the freedom of the world may become 
the victim thereof. I have had, at least, one hundred and 
fifty speeches upon the subject. The collection of them 
makes two considerable volumes. There is scarcely any 
portion of the large topic — apt to be discussed publicly — 
which has not been largely treated, opposed and discussed; 
and every word of the discussion has become, through the 
medium of the press, common, universal property. Him 
who is not yet convinced of the justice, righteousness, 
importance, and political exigency of the principles I ad- 
vocate, I can scarcely hope more to convince. But, I 
avow the conviction exists — the sympathy exists ; only 
action is wanted, resolution, energetic, and chiefly action, 
without any temporization, without the condition of my 
personal presence. To this purpose I ventured to suggest 
the idea of associations of friends of Hungary, as the 



526 APPENDIX. 

most simple, most effective plan of organization, with 
wliicli, if carried on energetically by generous men, every 
homestead of the great Union can be reached in less than 
three weeks. But if, even the execution of that plan de- 
pends on my presence, or, if the operative sympathy 
should subside, after I have left a place, then, indeed, 
oppressed Europe will have to weep a bitter tear of dis- 
appointed hope; and, repeating what I said in Philadel- 
phia, I will have but to say to my people, and to Europe's 
oppressed nations, "Let us pray; let us take the Lord's 
supper, and then up to the battle, with the branches of the 
trees, vv^ith the walking-stick, or with our nails ! "We have 
nothing to hope from America !" Almighty Father ! let 
this cup pass from thy oppressed children! Nevertheless, 
not as we will, but as thou wilt ! Ladies, this distin- 
guished meeting here, and the high-minded, generous reso- 
lution, I was happy to hear, impressed my mind with the 
stern confidence, that you had instinctively comprehended 
this position of my cause. Oh ! let me entreat you to 
carry them out, with that indefatigable care with which 
the loving mother watches over her beloved child. Speak, 
ladies of Pittsburgh to the ladies of America ! speak often 
to them. Impress upon their minds the necessity of that 
direction, which I laid down by humble remarks into your 
tender hands; and go on, by your generous, active, opera, 
tive energy, to show how the women of America should 
act, that their names may be recorded with brighter lustre 
in history, than the names of the mothers of Gracus, or of 
Coriolanus. Love is the vivifying spirit of the universe 
—love is the element of your hearts — love is never tired 
of showing tenderness, and can spread this vivifying ele- 
ment over the cause of freedom on earth. One smile from 



APPENDIX. 627 

your sparkling eyes can do more wonders than all I could 
say in a year. I have tried to impart conviction on the 
mind of man; but conviction is nothing without the in- 
spiration of the heart. The hearts of men are your realm. 
You can play upon those chords which break within the 
brazen hands of men. Ladies, I am sick. I have not 
been able to speak as I would have desired, to leave a 
kind remembrance for the poor exile in your tender hearts. 
But, though you forget me, remember my bleeding father- 
land. Remember it in your sorrows and in your joys; 
remember it with love. This book, (holding up the book 
containing the names of the ladies,) will be deposited on 
the dearest place of the altar of restored liberty in my 
father-land. I would like to see the day, but submit even 
to not seeing it, when my country shall be free — but it 
will be deposited there. This I promise you. The Lord 
bless you and protect you, and all you love. Ladies, I bid 
you a warm farewell. 



KOSSUTH IN OHIO. 



KOSSUTH'S SPEECH AT CLEVELAND. 

I have very seldom in my life, expected to satisfy antic- 
ipations founded upon expected eloquence ; but, in this 
moment, I indeed fear, not only that I shall not satisfy, but 
disappoint you, after what I have heard; I give myself as 
I am, and you will take me as I give myself. I have often 



528 APPENDIX. 

been told, that every stranger, once upon the soil of free 
America, is under the protection of your institutions and 
of your laws; and that one benefit of your institutions and 
of your laws is freedom of word. I have very often been 
encouraged to speak freely my mind. You will excuse 
me for availing myself of this benefit, even on the present 
occasion. I will speak freely. 

Sir — If I be not mistaken, it is now the one hundred and 
fifty-sixth time (I am sure it is the thirty-fourth time, since 
I left Washington, on the 12th of January,) that I have 
had the honor to address an American audience in that 
tongue which I learned from Shakspeare, in an Austrian 
prison, for having dared to claim the right of a free press, 
which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours 
my words, by thousands of canals, into the hearts of mil- 
lions of freemen, composing, in their national capacity, a 
mighty republic, destined to become the executive power 
of the law of nations, upon which rests the independence 
of the world from all overwhelming despotism. The press 
is nobly rewarding me for what I have suffered in its cause. 
The ways of Providence are wonderful. May the free 
press never forget its life-principle — " Justice and Truth," 
may it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the 
secret craft of Russian diplomacy may never succeed to 
degrade one single organ of the American press to act, by 
blind animosity, or out of universal predilection of one 
particular interest, the part of Russia's unconscious tool. 

Sir — After having spoken so often and so much; and 
the free press having conveyed my principles, my argu- 
ments and my prayers, to almost every homestead of this 
vast republic, I may well be permitted to believe that the 
stadium of speaking is past, and the stadium of practical 



APPENDIX. 529 

action lias come. For myself, were I even not worn ont 
by the oratory part of my duties, I feel, in the highest de- 
gree, the unavoidable necessity to employ the largest pos- 
sible amount of my time and energy to that which, in com- 
mon life we call "bicsiness matters^^ — the assiduous work of 
details ; this unconspicuous, but indispensable part of 
every practical life, without which neither a private nor a 
public man comes ever to a " green bough f^' 

Almost every packet brings news about such a new de- 
velopment of the unhesitating progress of absolutistical re- 
action in Europe, and almost every new step of the despotic 
powers is accompanied by such incidents of particular im- 
portance, that it were indeed the most unpardonable neg- 
lect of my most sacred duties, if I should neglect, with all 
possible energy, to exert all that influence which Provi- 
dence has placed in my undeserving hands, by the confi- 
dence of nations bestowed upon me, in order to prevent 
mischief; to counteract the influence of evil — to combine 
the activity of the righteous and of the good — to check the 
plots of vile intriguers or weak characters, unconscious 
tools of the first; to direct the action of inconsiderate 
friends, who, with the best possible intentions often do more 
harm in a day than the wisest men can repair in a year ; 
and above all, to accomplish those preparations, which are 
indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future, and to 
come to that aim, for the success of which I humbly claim 
the protection of principles from the people of the United 
States, in its public capacity, and its substantial aid from 
its private generosity. 

You, of course, are aware of the fact, that all this, to- 
gether, presents such a vast field for restless activity, that 
for it every moment of my time, laboriously employed, 
34 



580 APPENDIX. 

scarcely could suffice. I am often asked, what are the in- 
strumentalities for this, my activity ? And this question, 
of course, cannot be answered publicly, as I am absolutely 
unwilling to let the enemies of my country, and of the op- 
pressed nations of Europe look at my cards. It is my des- 
tiny to have to act a soldier's part; and a soldier has not 
only to fight, but also to prepare; and, the best means to 
lose the impending battle, would be, indeed, to send over 
to the enemy the plan of our intended battle. Here is the 
proof. In France, inconsiderate men have so much spoken 
of their intended battle, that it is quite natural to see the 
battle lost before it is fought. I mean the battle, and not 
the campaign. A lost battle is not yet a lost campaign. 
But, if by this very circumstance my doings have increased, 
it is my duty to follow the maxim, indispensable to a sol- 
dier — that if my very cap would make known the plan of 
my operations I would burn the cap instantly. However, 
so much I may be permitted to state, that it is not without 
reason that I forsake every idea of rest and tranquillity, 
and sacrifice all that remains in me of energy and strength. 
If I had not hope — if, under certain conditions, I had not 
the certainty of success, I would, indeed, prefer tranquil- 
lity to all, even should it be the tranquillity of the cold 
grave. But, because I see success before the eyes of my 
burning patriotism, it is therefore I go on like the poor 
wandering bird, restless and joyless, but with hope. This 
prospect of success is my sanguine hope with me; it is the 
knowledge of what exists, and of what is prepared — the 
knowledge of not only what I wish, but also of what I am 
able to do. To be sure, the substantial aid which I hum- 
bly claim, is indispensable to this activity and to that suc- 
cess; but even that substantial aid is, in itself, not the aim, 



APPENDIX. 531 

but only the means to an aim. It must be employed, and 
to be employed, time and activity are necessary. And if, 
day by day, I have to employ all my time in preparing ad- 
dresses, and in delivering them, the business remains un- 
done, of course. 

It is a wise word, of wise Solomon, that " to every thing 
there is a season, and a time to every purpose under 
heaven — a time to plant, and a time to pluck; a time to 
keep silence, and a time to speak; a time of war, and a 
time of peace." If, therefore, the people of the United 
States has, in its generosity, indeed resolved really to 
benefit that cause, which it honors by so warm a sympathy, 
it will allow me to follow the wise advice of Solomon the 
wise, and not still claim speeches when the time of action 
has come. The free press of America will, I hope, help 
me to convey this practical necessity to the public mind, 
and moreover, that it will lend me its powerful aid, to tell 
now and then, to all the land, what my feeble voice could 
tell but to a particular audience. But, I believe also, that 
the stadium of action is not only attained in respect to my- 
self, but also in respect to the public opinion of the United 
States. There are two means to support, effectually and 
beneficially, the cause of European freedom and national 
independence. The first is the political part, the foreign 
policy of the country, founded upon principles in harmony 
with your country's position and your republican institu- 
tions. The second is substantial aid. 

As to the first, it is with intense gratitude, that I see 
these principles which I humbly plead, come to the point, 
when the tribunal is about to pronounce. The great na- 
tional jury, the people, gave, and gives incessantly its fa- 
vorable verdict; the state legislatures are pronouncing the 



532 APPENDIX. 

votes, and the cause is moved before the high court of your 
national congress. I have to listen, with reverential awe, 
to what my judges pronounce, be it life or be it death, 
pleading must cease. 

As to the substantial aid, this very meeting which I now 
respectfully address, is an evident proof that the sympathy 
of the people has taken the course of operative activity; 
and I express my humble thanks for it. The first ripens 
here; the harvest draws near. Allow me to avail myself 
of this opportunity, to express also my warmest thanks, in 
my bleeding country's name, to the several delegations of 
several diiferent associations of friends of Hungary, which, 
in such a beautiful way, have anticipated my wishes, and, 
in honoring me by their presence, have mightily contrib- 
uted to increase the solemnity as well as practical char- 
acter of the present occasion. May they be pleased to pur- 
sue what they have so generously begun, and may they be 
pleased kindly to accept my humble thanks for themselves 
and their constituents. 
^ Central associations of friends of Hungary, around which 
cluster county associations — summing up, in their turn, 
local and particular associations — that is the only practi- 
cal means to see the cause of European freedom and inde- 
pendence protected by the generous support of the people 
of your republic at large. I beseech all generous friends, 
animated by kind intentions for my cause, not to delay the 
formation of such associations, and not to make that forma- 
tion dependent upon my arrival in whatever place. If I 
were to wander along during the time that is left me, be- 
fore the hour strikes, if I were to wander along like Ahas- 
uerus, the eternal Jew, I could but visit a small portion of 
your immense republic— that world in itself. And Europe, 



APPENDIX. 533 

wMcli now so anxiously watches the result of my humble 
proceedings, could see but few associations, if their forma- 
tion should depend on my personal presence; and if even 
there, where I might be permitted to stray, that formation 
would be delayed till I come, the will of the sovereign 
people would not be registered in time to weigh in your 
national councils before the sentence is passed. Besides, 
if it should be desired, that I shall personally have the 
honor to receive the generous boon of every association, 
their number would again be very limited, and that highly 
beneficial combination, which I here, with thankful heart, 
see, and happily realize — local associations, concentrating 
around the central association in Northern Ohio, in Cleve- 
land, this beneficial combination would never develop at 
large, though it is that development upon which your peo- 
ple's generous sympathy depends. 

I may be answered that I, being the petitioner, it is I 
who must conform to the wishes of my benefactors. And 
that is true. I do not mistake the exigencies of my hum- 
ble position, and am thankfully ready to comply with all 
humility, but of course only within the limits of possibility. 
Would that I were able to multiply myself in time and 
space, and fly to a hundred places at once ! How happy 
would I feel; particularly, if one edition of my multiplied 
self could remain in a snug little room to perform the de- 
tails of business matters. But, as unfortunately, all this is 
impossible, I have no choice, but to rely upon the people's 
generosity, and to put the practical issue into the people's 
high-minded spirit, acting on the noble motives of lofty 
principles, love of justice, right, and liberty, and of the 
consciousness of your country's position. 

In respect to the matter of substantial aid, I beg leave 
to recall to your memory, that I have already, in New 



534 APPENDIX. 

York, started the idea of a national Hungarian loan, in 
small shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the exact 
fac simile of my signature, and with the likeness of my 
worn out and indifferent face ; and of larger shares of 
fifty and one hundred dollars, with my autograph signa- 
ture. The smaller ones I could not sign with my own 
hands, because only to sign a hundred thousand would 
require at least one hundred days; and, oh my God ! what 
immense events may happen in one hundred days ! Napo- 
leon — not the little, but the great — has won and lost an 
empire in a hundred days. There are some despots in the 
world who may experience the same. 

I prepared the smaller shares for those generous men, 
who ennoble the title of man with hard honest work; and, 
through their hard working, bestow their help to the great 
cause of national freedom on earth. The larger shares I 
have prepared to give an opportunity for benevolence to 
those to whom God has given more than they require. It 
is a noble privilege of the richer to do more good; and, 
besides, it is not a mere gift, it is a loan; for either free- 
dom has no future on earth, or Hungary has a future yet; 
and Hungary once more independent and free, has ample 
resources to pay that small loan, which, in ample degree, 
the generous people of the United States remembering, in 
the hour of its trial and need, when the independence of 
this glorious country was yet a question of doubtful issue. 

Hungary has no public debt; it has fifteen millions of 
population; a territory of more than one hundred thousand 
square English miles; abundant in the greatest variety of 
nature's blessings, if the doom of oppression be taken 
from it. The state of Hungary has public landed property, 
administered badly, worth more than one hundred millions 



APPENDIX. 535 

of dollars, at the low price, which it was already an estab- 
lished principle of my administration to sell in small 
shares, to suit the poorer classes. Hungary has rich gold, 
silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, iron, sulphur, nickel, 
oral and other mines; and Hungary has also the richest 
salt mines in the world, where the extraction of one hun- 
dred weight of the purest stone salt amounts to but little 
more than one shilling of your money; and though that is 
sold by the government at the price of two to three and a 
half dollars, and thus the consumption is, of course, very 
restricted — still yields a net revenue of five millions dol- 
lars a year to the government, (but no, not government, 
usurpation now !) — employed, together with all the life- 
sweat of the people to crush the spirit of freedom by sol- 
diers, hangmen, policemen and spies, harrassing the people 
in its domestic life, and the sanctuary of its family, with 
oppression more torturing than death, of which a free 
American has no idea, nor with the boldest imagination 
can conceive. You see by these, gentlemen, that Hungary, 
once free, and free it will be, has ample resources to pay 
your generous loan, playingly, within a year, without any 
taxation of the people itself; and pay it will, because 
every shilling of your generous aid will be faithfully em- 
ployed to its restoration to freedom and independence. I 
may point to my whole life as a guarantee to that purpose. 
I had millions to my disposition, intrusted to me by my 
people's confidence; and here I stand, penniless and poor, 
not knowing what my poor children will eat to-morrow 
if I die to day; and I am proud that I am poor — and that 
very honor I pledge to you, that every shilling of what 
your generosity gives to my land, will be employed to its 
own benefit. In that respect, I yield to no consideration; 



536 APPENDIX. 

to no arrangement; to no claims, — and equally as I have 
provided for tlie case, should any thing human befall me be- 
fore the sun of freedom rises over Hungary's gloomy night, 
I am also ready, if it be your people's will, to accept every 
control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success. 

I am happy to inform you, gentlemen, that, after many 
difficulties, the shares of this intended loan are prepared 
to be issued; this is again one part of the business mat- 
ter which claims my time ; I will make the necessary 
dispositions that every central association of friends of 
Hungary be provided with a portion of the loan shares; 
to provide, in their turn, the county associations with them. 
I confidently hope that the formation of associations, and 
the issue of these loan shares will assist, each the other, 
mutually; certainly they can, if generous, energetic men 
lend me their active aid to this beneficial purpose. Allow 
me humbly to draw your attention to this. 

Now, some few remarks yet, if you please. I am told, that 
generous friends of freedom, of a certain religious denom- 
ination, to which half of my countrymen, all Italy, half of 
Germany, and many other millions, belong, all attached 
to their religion, and all hostile to oppression and tyran- 
ny, — I am told that they are threatened by ecclesiastical 
censure, should they dare to participate in whatever de- 
monstration in favor of my cause. I hope it is not true, but 
so it was reported; and should it be true, then, indeed, I 
could not forbear to exclaim. Oh ! my God, how often thy 
name is profaned by those, who bear it upon their lips ? I 
confidently trust, that those, of whom I speak, are too 
religious not to feel revolted at seeing the authority of 
religion misused to support Russian oppression. This is a 
matter of conscience, and of principles, and there I leave 



APPENDIX. 537 

it, grieved in my very heart, but trusting to religion and 
to God. I am also told that there is a movement intended 
to alienate the citizens of the United States, of Irish ex- 
traction, from countenancing every liberal movement in 
Europe by the suggestion, that if despotism on the Euro- 
pean continent prevails, the despots will be powerful 
enough to crush the power of Great Britain, I know full 
well, that freedom, though finding an echo in every man's 
breast, can, by nobody, be more beloved than by such a 
nation as the brave sons of Green Erin are. Irishmen 
love freedom, so they cannot side with despotism. The 
father-land of the Emmets and Grattans; of the Currans 
and O'Connell — the giant of patriotism, and paragon of 
resistless agitation for his country's sake — the land where 
Wolfe Tone bled, and Moore sung his heart-rending Irish 
melodies, and his songs of oppressed nations — that land 
cannot forsake the cause of national freedom, and never 
will side with despotism. But let me humbly ask, if all- 
overwhelming despotism should indeed succeed to crush 
Albion, would it crush Albion to make Erin free ? Would 
despots fight and gain — have they ever fought and gained, 
to make nations free ? I appeal to the conscience of Erin, 
to God, and to history. He who sides with despots will 
become their slave. Help the European continent to na- 
tional independence, and self-government. Eor my coun- 
try, Italy and France, this self-government can be but 
republican. Help, by your manly, just and resolute atti- 
tude, to develop that public opinion of England itself, that 
it may side, out of whatever consideration, with the cause 
of oppressed nations against sanguinary despotism. The 
despots crushed, the sun of freedom will cast its warming 
rays over the green gem of the sea also; the people of 



588 APPENDIX. 

England will become just; a large part of it feels Erin's 
wrongs, and the fundamental principles of your institu- 
tions, federative union with self-government, will prevail 
over the earth. 

One word more and I have done. Solomon chose wis- 
dom among all the gifts of the Lord. He who will be 
wise, must, before all, look up to the Lord. Where is He 
to be seen, you will ask me ? Everywhere where nature is 
seen. The Almighty has often written the destiny of 
men and nations in the very ranges of the mountains and 
in the currents of streams. Do you believe that the mighty 
combination of your immense lakes, leading to the Atlan- 
tic, is but a mere play of nature's whims? No; it is the 
finger of God, pointing out, to the vast region of the 
father of rivers, the necessity to be connected with old 
Europe. Do not disregard the finger of God. Triumph 
of despotism in Europe shuts out the boundless natural 
products of Western America from the market. Beware, 
ere it be too late. 

I stand upon the very shores of that lake where Com- 
modore Perry built his fleet and led it bravely on to 
victory. You know his motto, with which he hoisted his 
union jack on board the St. Lawrence, with Captain 
Lawrence's dying words — " Don't give up the ship." 

People of America ! " Don't give up the ship" of na- 
tional freedom and national independence, surrounded 
by the Barclays of despotism, and the Perrys of liberated 
nations. 



APPENDIX. 539 



Kossuth's speech in columbus. 

Before addressing the assembly, I humbly entreat your 
excellency to permit me to express, out of the very heart 
of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those 
lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased 
now to pronounce. I know those principles would have 
immense value, even if they were only an individual 
opinion; but when they are expressed by the elect of the 
people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight. 
I have met the sympathy of the people of Ohio. 1 have 
been honored with a public welcome by the legislature — 
now have met the principles of that man whom the people 
of Ohio have selected to be the executive of its sovereign 
will, and I express my most fervent gratitude for it. 

Gentlemen, I feel very happy to have met, at last, in 
the present meeting, that organization which I, on mature 
reflection, consider the only means to come to a practical 
result for the benefit of that course which the people of 
the United States, and more particularly the people of 
Ohio, honor by a sympathy and an interest so warm, and 
so universal, as to be almost unparalleled in history. 

Gentlemen, I have such a faith in the ultimate triumph 
of the cause which I represent, and that very sympathy 
which I meet in America — I, an unpretending stranger, 
the son of a far distant land, the very name of which is a 
hard task to pronounce for an American tongue — that 
very fact is to me a motive more firmly to believe that 
Divine Providence has the intention to make use of my 
humble self as an instrumentality for a great aim. That 
conviction imparts a power to my soul by which I almost 
believe I can control the fragilities of my worn-out frame, 



540 APPENDIX. 

and command death itself to keep hands off from me so 
long as I have not done my task — and that task is to have 
liberated my country, and established, by its national in- 
dependence, the corner-stone of national freedom on the 
European continent, or at least to have laid the foundation 
for it. Don't laugh at me when I say, that often I experi- 
ence that wonderful power of the mind over the debilities 
of the body. My friends and family know, that there 
were several moments in my life, when I appeared nailed 
to my sick-bed, surrounded by friends, with the tear of 
compassion in their eyes, despairing of my recovery, and 
the tidings come of an important event, claiming all the 
freshness of my activity, and I arose with full strength, 
and shook off from me the fetters of sickness, and exclaim- 
ing, " I have no time to be sick," commanded my body to 
have strength, and it obeyed. [Applause.] So it will be, 
I know, and I will not die before my task be done. I will 
not die in a foreign land; and if I die on the battle field, 
it will not be sooner, but in the moment of my people's 
victory. [Applause.] 

But it is curious I never found this power of mind but 
for a task that was absolutely necessary — never for a task 
which is not, or no more, in the order of the day. Now, I 
have the profound conviction that the task of speaking is 
gone, and the task of action has come. Hence the curious 
accident, that I can absolutely not command my physical 
strength for the task of a speech, though I feel I have all 
necessary strength for business activity. My secretaries 
could tell you something about how I harrassed them on 
my sick-bed, when I lay exhausted last night and to-day. 

Be pleased, gentlemen, to value this for an excuse, that 
on the present occasion you will feel entirely disappointed 



APPENDIX. 541 

if you expect something like eloquence. For oratory I 
leave, in consequence of a severe sickness, not an idea in 
my burning brains. But I am among friends; you have 
generously avowed yourself to be such. [Applause. J I 
consider myself, therefore, to be in a familiar circle, and 
thus trusting to your kind indulgence, I say, confidently: 
Friends of my dearly beloved Hungary, let us talk busi- 
ness, familiarly, if you please. Talking — no speech-making, 
if you please. 

The restoration of Hungary to its national independence 
is my aim, to which I the more cheerfully devote my life, 
because I know that my nation, once master of its own 
destiny, can make no other choice in the regulation of its 
institutions and of its government, than that of a republic, 
founded upon democracy and the great principle of munici- 
pal self-government; without which, as opposite to central- 
ization, there is no practical freedom possible. My nation 
has experienced, and experiences still, a cruel oppression 
from monarchy, and there is no power on earth to induce 
it to whatever transaction with monarchy. ["Applause. J 

Public opinion, in connection with the principles of 
Christendom, being developed, as it is now-a-days, in 
Europe, (that the poorest men are consciou of the truth, 
that it is the people which constitute the aim of human 
society, and not one man or one family, or some families, 
there can be no doubt whatever) for the future, if a people 
will be in the condition to regulate its institutions and the 
form of its government; it will nowhere more be such a 
fool as to make another starting-point in its own regula- 
tions, than its own freedom, its own happiness; and cer- 
tainly no nation will abandon its reconquered sovereignty 
to be framed into a tool of oppression against itself. 



542 APPENDIX. 

This very consideration would, in itself, be sufficient to 
give you certainty, gentlemen, that, in seconding the prin- 
ciple of national independence, you are promoting the 
spreading principles of those institutions which make your 
glory and your happiness. [Applause.] 

But as to Hungary, there is not only the palpable supe- 
riority of this sound doctrine above all speculative fallacies 
of sophistry, degrading science itself to an instrumentality 
of blindness, and by blindness, of oppression — there is not, 
even, only the attractive view of your prodigious happi- 
ness, which insures the principle of your institutions in my 
native land; there is, besides all this, that all outweighing 
circumstance, that the people of Hungary has been too 
cruelly burnt and tortured by kings and aristocrats, as 
that they should not hate, with inexorable hatred, monar- 
chy and aristocracy, and feel not revolted at their very 
name. [Applause.] 

Other nations, enjoying a comparatively tolerable con- 
dition under their existing governments, though aware of 
their imperfections, may shrink from the idea of a change 
by making a revolution, of which they cannot anticipate 
the issue; but know that, in every case, it is attended with 
great sacrifices and great sufferings for that generation 
which undertakes the hazard of that change; and, indeed, 
it is no child's play to risk the blow of a nation. There 
may he, therefore, who, enjoying a constitutional govern- 
ment, though imperfect in its institutions, and enjoying 
freedom of the word, and freedom of the press, and free- 
dom of associations, trust to the vital powers of these ele- 
ments for their peaceful progress in freedom, justice and 
public welfare. 

But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor na- 
tive laud is in such a condition, that all the horrors of a 



APPENDIX. 543 

revolution, even withoiit the consideration of the happi- 
ness to be gained by it, already in themselves are highly 
preferable to what it has to endure now. The very life 
on a bloody battle field, where every whistling musket- 
ball may bring death — that very life affords them more 
security, more easiness, and is less alarming, than that life 
which the people of Hungary has to suffer now. We have 
seen many a sorrowful day in our own past. We have 
been, by our geographical position, destined to be the 
breakwater against the flood of every great misfortune 
which, in former centuries, washed on, in threatening im- 
mensity, over Europe from the nations of the orient. It is 
not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous, con- 
quering race, which my nation had to stay by wading to 
the very tips in its own noble, heroic blood. No ! the 
still more terrible invasion of Batukhous' raging millions, 
poured down over Europe from the Steppes of Tartary, 
who came, not to conquer, but to destroy — and, therefore, 
spared not nature, and not men, and not the child in its 
mother's womb. It was Hungary which had to suffer it, 
and stay its all-destroying flood from overflowing the rest 
of Europe; and when the plague stretched out its terrible 
fingers toward Europe, and the strong winds of Asia blew 
endless, boundless, clouds of locusts to the Occident — it 
was always Hungary which was to meet the doom in its 
first terrible outbreak, and tire it out and stifle its rage — 
inexpressible suffering — but all which Hungary has ever 
Buffered is a child's play, compared with which it lives to 
suffer now from the merciless, bloody tyrant of Austria — - 
himself, in his turn, nothing but the slave of ambitious 
Russia. Oh ! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved coun- 
try ! rich in nature's blessings; there is, perhaps, no land 



544 APPENDIX. 

SO rich on earth. "When the spring has strewn its bloom 
over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have looked; 
and when the summer ripens the ocean of nature's manifold 
fruits over its hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed 
for mankind by the Lord himself; and still it was here, in 
Columbus, that I read the news that a terrible dearth — 
that famine is spreading over the rich fertile land. How 
should it not ? where life-draining oppression weighs so 
heavy, even the physical life, that the land owner offers 
the use of all his lands to the government, only to be freed 
from the insupportable taxation laid upon it, because its 
revenue, with all possible industry, cannot be raised so 
high as to cover the tax to be paid from it; whence the 
vintager cuts down his vineyard, the gardener his orchard, 
and the farmer burns his tobacco-seed to be rid of the du- 
ties laid upon, and the vexations attending them. There, 
of course, must dearth prevail and famine raise its hideous 
head; and when we see that the bloody tyrant adds calumny 
to oppression, and offends the honor of my people before 
the world, by attributing the dearth to a want of industry, 
after having created it by oppression. When we consider 
that there exists no personal security of property, that not 
even the " not guilty" pronounced by the tyrant's own na- 
tional court, is sufficient to insure a single rodman's secu- 
rity against prison; nay, against the death by the hang- 
man's hand. Poor Louis Batthyanyi was in that case, but 
that did not rescue him from being shot; by a new trial, 
ordered to find him guilty at every price. Even now per- 
secution is going on ; thus hundreds are arrested secretly, 
and sent to prison, and their property confiscated, though 
they were already acquitted, by the very Hograns, from 
every imputation, from every charge. When we consider 



APPENDIX. 545 

that even to whisper that a man or woman was arrested 
in the night is considered a crime, punished by prison; or 
if the whisperer be a young man, by sending liim to 
tlie army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the cor- 
poral's stick; when we consider that no man knows what 
is forbidden, what not, because there exists no law but the 
arbitrary will of martial courts; no protecting institution; 
no public life; the word forbidden; the press fettered; the 
complaint a crime. When we consider all this, and are 
conscious that all this the nation has to endure from a 
tyrant whom it has beaten down to the very dust, though 
we were entirely unprepared to meet his disciplined ar- 
mies; and whom, now we know his weakness and our 
strength, we would blow away like vain chaff, the very 
moment he cannot rely on his protection, the Czar — [ap- 
plause,] from whom he derives all his momentary power, 
which he employs to oppress nations, and make them rage; 
indeed, it is impossible not to come to the conviction, that 
come what may come, that condition is not to be endured, 
and a new revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, 
but a matter of unavoidable necessity, because all that may 
come is, by far, not so terrible as that which is. 

But I am often asked, " What hope has Hungary, should 
she rise again ?" Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying that 
I cannot forbear to be surprised as often as I hear this 
question in America, — just so surprised as when I hear an 
American doubt that your nation's protest against the vio- 
lation of international law will be respected by Eussia. 
[Applause.] If I were an American, I never would per- 
mit whomsoever to doubt that the word of America must 
be respected, [applause,] when spoken for justice and right; 
and if I were an American, I could never doubt the suc- 
35 



546 APPENDIX. 

cess of such a nation as the Hungarian is, in shaking off 
such an unnatural oppression as the Austrian is. Why, 
the Emperor of Austria, fresh with his bloody victories 
over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg and Prague, attacked us in 
the fullness of his power, when my nation had no antici- 
pation of any attack, and was least in the world prepared 
to meet it. The invader had already advanced within five 
miles of our metropolis, and besides, we were attacked on 
several sides, and our fortresses were in the hands of trai- 
tors, and we had yet no army at ail; secluded from all the 
world, forsaken by all the world, without money, without 
arms, without ammunition, and without friends, — leaving 
nothing for us but the justice of our cause, and the people 
burning with patriotism — men who went to the battle 
field almost without knowing how to cock their guns, but 
still, you know they fought like demi-gods, [applause] and 
in this condition, within less than six months, we beat all 
the powers of Austria — we crushed it to the dust — and, in 
despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, men- 
dicating his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and 
paying him for his assistance, honor, independence, and all 
his future. In contemplating these facts who can doubt 
that we are a match for Austria. Then, we had no army 
— now we have one hundred and twenty thousand brave 
Magyars, who fought for freedom and father-land — enlisted 
in the ranks of Austria, forming its weakness and our 
strength. [Applause.] Then, hostile nations were op- 
posed to us; now they are friendly, and are with us. 
Then, no combinations existed between the oppressed na- 
tions; now the combination exists. Then, our oppressor 
took his time, and struck the blow, when he was best, and 
we were worst prepared; noM^, we will take our time, 



APPENDIX. 54Y 

and strike the blow, when it is best for us and worst for 
him. [Applause.] In a word, then every chance was 
against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest 
hearts faltered, and we only took up the gauntlet because 
our very soul revolted against the boundless treachery. 
Now, every chance is for us, and it is the nation which 
throws the gauntlet to the tyrant's face. Our very misfor- 
tune insures our success, because then we had yet some- 
thing to lose. Now, we have nothing to lose. We can 
only go on, because I defy every imaginable sophistry of 
despotism, to find out now any thing of public and private 
oppression which are not already inflicted upon us. 

Indeed, the condition in which my nation is suffering, is 
such, that excuse me for my frankness, what I expected to 
meet from Americans, was not to see scrupulously inquired 
what security of success we have, but rather the word, — 
" Well, boys of Hungary, you are in an execrably bad sit- 
uation ! Nothing worse can happen you; just try one blow 
more, you may perhaps succeed; try, try — here is our hand, 
and God be with you." 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is no easy matter for me 
to address the public in a foreign tongue, and when it is 
possible for me, I like to prepare something, so as not to 
disappoint entirely my audience. But I was so sick yes- 
terday, and indeed to-day, that so far only I went, and for 
the rest I am not prepared. I must therefore doubly en- 
treat your indulgence, because now there's a sick man who 
speaks in a foreign tongue to you, without any preparation 
at all. [Applause.] 

Let me see. I was upon the question of success. When 
I meet that question, upon what reposes the success of 
Hungary, it always occurs to my mind that the last ad- 
ministration of the United States sent a gentleman over to 



548 APPEN'mx. 

Europe, during the Hungarian struggle, not with orders 
to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look 
to what chances of success we had. Now, suppose that the 
United States, taking into consideration the right of every 
nation to dispose of itself, and true also, to that policy, 
which it has always followed, to take established facts as 
they are — not to investigate what chances there might or 
might not be for the future, but always recognizing every 
new government everywhere — suppose that that gentle- 
man had come with such an instruction to Hungary, what 
would have been the consequence ? The government of 
Hungary, which existed, and indeed existed very actively 
— for it has created armies — has beaten Austria, and 
driven her last soldier froin Hungarian territory, that gov- 
ernment recognized by the United States, of course, com- 
merce with the United States, in whatever respect, would 
have been lawful according to your existing international 
laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of Eussia, be- 
cause they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy 
your cannons, gunpowder, muskets — every thing. That 
w ould have been the case with Hungary. That legitimate 
commerce with the people of the United States, of course 
would have been protected by the navy of the United 
States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had enough, 
but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, 
and having beaten Austria already, we would have beaten 
Russia, and I, instead of having now the honor of address- 
ing you here, would, perhaps, have dictated a transaction 
of peace in Moscow. [Applause. J But the gentleman was 
sent to investiga.te the chances of success. During this in- 
vestigation Hungary perished. 

Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much 
hesitate about success. Believe me, there is no man fool 



APPENDIX. 549 

enough to hazard the blood of nations without having full 
motives of belief in his success. Hesitation may have the 
same consequences. While Eome deliberated, Saguntum 
fell — that might be the consequence. I fear that by too 
long investigating what chances we have, the chances of 
success will be compromised, which, by speedy help could 
have been insured. 



Well, I am answered, " there is no doubt about it. Hun- 
gary is a match for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it 
is true, but Russia — there is the rub. Precisely because 
there is the rub, I come to the United States, relying upon 
the fundamental principles of your great republic, to claim 
the protection and maintenance of the law of nations 
against the armed interference of Russia. That is precisely 
what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia 
can take place; because the word of America will be re- 
spected, not out of consideration of your dignity, (Europe's 
despots have never a consideration for the people, but only 
for their own interest,) but because the Czar and the cabi- 
net of Russia, sacrilegious as they are, are no fools, and 
will not risk their existence. Therefore, your word will 
be respected. 

Upon that principle, pronounced by the great republic 
of America, Russia would have to meet, not your conti- 
nental armies — of course, America cannot go to Europe 
with a hundred thousand men — but every nation, from 
Sweden down to Italy, Turkey, Circassia, Hungary, Po- 
land. All these nations will avail themselves of the op- 
portunity, when they see their cause is approved. They 
stand upon the basis of international law, pronounced and 
proclaimed for the future of all humanity, by your great 
republic, and backed by the resolute attitude of your people. 



550 APPENDIX. 

But 1 am entirely sure that such resolutions as I met here, 
in Columbus, from the legislature of Ohio, if soon passed 
in congress, would entirely relieve Hungary from any 
Russian intervention, [Applause.] 

But I am told, " Suppose the word of America shall not 
be respected — then America has to go to war ?" I have 
very often answered that question; but now I will give 
another answer to it. Well, if the people of America fear 
war, let them pronounce in such a way for the maintenance 
of the great principle of international law, and let them 
add such a sanction to it as will, in itself, insure to America 
that it will have no war. [Applause.] 

You have an act of congress, passed in 1818, by which 
the people of the United States are forbidden, by law, to 
take any hostile steps against a power with which the 
United States are in amity. Well, suppose that congress 
pronounce such a resolution — that in respect to any power 
which violates the laws of nations, we recall the neutrality 
law, and give full liberty to the people to follow its own 
will. [Applause.] Now, by declaring thus, congress has 
]orevented a war; because it has pointed out to the people 
in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to 
be supported, and the enterprising spirit of the people of 
the United States is too well known, its sympathy for the 
cause of Hungary is too highly pronounced, not to impart a 
conviction to the Czar of Russia that the United States 
want not to go to war, but still the law of nations will be 
enforced, peaceably if possible, [turning to Gov. Wood,] 
forcibly if necessary. [Applause.] 

But again and again, meeting the doubt of your protest, 
even with such a sanction, will not be respected, I again 
answer, in respect to the doubt of such success, let me en- 



APPENDIX. 551 

treat you to try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to 
go further than you will; try. Perhaps it will be respected. 
and if it be, humanity is rescued, and freedom on earth 
reigns where now despotism rules. It is worth the trial. 
My humble prayer, in that respect, is often answered by 
the traditional policy of the father of your country — the 
great Washington. I have already had the opportunity 
to explain what I have found in the documents of Amer- 
ica — that that was never a principle of Washington. If 
it was any thing, it was a recommendation of policy for 
twenty years. Here I that consideration particularly 
repeat. Why ? Because Ohio did not yet exist when 
Washington pronounced that policy; [laughter and great 
applause;] and I am sure W^ashington was too wise a man 
to frame laws for those who did not yet exist. [Great 
laughter.] This country is now in quite a different condi- 
tion. A world of power rises up; states which did not 
exist among the old thirteen, who achieved your republi- 
can existence, are now added. But, sir, certain newspa- 
pers charge me with impertinence in having come to this 
country, a stranger, with the arrogant intention to teach 
here the true sense of the Farewell Address of Washing- 
ton. Now, indeed, if ever a man came unpretendingly to 
America, I may say I came so. But I believe the people 
of America has not written its history for being shut up 
in a trunk, but for giving and imparting instruction by it 
to humanity. I have not written the documents; I have 
read them; and perhaps it is no arrogance to take that 
construction out of your history which I found there 
ready expressed. And so, taking that ground, I, to-day, 
say, that very soon — (and I believe this, not upon my own 
authority, but upon the authority of one of your very 



552 APPENDIX. 

distinguislied fellow-citizens, an American in a high posi- 
tion) — very soon you will have to read a historical work 
from a classical American author, where you will find the 
truth stated, that that principle of not entangling America 
in European alliances, even so as I have interpreted out 
of American documents, was not the will of Washington; 
it was forced upon him by peculiar circumstances — by 
peculiar considerations. It was a principle of General 
Hamilton. Washington resisted all suggestions for a very 
long time, and only when he saw that the French nation 
liar" executed those who sent help to America, in your war 
of independence; and banished that Lafayette who fought 
for your independence — only then did Washington, by 
that impulse congenial to such a man as he, declare that 
with a nation which had so acted toward the benefactors 
of his country, he would not mix in entangling alliances. 
That is an historical fact. You will see it proved, very 
soon, by an American historian. 

Now, in respect to the declarations of those principles, 
which are registered in the resolutions of the state of 
Ohio, and which were so manly and resolutely pronounced 
by his excellency, the governor of this state, to-night, I 
say that the associations of the friends of Hungary can do 
very much. Congress is about to discuss the matter. Of 
course, the senators and representatives of the people of 
the United States, lay their highest glory in the idea to 
follow the direction of the public opinion of the people 
whom they recognize, and take it for their glory to recog- 
nize, to be their sovereign. Now, if associations of friends 
of Hungary, should now spread rapidly through the land, 
while discussion is going on in congress, that, to be sure, 
would be a very, very important manifestation of the will 



APPENDIX. 553 

of the people; and then I have not the least doubt that 
congress would take into consideration the will of the 
people. Should that proposition there fail, it would only 
fail because the will of the people is not yet sufficiently 
known in that respect. Cheers cannot be registered; 
hospitality is no political principle; but associations of 
friends of Hungary — there is a principle in them; and if 
these associations would now spread throughout the United 
States, I believe, very soon — in some few days, in a fort- 
night, perhaps — the congress of the United States will 
have enacted a law which will liberate the world from 
despotism, insure the triumph of republican principles on 
earth, and conquer a glory to the United States, unpar- 
alleled in all history. [Applause.] 

But there is yet another consideration which I humbly 
beg leave to recall to your memory. Besides the principle 
that every nation has the sovereign right to dispose of its 
own domestic affairs, and that foreign intervention is a 
violation of the law of nations, in which every nation is 
equally interested ; besides that principle, which I dis- 
cussed in my first municipal address, which I had the honor 
to deliver in New York; there was yet another principle, 
highly important for the success of the next struggles for 
freedom in Europe; which principles, I am sorry to say, 
out of the circumstance that all the attention was concen- 
trated around the first great principle, was not so much 
taken into consideration, and was almost quite forgotten 
in public opinion. It was the principle of commercial 
intercourse; the right of that commercial intercourse. 
Now, in what condition is that commercial right? If 
Venice, taking a start from its classical remembrances, rises 



554 APPENDIX. 

to-day to shake off the yoke of Austria, and Austria sends 
its armies against it, by this very fact the commerce of the 
United States, and of whatever other nation, is excluded 
from Venice. Well, I say that is not right; there is no 
principle of Nature or of Nature's God in it. If Lord 
Palmerston will have war against Greece, why let them 
quarrel at their own expense, and not at the expense of 
those who carry on commerce with that nation. There- 
fore I say, that though the United States have not the 
right to open by force a market wherever in the world. 
yet, where a market is offered to them, and they are will- 
ing to send to that market what nature and their industry 
afford, there they have a right to send it. How could the 
fact of Hungary, being in a revolution, be a suificient 
reason to damage America in its own commercial right ? 
Therefore, my second principle, which I claim, and which 
I consider highly important for the future of Europe, for 
the next struggle, is, that the United States may declare 
that the people considers the right of commercial inter- 
course with every nation which is ready to accept that 
intercourse, as a right which no revolution and no oppres- 
sion can prevent. Therefore, they wdll carry on their 
commerce with Austria; and whoever w^ill sell arms to 
Austria is at liberty — it is a consequence of that princi- 
ple of national intercourse. But with the nation of Hun- 
gary the case is quite different. Austria, though it is not 
on a legitimate basis, has a right to carry on commerce 
with America; but poor Hungary has not the right. That 
is not a right principle; it is a violation of the laws of 
Nature and of Nature's God; and, therefore, I claim the 
principle of commercial intercourse in all time, for every 
nation that is ready to accept it. [Applause.] 



APPENDIX. 555 

And this consideration I beg leave particularly to 
recommend to the wonderful West. I have looked at the 
exportation registers of Cleveland, and from that single 
port more than three millions bushels of wheat have been 
shipped during the last year to Europe; and more than 
eighteen millions bushels from the West to Europe. Gen- 
tlemen, I am so poor that I can give no other pledge to 
you than my head, but this I offer very readily, if what I 
say does not prove true; — that if absolutism on the Euro- 
pean continent prevails, the very year after its accom- 
plished triumph, the West of America will send not a 
single bushel of wheat to the markets of Europe; not a 
single bushel; it will be excluded by a continental decree. 
Why ? Firstly, because it is natural that the tyrants and 
despots, and absolutistical powers, cannot sleep tranquilly 
so long as the republic of America has free intercourse 
with Europe; and, secondly, because your wheat is a 
mighty, powerful rival against the wheat and corn of 
Russia. Russia is a very fertile land; now, it can send 
very little to the markets of Europe, because it is not in a 
condition to be your competitor; but after Russia becomes 
master of Europe, it will exclude your wheat, and you will 
export to Europe not a single bushel. I pledge my head 
for it; that must be, will be, done. It is a necessity of 
Russia, out of political and out of commercial considera- 
tions. And therefore I again and again recommend to 
the wise consideration of the statesmen of the United 
States, of the friends of Hungary, that second principle 
of free commercial intercourse, not dependant upon a 
revolution, but only on finding a market, and having some- 
thing to sell. [Applause.] 

There was yet a third political point in my prayers. 
That was, the recognition of the legitimate character of 



556 APPENDIX. 

the Declaration of Independence of Hungary. This, my 
humble prayer, was taken up by my enemies, as if I 
claimed the recognition that I am, de facto, the governor 
of Hungary. Believe me, ladies and gentlemen, I care 
about all titles in the world, not so much as that, [snap- 
ping his fingers,] nor about any public office at all. 
[applause.] My countrymen can say that I took the high 
position of the chief of a nation of fifteen millions with 
sorrow and with painful feelings. I took it as a painful 
duty, and not as a happiness; and I told my nation, the 
very moment when I took oath before God to do every 
thing, as long as I lived, to sustain that independence of 
Hungary — and that oath I am fulfilling even now — I told 
them, that the very moment when my nation should be 
free, there was no power on earth that could hold me in 
office, high or low, for a single moment. That is the only 
thing in which I submit, not even to the will of my people. 
[Applause.] It is no aifectation, but I would like to till 
ray ground; and, therefore, it is not a question, am I gov- 
ernor or not governor ? that is nothing. The question is, 
was the Declaration of the Independence of Hungary, in 
the judgment of the people of the United States, a legiti- 
mate one, to which my nation had a right, or was it not ? 
I believe America cannot answer no, because your very 
existence rests upon a similar fact. And if that declara- 
tion is made, what will be the consequence of it ? what 
will be the practical result ? The practical result is, that 
whenever I, or whoever else, upon the basis of this decla- 
ration, recoguized to be legitimate by your republic, shall 
take a step upon Hungarian soil, and issue a proclamation 
declaring that a national government exists, that very 
moment the existence of the government will be recog- 



APPENDIX. 557 

nized; and the gentleman who -will be sent to Europe, will 
not be sent to investigate what chances we have of suc- 
cess, [laughter] but into what diplomatic relation we shall 
come. [Applause.] And what will be the consequence 
of it ? A legitimate commercial intercourse with Amer- 
ica. Then I can fit out men-of-war steamers, and every 
thing, and your laws will not prevent me. The govern- 
ment of Hungary will then be a friendly power; and, 
therefore, according to your laws, every thing might be 
done for the benefit of my country — and who knows what 
a benefit it might secure to yourselves ? 

These three points are made the political considerations 
which I humbly recommend to the associations of the 
friends of Hungary. It is not only out of respect to the 
material aid that I entreat, again and again, the formation 
of associations of friends of Hungary; it is also because 
the formation of associations, being registered, I, by this 
very form, can tell in those quarters where the constitu- 
tional authority and foreign policy is divided, that so 
many — a hundred thousand or a million of citizens of the 
United States — have declared themselves to be the friends 
of Hungary, after having known what my principles are, 
and what I humbly pray and claim. Therefore, this de- 
claration of the people, being thus registered, will be 
taken into consideration, and it will have great political 
weight. 

But, then, there is the consideration of material aid. 
Now, I declare, that I will respect the laws of every na- 
tion where I have the honor, even temporarily, to be. 
Therefore, I will employ that material aid which the 
friends of the cause of Hungary may afi'ord to my dispo- 
sition, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only 



558 APPENDIX. 

in such a way as is not forbidden by or contrary to your 
laws. Now, to make an armed expedition against a 
friendly power — that is forbidden. But if Hungary rises 
upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, 
then, what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into 
that position, is lawful. I have taken the advice of the 
highest authorities in that respect. I was not so bold as 
to become the interpreter of your laws, but I have asked — 
is that lawful, or is it not ? And I was answered by the 
highest authorities in law matters of the United States, 
that is lawful, and that is not lawful. So, I will proceed. 

Now, take Hungary. In what condition is it ? In the 
beginning of my talking, I mentioned the invasion of Tar- 
tarian hordes. Then was there such a condition in Hun- 
gary, that the wild beasts spread over the land, and caused 
the few remnants of the people to take refuge, some in 
castles and fortresses, and fortified places, and in the most 
remote and sterile ground, the wild beasts fed on human 
blood. Now, the wild beasts in Hungary spread again in 
a terrible manner; and why ? Because, to have a single 
pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a crime which is 
punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now 
the condition of Hungary. Therefore, you may now see 
that Hungary is disarmed. It has no arms; and you may 
see of what importance it is for that success, about which 
I hear, now and then, doubts, to have arms prepared, in a 
convenient, lawful manner, for Hungary, should Hungary 
rise — which it will, most certainly. 

I have often explained this, and still you may excuse 
me, because this very assembly proves that you are quite 
in a contrary direction. I am sorry to say that, till now, 
in that respect, I have not had great success. Why ? Be- 



APPENDIX, 559 

cause the people are not willing to contribute ? Oh, my 
God ! can it be possible ? I have seen working men who 
have contributed two weeks' wages, two per cent, of their 
yearly earnings, to the cause of Hungary. No; but there 
is some fatality about it, that I am always honored by 
invitations, and that to give material aid is postponed till 
I come. Then, when I come, there is, indeed, material 
aid; but I cannot accept every invitation. If I had yet 
for two years to stay in the United States, still I could 
not be everywhere; and, therefore, if the generosity to 
give material aid is attached to the condition that I should 
be personally present, of course I will fail, because I can 
only see a small portion of the United States. But here 
is the great importance of associations of friends of Hun- 
gary. That is the only means to give a practical direction 
to that sympathy which exists, and which is willing to 
sacrifice for the purpose of affording aid. 

But when, now and then, I become a little sad, in view 
of the want of success in my labors, then I am told in con- 
solation — " Give us time. The people want some time to 
act in a true direction; they will give you aid." I answer, 
let the friends of Hungary give substantial aid; in a word, 
give money to Hungary, and then I will give time, [laugh- 
ter,] otherwise I cannot. [Applause.] My people honor 
me with its confidence. It knows that I never have 
betrayed it ; never have fiattered it; never have promised 
any thing which the people was not able to fulfill; never 
have pointed out a condition or direction, which, when 
taken, would not have had the result which I predicted; 
and, therefore, my people honor me with its confidence, and 
will follow my advice without money; without anything. 
But the combined action of all the nations of Europe is 



560 APPENDIX. 

necessary to insure success. Now, to have my due influence 
in the aifairs of Hungary, in such a way as I consider 
necessary to insure success, of course, the other nations 
will bestow their confidence upon myself only when they see 
that I have something to contribute to that success. And 
when I can tell them, "this I have, and that I expect; 
here is the basis of my expectations; it is not even hope — 
it is certainty; this and this, I will carry; and, if you will 
follow my direction, you will find it is the only one which 
will lead you to success;" when I can say this, of course, 
they will listen to my advice and follow my direction. 
But when they say to me — " Now you have spoken three 
hundred speeches, and what is the result of it ?" and I 
show them the balance of my cash-book, they will not 
folloAV me, of course. Therefore, it is an earnest matter 
when I say — " Give material aid to Hungary, and I will 
give time to the people of America to bestow all its 
energy and develop all its activity. But, without material 
aid, I have no time.>^ Circumstances will grow over my 
head, and men may take the destinies of nations into their 
hands, who, perhaps, even as faithful as I-— as, for instance, 
Mazzini, with whom I am on very friendly terms, but who 
is, perhaps, not so skilled in the school of practical mis- 
fortune as I am, will spoil it all. Give me money for Hun- 
gary, and I will give time. 

Now, in respect to that money, the associations of 
friends of Hungary are founded on the basis of one dollar 
subscription. Why? To afford an opportunity to the 
generous people which takes the very bread from its lips 
to bestow to the cause of freedom, but who cannot give 
much, to become members. But there is a substantial class 
of citizens of the United States, whom I should be very 



sorry to consider that one dollar as a maximum which it 
Is not possible to exceed. I have the confidence to believe 
that there will be generous men willing to bestow more 
out of the abundance which God has allotted to them. 
Therefore, I have prepared shares of a Hungarian loan. 
If Hungary does not succeed, which cannot be, the storms 
of ten centuries have passed over the head of my nation, 
and it was in a more desperate condition than now, and 
still it stands unshaken in courage, firm in its courage, 
and it will have its future. But even should it not suc- 
ceed, you will only have given out of the richness which 
nature and industry have afforded you so much as you give 
almost every year to the cause of freedom on earth. I 
know very well that if I came begging for myself, a poor 
Belisarius, from door to door, perhaps no door would be 
shut, and my wants would be abundantly supplied. But 
I claim aid, not for myself. I claim it for the great cause 
of freedom on earth. [Applause.] And should I meet 
not so much consideration as the private misfortune of the 
man who goes begging at every door, that would be sor- 
rowful indeed. 

Every thing depends on energy. The organization of 
friends of Hungary is connected with the loan fund. 
There are fives and tens, and other higher sums, which 
will perhaps be prepared. I have met some generous men 
who have given a thousand dollars. One, from Cincin- 
nati sent this large sum, at New York, without inviting 
me to any meeting, and without expecting to hear me 
speak. Perhaps I may find other generous men who will 
take five, ten, fifty, or a hundred dollars each. But these 
two influences together, organizations of friends of Hun- 
gary and loan matters, can carry my cause, which is the 
36 



562 APPENDIX. 

cause of freedom in Europe, in three weeks, to a very- 
practical result. Because, by that organization, in three 
weeks, every homestead in Ohio can be reached. Perhaps, 
even that time would not be necessary. The State Asso- 
ciation in Columbus has, I am informed, appointed a gen- 
tleman from every county. If each of these gentlemen 
forms a county association, and that county association 
appoints gentlemen for every city, town, and village in 
that county, then, in less than three weeks, every home- 
stead is reached. And how many homesteads are there in 
Ohio ? Calculating five persons in a family, for two mil- 
lions of inhabitants, there are four hundred thousand 
homesteads. At an average of one dollar for each home- 
stead, I will receive enough to buy two hundred thousand 
muskets. [Applause.] It only wants energy to accom- 
plish what I wish. Till now, matters went on so that 
only where my presence was had there was any thing 
done. I can go on no longer. I must have rest — not 
what is generally understood by rest, but rest of working 
and not speaking. It is my intention to remain some ten 
or twelve days at Cincinnati. Now, I can remain in the 
United States, may be, five, six or seven weeks longer. 
Of course, I cannot reach all of the United States. But by 
this arrangement every homestead can be reached in three 
weeks. If you go on in that direction, you will bestow 
an immense benefit to the cause of freedom, and the res- 
urrection of my poor country. Oh, let me entreat you to 
take the lead. The efficacy of your example will do more 
in a week, for other states, than all my speeches could do 
in a year. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I can speak no more. You will 
kindly excuse me; I am entirely exhausted, so much so. 



APPENDIX. 563 

that every word I speat is like a dagger into my wounded 
breast. I humbly recommend — not to your sympathy, 
that you have — but to your energy, the cause which I 
plead; and I take leave of you by humbly entreating you 
— think not less favorably of me because you have seen 
to-day a sick man, and have heard a very bad speech. 
[Applause.] 



SPEECH OP KOSSUTH TO THE PEOPLE OF CINCINNATI. 

Sir — Before I answer you, let me look over this spirited 
ocean of men, that I may deeply impress upon my mind the 
recollection of how those look who, almost within a wink 
of the eye, transformed the wilderness of a primitive forest 
into an immense city, of which there exists a prediction 
that " by the year of our Lord 2000, it will be the great- 
est city in the world." The West ! the West ? the region 
of the father of rivers ! there thou canst see the cradle of 
a new-born humanity. So I was told by the learned ex- 
pounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they 
know the world, because they have seen it on the map, and 
glanced at it through spectacles, the concavity of which 
reduces the gigantic limbs of an elephant to the modest 
proportions of those of a flea. The West, a cradle ! Why, 
a cradle is the sleeping place of a child, wrapped in swad- 
dling-clothes, and crying for its mother's milk. People 
of Cincinnati, are you that child, which, awaking in an un- 
watched moment, liberated his little tender hands from 
under the swaddling band, and, stretching them out in un- 
wonted comfort, swept away, by his left arm, the primitive 



564 ^ppEirois. 

forest, planted by tke L^rdon ^creation's dawn, and raised 
by its right band this mighty metropolis ? Why, if that 
be your childhood's pastime-work, I am awed by the pre- 
sentiment of your manhood's task, because it is written 
that it is forbidden to men to approach to Omnipotence, 
and that the people haTC, before which I bow with deep 
respect, which created this rich city, and- changed the 
native woods of the red man into a flourishing seat of 
Christian civilization and civilized Christianity, and into 
a busy work-shop of science and art, of industry and widely 
spread commerce, and performed this change, not like the 
drop which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs 
a gulf where a mountain stood, but performed it suddenly, 
within the turn of the hand, like a magician — that people 
achieved a prouder work than the giants of old, who dared 
to heap Mount Ossa upon Pelion. But, excuse me, the 
comparison is bad. Those giants of old heaped mountain 
upon mountain with the impious design to storm the heav- 
ens. You transformed the wilderness of the West into the 
dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent 
Christian community, that it might flourish a living monu- 
ment of the wonderful bounty of Divine Providence — a 
temple of freedom which glorifies God, and bids oppressed 
humanity to hope. And yet, when I look upon you, citi- 
zens of Cincinnati, I see no race of giants, astonishing by 
uncommon frame. I see men such as I am wont to see 
since I have lived, and I have lived almost long enough to 
have seen Cincinnati a small hamlet, composed of some 
modest log-houses, separated by dense woods, where savage 
beasts and savage Indians lurked about the lonely settlers, 
who, as the legend of Jacob Wetzel and his faithful dog 
tells, had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode. 



APPENDIX; 5QS 

What is the key of this rapid, wonderful change ? Who is 
the hero of your history ? who founded your glorious city ' 
as the glorious cities of old were founded by heroes whom 
posterity called demi-gods, and whose names survived their 
work by thousands of years? Who is the hero who stood 
godfather at the birth of the Queen of the West ? I looked 
to history and found not his name ; but instead of one 
mortal man's renowned name, I find, in the records of your 
city's history, an immortal being's name — and that is '" the 
PEOPLE;" and that name sparkles with the lustre of a life- 
imparting flame, and that flame is liberty — freedom, regu- 
lated by wise institutions, based upon the great principle 
of national independence and self-government. This is 
the -magical rod by which the great enchanter, the people, 
has achieved this wonderful work. Sir, there is a mighty 
change going on in the development of humanity. For- 
merly; things were done by great men whose names stand 
in history like milestones, marking the march of mankind 
on the highway of progress. It was mankind which 
marched, and still it passed unnoticed and unknown. It 
was not mankind that history recorded, but the milestones, 
and called them great men. The lofty frame of individual 
greatness over, hadowed the people, ready to follow, but 
not prepared to go without being led. Humanity and its pro- 
gress were absorbed by individualities, because the people, 
which stood low in the valley, got giddy by looking up to 
the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. It was the 
age of childhood for nations; and children have not the 
consciousness of their own strength. He who has not tried 
to walk by himself clings to the leading strings as to a ne- 
cessity, and takes it for a benefit to be led. But the lead- 
ers of nations changed soon into kings. Ambition claim- 



566 APPENDIX. 

ed as a right, what merit had gained as a free offering. 
Arrogance succeeded to greatness, and out of the childish 
attachment for received benefit, the duty of blind obedi- 
ence was framed by the iron hand of violence, and by the 
craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading every thing held for 
holy by men — religion itself — to a tool of oppression on 
earth. It was the era of uncontroverted despotism, which, 
with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed the title of divine 
right, and mankind advanced slowly in progress, because 
it was not conscious of its own aim. Oppression was taken 
for a gloomy doom of destiny. The scene has changed. 
Nations have become conscious of their right and destiny; 
and they will tolerate no masters, nor will they suffer op- 
pression more. The spirit of freedom moves through the 
air; and remember that you are morally responsible for it, 
because it is your glorious struggle for independence which . 
was the first upheaving of mankind's heart, roused to self 
conscious life. And still, the gloriously achieved national 
independence of America, together with all the blessings 
of nature's virginal vitality, would never have succeeded 
to achieve this wonderful development which we see, if you 
had employed your conquered national independence but 
to take a new master for the old one. And mark well, 
gentlemen, a nation may have a master, even if it has no 
king. A nation may be called a republic, and yet not be 
free. Wherever centralization exists, there the nation has 
either sold or lent — either alienated or delegated its sov- 
ereignty; and wherever this is done the nation has a mas- 
ter — and he who has a master, is, of course, not his own 
master. Power may be centralized in many; the centraliza- 
tion, bye-and-bye, will be concentrated in two, as in ancient 
Venice — or in one, as in France, at the time of the " Uncle," 



appendix; 567 

some forty years ago; now again, when the "Nephew" 
has his bloody turn for a day. Yes, gentlemen, if that 
generation of devoted patriots, who achieved the inde- 
pendence of the United States, had but changed the old 
master for a new one, with the name of an emperor, of a 
king, or of an omnipotent president, your country were 
now just something like Brazil, or Mexico, or the republics 
of South America — all of them independent, as you know, 
and all, except Brazil, even republics, and all rich with 
nature's blessings, and offering a new home to those who 
fly from the oppression of the Old World, and yet all of 
them old before they were young, and decrepit before they 
were strong. Had the founders of your country's inde- 
pendence followed this direction, which led the rest of Amer- 
ica astray, Cincinnati would have been a hamlet yet, as it 
was in Jacob Wetzel's time; and Ohio, instead of being a 
first-rate star in the constellation of your republic, would 
have been an appendage of neighboring eastern states, a not 
yet explored desert, marked in the maps of America, only 
by lines of northern latitude and western longitude. The 
people, a real sovereign; your institutions, securing real 
freedom, because founded upon the principle of self-govern- 
ment, and union to secure national independence, and the 
position of a power on earth — and all together having no 
master but God ; omnipotence not vested in any man, in any 
assembly ; and an open field to every honest exertion, because 
civil, political, and religious liberty is the common benefit 
to all, not limited, but by itself — that is, by the unseen, 
but not unfelt, influence of self-given law; that is the key 
of that living wonder which spreads before my eyes. Gen- 
tlemen, let me recall to your memory a curious fact. It is 
just one hundred years ago that the first trading house, 



568 APPENDIX. 

upon the Great Miami, was built by a daring English ad- 
venturer in the desert, since called Laring's store, then the 
territories of the Troightivees Indians. The trade house 
was destroyed by Frenchmen, who possessed then a wliole 
world on the continent of America. Well, twenty-four 
years later, France aided your America in its struggle for 
independence; and oh! feel not offended in your proud 
power of to-day, when I say that independence would not 
then have been achieved without the aid of France. Since 
that time France has been twice a republic, and has 
changed its constitution thirteen times; and though thirty- 
six millions strong, it has lost every foot of land on the 
continent of America, and at home it lies prostrate beneath 
the feet of the most inglorious usurper who ever dared to 
raise an ambitious, bloody seat upon the ruins of liberty. 
And your republic ! it has grown — it has grown a giant 
power — and Ohio, out of the ruins of a trading house, 
into a mighty commonwealth, of two millions of free and 
happy men, who shout out, with a voice like the thunder- 
storm, to the despots of the Old World — " Ye shall stop 
in your ambitious way, before the power of freedom, ready 
to protect the common laws of all humanity." What a 
glorious triumph of your institutions over the principle of 
centralized government ! Oh ! may all the generations 
yet unborn, and all the millions who will yet gather in this 
new world^of the West, which will soon weigh with de- 
cisive weight in the scale of the Union, where all the West 
weighed nothing fifty years ago — may they all, ever and 
ever, remember the high instruction which the Almighty 
has revealed in this parallel of difi'erent results. Sir, you 
say that Ohio can show no battle fields connected with re- 
collections of your own glorious revolution. Let me an- 



APPENDIX. 569 

swer, that the whole West is a monument, and Cincinnati 
the fair cornice of it. If your eastern sister states have 
instructed the world how nations become independent and 
free, the West shows to the world what can become a na- 
tion once independent, and really free. Allow me to state, 
that by standing such an instructive example before the 
world, you exercise the most effective revolutionary prop- 
aganda; because, if the raisresult of French revolutions dis- 
couraged the nations from shaking off the oppressor's yoke, 
your victory, and still more, your unparalleled prosperity, 
has encouraged oppressed nations to dare what you dared. 
Egotists and hypocrites may say that you are not responsi- 
ble for it, and it may be true; you are not responsible be- 
fore a tribunal, but you are sufficiently free not to feel 
offended by a true word; therefore, I say — you are respon- 
sible before your own conscience, because your example, 
having started a new doctrine, the teacher of a new doc- 
trine is morally obliged not to forsake his doctrine when 
assailed in his disciples. Our Savior has not said to his 
disciples, do as I have taught ye, and look to how ye suc- 
ceed, but he said unto them — " Do as I have taught ye, and 
I will be with ye." Well, some may tell me the nations, 
that in Europe, groan under an oppression by far heavier 
than that which caused America to rise — some may tell me 
that we have but to do what America did. Please to con- 
sider — is Hungary not precisely doing what America did ? 
We have risen, and will rise. Italy, Germany, France and 
Poland have risen, and will rise, to effect their national in- 
dependence and liberty. We have fought, and will fight, 
just as America has fought; but, if for doing what your 
nation did, we meet your approbation, you cannot withhold 
your approbation from us when we do entirely what your 



570 APPENDIX. 

nation did. And what is it your nation did ? It sent to 
Europe and asked diplomatic support and material aid. 
Why, is it not just the same that I do here ? Am I not 
■wandering from city to city, from town to town, pleading 
the cause of oppressed nations, and claiming that support 
and that aid which, in the hour of its need, your nation 
claimed. And oh, let me ask, are the oppressed nations of 
Europe not entitled to the expectation that the sovereign 
people of a powerful republic will do so much for freedom 
in Europe as a king did from Europe for the freedom of 
America ? Are you less powerful than that king was who 
sent you money and arms, and men to fight your battles, 
and a mighty fleet to keep your enemy from sending new 
armies against you ? No, you are by far more powerful 
than that king was. Is Europe more distant from America 
to you than America was from Europe to that king ? No, 
it is nearer; the steam engine, that powerful democrat, 
has compressed the distance of three months into the dis- 
tance of ten days. Twenty years ago you required four- 
teen days to go to Cleveland; now the democrat sweeps 
you over in one day. 

Would the United States by aiding the cause of freedom 
in Europe, expose themselves to a greater, or even such 
danger as the King of France exposed his country to by 
aiding the United States in their struggle for indepen- 
dence? No, absolutely no. By aiding America that king 
exposed the coasts of his country to the danger of daily 
invasion from neighboring England; but if you aid my na- 
tion, and by her all those who now sufi"er oppression from 
Russian preponderance, every thing in the world is more 
possible ; it is more possible to see the Ohio flowing up to 
Pittsburgh, than to see your country exposed to an invasion 



APPENDIX. 571 

of the Russian. That apprehension would be ridiculous. 
Then tell me, from that honest heart which is the people's 
privilege to have, is our cause in Europe not entitled to 
expect that the republic of the United States will, without 
any danger for themselves, do so much for European free- 
dom as a king of France, with much of danger to himself, 
for the freedom of the United States ? Yes, but I am an- 
swered, " the King of France aided you out of interest, be- 
cause he desired to weaken England, but you have no in- 
terest to aid Hungary." How so ? No interest ? I be- 
lieve republican hearts are generous enough to sympathize 
with the cause of freedom, even without interest, for lib- 
erty's sake. But I avail myself of your kind indulgence, 
boldly to state, that you have more vital interest in the 
cause of freedom in Europe than the King of France had 
in your country's cause. He had the interest of hatred 
against England — you have the interest of your present 
prosperity and your future security. Yes, sir, the United 
States are comprised within the boundaries of the same 
civilization with Europe — same civilization will I say — 
same future — same destiny. The struggle which we have 
to fight is the decisive struggle of two opposite principles 
— absolutism or national sovereignty. The victorious 
principle will rule within the boundaries of Christian civ- 
ilization on both sides of the Atlantic, and if, not being 
aided by you, we are crushed, absolutism will prevail over 
Europe, and with all the power of Europe, it will brina: 
the danger home to you. " How so ?" I see the question 
in your eyes. I will tell you. Firstly, you _wilL be ex- 
cluded from the markets of Europe. Instead of the mil- 
lions of bushels which now go yearly to Europe from the 
valley of the Ohio and Mississippi, gentlemen of the farm 



and of the trade, be pleased to mark, not a single bushel 
will go from the west to Europe. Russia requires the 
market for its own flour and wheat, and lard and bacon, 
which your competition has already beaten in the Euro- 
pean market, and threatens to beat every year more; and, 
besides, absolutistical Russia cannot like to meet in Eu- 
rope the principle of American republicanism. And Rus- 
sia will be master of Europe, free to dispose of it as it 
wills; and when, by want of markets, your prosperity will 
be checked, your development stopped, embarrassment felt 
in commerce, and uneasiness in the farms, then the^secret_ 
diplomacy of Russia-European absolutism will step- in. 
with money and intrigues, and foster your domestic dis- 
sensions, flatter and support those who would like to shake 
the glorious building of your Union, which may God for- 
ever preserve, and while it thus weakens you by discord, 
you will see established, by absolutistical influences, a 
monarchy here, a monarchy there, on the continent of 
America, in Mexico, in Central, in Southern America; and a 
battery directed from Cuba to the Mississippi's mouth; and 
out of the Sandwich Islands a barrier made against you 
on the Pacific. And all this, thus prepared in a moment 
of domestic discord, fostered skillfully to the excitement 
of passion, just steps in a little foreign war, and then you 
are in danger of your own future, your own existence, and 
the Ohio may yet see Cossacks. " Well, we will fight 
then," you say, with the proud consciousness of your 
strength. Of course you will, you must; but remember 
you will have to fight, eurrounded by enemies, weakened 
by discord, standing forsaken, single-handed, alone, against 
the whole world. Which is best? to have your house 
burning, or to have the power to quench the flame con- 



APPENDIX. 573 

suming it ? Believe me, against that fire you will find no 
insurance bank in the world. I may, therefore, be permit- 
ted to ask, have we no reason to expect that aid from your 
country which your country once received from Europe ? 
And y€t we do not expect, we do not ask so much; we are 
men enough to fight our own battles by ourselves. All 
we ask is, proclaim the law of nations, and be ready to 
protect it against the pirates with crowns; urge that the 
neutrality law of 1818 be recalled in respect to that power 
which violates the law of nations. Give some material 
aid, by forming associations of friends of Hungary, and by 
taking the bonds of the Hungarian loan; render my dear 
father-land under obligations of everlasting gratitude, by 
proving that the creating spirit of the people of the West, 
which converted a wilderness into a powerful common- 
wealth within the turn of a hand, is practical and energetic 
alike, when it enlists its sympathy to support the great 
principle of freedom against despotism. It will be the duty 
of our gratitude to check Russian ambition by our manly 
breast, that it may not overflow the world, endangering 
your own future, upon which humanity looks as to a guiding 
star on mankind's sky. Sir, you were pleased to assure 
me of the generous sympathy of Cincinnati. I saw it, sir, 
on the day of my arrival, powerful, like the voice of the 
Lord in a thunder storm. My sick heart felt refreshed by 
it, like nature on a sultry summer day by lightning and 
rain, I thank you most fervently for it. Let me hope that 
the refreshed nature of your generous hearts will prove 
rich in harvest for freedom's sake, and you will raise the 
metropolis of the West to the proud station of the metrop- 
olis of freedom on earth- 



574 appendix. 

Kossuth's interview with henry clay. 
M. Kossuth was introduced by Mr. Cass. 

On being presented to Mr. Clay, who rose to receive 
Mm, " Sir," said lie, " I thank you for the honor of this in- 
terview." 

" I beg you to believe," said Mr. Clay, interrupting 
him, " that it is I who am honored. Will you be pleased 
to be seated ?" 

After the mutual interchange of civilities, " I owe you, 
sir," said Mr. Clay, " an apology for not having acceded 
before to the desire you were kind enough to intimate, 
more than once, to see me. But, really, my health has 
been so feeble that I did not dare to hazard the excite- 
ment of so interesting an interview. Besides, sir," he 
added, with some pleasantry, " your wonderful and fasci- 
nating eloquence has mesmerized so large a portion of our 
people, wherever you have gone, and even some of our 
members of congress," waving his hand toward the two or 
three gentlemen who were present, " that I feared to come 
under its influence, lest you might shake my faith in some 
principles in regard to the foreign policy of this govern- 
ment, which I have long and constantly cherished. And 
in regard to this matter, you will allow me, I hope, to 
speak with that sincerity and candor which becomes the 
interest the subject has for you and myself, and which is 
due to us both, as the votaries of freedom. I trust you 
will believe me, too, when I tell you that I entertain ever 
the liveliest sympathies in every struggle for liberty, in 
Hungary, and in every country. And in this, I believe, I 
express the universal sentiment of my countrymen. But, 



APPENDIX. 575 

sir, for the sake of my country, you must allow me to pro- 
test against the policy you propose to her. Waiving the 
grave and momentous question of the right of one nation 
to assume the executive power among nations, for the en- 
forcement of international law, or of the right of the 
United States to dictate to Russia the character of her re- 
lations with the nations around her, let us come at once to 
the practical consideration of the matter. You tell us, 
yourself, with great truth and propriety, that mere sympa- 
thy, or the expression of sympathy, cannot advance your 
purposes. You require material aid. And, indeed, it is 
manifest that the mere declarations of the sympathy of 
congress or of the president, or of the public, would be of 
little avail, unless we were prepared to enforce these de- 
clarations by a resort to arms, and unless other nations 
could see that preparation and determination upon our part. 
Well, sir, suppose that war should be the issue of the 
course you propose to us, could we then effect any thing 
for you, ourselves, or the cause of liberty ? To transport 
men and arms across the ocean in sufficient numbers and 
quantities, to be effective against Russia and Austria, 
would be impossible. It is a fact which perhaps may not 
be generally known, that the most imperative reason with 
Great Britain for the close of her last war with us, was 
the immense cost of, and the transportation and main- 
tenance of forces, and munitions of war, on such a distant 
theatre, and yet she had not perhaps more than thirty 
thousand men upon this continent at any time. Upon 
land Russia is invulnerable to us, as we are to her. Upon 
the ocean, a war between Russia and this country would 
result in the mutual annoyance to commerce ; but probably 
in little else. I learn recently, that her war marine is su- 



576 APPENDIX. 

perior to that of any nation in Europe, except perhaps 
Great Britain. Her ports are few, her commerce limited; 
while we, on our part, would offer, as a prey to her cruis- 
ers, a rich and extensive commerce. Thus, sir, after effect- 
ing nothing in such a war, after abandoning our ancient 
policy of amity and non-intervention in the affairs of other 
nations, and thus justifying them in abandoning the terms 
of forbearance and non-interference, which they have hith- 
erto preserved toward us ; after the downfall, perhaps, of 
the friends of liberal institutions in Europe; her despots, 
imitating, and provoked by our fatal example, may turn 
upon us in the liour of our weakness and exhaustion, and 
with an almost equally irresistable force of reason, and of 
arms, they may say to us, " You have set us the example; 
you have quit your own to stand on foreign ground; you 
have abandoned the policy you professed in the day of your 
weakness, to interfere in the affairs of the people upon this 
continent, in behalf of those principles, the supremacy of 
which you say is necessary to your prosperity, to your ex- 
istence. We, in our turn, believing that your anarchical 
doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical princi- 
ples are essential to, the peace, security, and happiness of 
our subjects, will obliterate the bed which lias nourished 
such noxious Aveeds; we will crush you, as the propagand- 
ists of doctrines so destructive of the peace and good order 
of the world." The indomitable spirit of our people 
m'ght, and would be equal to the emergency, and we 
might remain unsubdued, even by so tremendous a com- 
bination, but the consequences to us would be terrible 
enough. You must allow me, sir, to speak thus freely, as 
I feel deeply, though my opinion may be of but little im- 
port, as the expression of a dying man. 



APPENDIX. 577 

Sir, the recent melancholy subversion of the republican 
government of France, and that enlightened nation volun- 
tarily placing its neck under the yoke of despotism, teach 
Us to despair of any present success for liberal institutions 
in Europe; it gives us an impressive warning not to rely 
upon others for the vindication of our principles, but to 
look to ourselves, and to cherish, with more care than ever, 
the security of our institutions, and the preservation of our 
policy and principles. By the policy to which we have ad- 
hered since the days of Washington, we have, prospered 
beyond precedent; we have done more for the cause of 
liberty in the world than arms could effect; we have shown 
to other nations the way to greatness and happiness. And 
if we but continue united as one people, and persevere in 
the policy which our experience has so clearly and trium- 
phantly vindicated, we may, in another quarter of a cen- 
tury, furnish an example which the reason of the world 
cannot resist. But if we should involve ourselves in the 
tangled web of European politics, in a war which we could 
effect nothing; and if in that .struggle Hungary should go 
down, and we should go down with her, where then would 
be the last hope of the friends of freedom throughout the 
world ? Far better is it for ourselves, for Hungary, and 
for the cause of liberty, that, adhering to our wise pacific 
system, and avoiding the distant wars of Europe, we should 
keep our lamp burning brightly on this western shore, as a 
light to all nations, than to hazard its utter extinction, 
amid the ruins of fallen or falling republics in Europe. 

Throughout Mr. Clay's remarks, M. Kossuth listened 

with the utmost interest and attention ; and, indeed, 

throughout the whole interview, he illustrated the rare 

combination of the profoundest respect without the small- 
37 



578 APPENDIX. 

est sacrifice of his personal dignity, exhibiting in all his 
bearing, the most finished and attractive stamp which 
can be given to the true metal of genius. He did not en- 
ter, in his turn, upon a controversy of Mr. Clay's views, 
but began by stating what he thought the reasons of the 
repeated failures to establish liberal institutions in France. 
Education and political information, he said, did not de- 
scend very deep into the masses of the French people; as 
an illustration of which fact he stated that hundreds of 
thousands, when voting for the first time to elevate Louis 
Napoleon to the presidency, thought the old emperor was 
still alive and imprisoned, and that the vote then gave 
would eifect his deliverance. He gradually diverted his 
remarks to the affairs of Hungary, Austria, Eussia, and 
Turkey ; speaking of the exaggerated estimate of the 
strength of Russia; of the strength and weakness of Turkey 
— her strength, which consisted in her immense land force, 
and especially in her militia, or lajidwehr, as he termed it; her 
weakness, which was the liability of the assault of Con- 
stantinople by sea. And here, apparently, in allusion to 
Mr. Clay's conviction of our being unable to effect any 
thing in a European war, he spoke of the material aid 
which might be rendered Turkey in a war with Russia by 
a naval force for the protection of her capital. After a 
series of entertaining and instructive remarks about the 
condition and prospects of Europe, generally, he rose to 
depart. 

Mr. Clay rose and bade him farewell forever, with the 
utmost cordiality and the kindliest sympathy beaming in 
his face and suffusing his eye ; and grasping Kossuth's 
hand, he said, " God bless you and your family I God bless 
your country — may she yet be free I" 



APPENDIX. 579 

Kossuth, apparently overwhelmed by the warm and ear- 
nest sympathy thus exhibited for himself, his suffering 
family and country, profoundly bowing, pressed Mr. Clay's 
hand to his heart, and replied, in tones of deep emotion, 
" I thank you, honored sir ! I shall pray for every day 
that your health may be restored, and that God may pro- 
long your life!" Mr. Clay's eyes filled with tears, he 
again pressed the hand which clasped his own, probably 
for the last time, but he could say no more. 

Thus closed one of the most interesting scenes it has 
ever been the fortune of man to witness. 



KOSSUTH IN KENTUCKY, 



KOSSUTH'S SPEECH AT LOUISVILLE. 

After thanking the people of Louisville for the cordial 
welcome they had given him Governor Kossuth expressed 
his confidence that, whatever might be the immediate re- 
sults of the discussions of foreign politics now going on 
in this country, when the moment for action should arrive, 
and the people of Europe should renew their efforts for 
deliverance from oppression, they would meet with the 
most cordial sympathy and support from this great re- 
public. It was becoming more and more impossible, that 
great nations should stand alone and indifferent to the 
progress of the world. Referring to the recent changes 



580 APPENDIX. 

in Prance, and to the still more recent overthrow of the 
ministry in England, he said that there was no fact better 
settled, than that the abolition of the English Corn Laws 
was highly favorable to the interests of the United States, 
and especially of the West. A protectionist ministry had 
now come into power, and he thought it important, there- 
fore, to speak somewhat in detail of the political pros- 
pects of England. 

As matters now stand. Great Britain can avoid a war 
with the continental powers of Europe, only by joining 
their alliance, or at least by giving them security that 
England will not only not support — be it diplomatically, 
be it materially — the liberal movement on the continent, 
or revolution, if you please, but that it will submit to the 
policy of the absolutistical powers, and let them accom- 
plish the intention which the Czar of Russia openly 
avowed, to blot out every constitutional government on 
the continent; to crush down the still stirring spirit of 
liberty, and to make revolution impossible for all the 
future. If Great Britain does not tranquillize the des- 
potic powers in that regard, it will be considered by them 
as an impediment to their sacrilegious design; as a support 
to the revolutionists, to whom it gave an asylum till now; 
and they will attack it, to make this support impossible. 

Will England yield, or will she not yield ? This, in my 
opinion, will greatly depend upon what course the United 
States of America adopt in their policy toward Europe. 
To yield, would be almost a suicide, it is true; because 
England cannot be mistaken about the matter, that after 
liberty and constitutional government become crushed 
everywhere on the continent; and absolutism, under a 
Russian protectorate, consolidated — the next necessary 



APPENDIX. - 581 

step will be to fall, with all that increased weight, — not 
only because it is the last stronghold of the constitutional 
power in Europe; this eternal nightmare of all kings and 
Czars, absolute, or willing to become absolute; but, also, 
because Great Britain is the chief, the matured, and the 
only rival of Russia; the power which checks her in her 
ambitious wishes in regard to Turkey, the power which 
prevents her dominion over Asia; the only power, besides 
the impelling resolution, now in Europe, which is a barrier 
to her all-swaying preponderance. If, therefore, we could 
be sure that, in the cabinet of St. James, principles and 
wisdom will always prevail, we could feel tranquillized, as 
she cannot, and will not yield; but as, unfortunately, that 
is not always the case, else Hungary would now be free; 
Turkey sure; in Germany and Italy at least constitutional 
governments, and France a republic. Therefore, it is not 
impossible that England will yield. Do not forget, gen- 
tlemen, that an English ministry, be it Tory or Whig, is 
always more or less aristocratic, and it is in the nature of 
aristocracy, that it may well love its country, but, indeed, 
aristocracy more. There are, therefore, always some in- 
clinations to be on good terms with whomever is an ene- 
my to what aristocracy considers its own enemy to be — 
and that is Democracy. This consideration, together 
with the above-mentioned carelessness of the people about 
foreign policy, gives a key into your hands to many events 
which else it would be impossible to understand. Besides, 
should England not yield, then it will have, of course, a 
liberal ministry; and a liberal ministry is now equivalent 
in England to free trade; but also, by not yielding, is 
equivalent to war. No war is only possible with such a 
ministry which, by its political principles, is friendly to 



582 APPENDIX. 

absolutistical powers; and sucli a ministry is, again, an- 
tagonistical to free trade, and known as belonging to the 
protectionist party. It is, therefore, easily to conceive 
that the natural fear of a war, the influence of the money- 
market men; men who don't care a bit for any thing but 
their pennies, shillings and pounds; the toadies of Russian 
diplomacy, open and secret acting by thousands, councils 
unfortunately traveling to one point; the particular inter- 
ests, also, of the protectionist party, all will unite to 
support the possibility of a yielding ministry. 

What will be the consequence for the United States ? 
Besides the all-outweighing consideration, that the last 
barrier of the absolutistical principle would fail, and the 
United States, hated because republican, remain, single- 
handed and alone, to represent the principle opposite to 
absolutism, — the immediate material result, yet would be 
the exclusion of the American wheat and corn from Eng- 
land, by the reinstallment of protection. And should the 
agitation, caused by this, in the free-trade party, perhaps, 
force the government of England to make the same con- 
cessions in that respect, be sure of it that Russian diplo- 
macy will know how to turn this necessity into its own 
particular profit, by an exceptional treaty, opening the 
monopoly of the English market to the wheat and corn of 
Russia, and giving, at the same time, a hard blow to the 
hated republic of America. 

People against another people should never feel hatred, 
but brotherly sympathy. The memory of suffered oppres- 
sion from governments, should never be imparted to 
nations, and children should never be hated, despised or 
punished because their fathers have sinned. The Hunga- 
rians have wrestled for centuries with Turkey, and now 



APPENDIX. 583 

we are friends, true friends, and natural allies against a 
common enemy. Several of my own ancestors lost tlieir 
lives in Turkish wars, or tlieir property for redemption 
out of Turkish captivity; and to me it is a Turkish sultan 
who saved my life, and gave bread to thousands of my 
countrymen, which no other power did on earth. Such is 
the change of time. It is Russia which crushed my bleed- 
ing father-land, but the inexorable hatred of my heart 
does not extend to the people of Russia; I love that peo- 
ple; I pity it, poor unfortunate instruments of despotism. 
Wherever there is a people, there is my love. Therefore, 
let the passionate excitement of past times subside before 
the prudent advice of present necessities. You are blood 
from England's blood, bone from its bone, and flesh from 
its flesh. The Anglo-Saxon race was the kernel around 
which gathered this glorious fruit, your republic. Every 
other nationality is oppressed; it is the Anglo-Saxon alone 
which stands high and erect in its independence. You, 
the younger brother, are entirely free, because republican. 
They, the elder brother, are monarchical, but they have a 
constitution, and they have many institutions which even 
you retained, and by retaining them, have proved that 
they are congenial to freedom, and dear to freemen. The 
free press, the jury, the free word, the freedom of asso- 
ciations, the institution of municipalities; the share of the 
people in the legislature, are English institutions, — the 
inviolability of person, and inviolability of property are 
English principles. England is the last stronghold of 
these principles in Europe. Is this not enough to stand 
side by side with these principles in behalf of oppressed 
humanity ? 

If the United States and England unite in policy now, 
and make, by their imposing attitude, a breakwater to the 



584 APPENDIX. 

ambitious league of despotism, the Anglo-Saxon race, with 
all who gathered around that kernel, will have the glo- 
rious pleasure of having helped the Christian world not to 
be absorbed by despotism; but you, especially, will have 
the glorious satisfaction of having contributed to the 
progress and to the development of freedom, in England, 
Scotland and Ireland themselves, because the principles of 
national sovereignty, independence and self-government, 
restored on the continent of Europe, must, in a beneficent 
manner, reach upon those islands themselves. They may 
remain monarchical, if it be their will to do so, but the 
parliamentary omnipotence, absorbing state rights and 
self-government, will yield to the influence of Europe's 
liberated continent; England will govern its own domestic 
concerns by its own parliament; and Scotland its own, 
and Ireland its own. Thus, as the states of your galaxy 
do, so these three countries, destined to mutual connection 
by their geographical connection, by far more than New 
York with Louisiania, or Carolina with California, by 
conserving the state rights of self-government to all of 
them, they will be united in a common government for the 
common interest, as you have done. Union and not unity 
must be the guiding star of the future of every power 
composed of several distinct bodies; and though I am a 
republican — more, perhaps, than thousands who are citi- 
zens of a republic, because I have known all the curse of 
having had a king — still, such a development of Great 
Britain's future, were it even connected with monarchy, I, 
a true republican, would hail with fervent joy. To con- 
tribute to such a future, I, indeed, would consider more 
practical support to the cause of freedom, to the cause of 
Ireland itself, than out of passionate averson, either for 



APPENDIX. 585 

past or present wrongs, to discourage, nay, almost force 
Great Britain to submit to the threatening attitude of 
despots, or even to side with them against liberty; because 
out of such a submission there can never result any good 
to whomever in the world, and, indeed,. none to you; none 
to the nations of Europe; none to Ireland; but increased 
oppression to Europe and Ireland, and danger to you 
yourself. 

It is here I take the opportunity briefly to refer to an 
assertion of an American statesman, who holds a high 
place in your affections, and in my respect. He advances 
the theory that, should you now take the course which I 
humbly claim, the despots of Europe would be provoked, 
by your example, to interfere with your institutions, and 
turn upon you, in the hour of your weakness and exhaus- 
tion, because you have set an example of interference. 

I, indeed, am at a loss to understand that. Is it inter- 
ference I claim ? No ; precisely the contrary. If you 
now declare, " That your very existence, being founded on 
that principle of the eternal laws of Nature and of Na- 
ture's God, that every nation has the independent right to 
regulate its domestic concerns, to fix its institutions and 
its government,'' you cannot contemplate with indifference 
that the absolutistical powers form a league of mutual 
support against this principle of mankind's common law; 
you therefore protest against the violation of this princi- 
ple by foreign interference. I, indeed, cannot understand 
by what logic such a protest could be taken up by the des- 
potic powers, as a precedent for interference in your do- 
mestic concerns. My logic is entirely different; it runs 
thus : — If your country remains an indifferent spectator 
of the violation of the laws of nations, by foreign inter- 



586 APPENDIX. 

ference, then it has established a precedent; it has con- 
sented that the principle of interference become inter- 
polated into the book of international law, and you will 
see the time when the league of despots, commanding the 
whole force of oppressed Europe, will remind you thus : 

" Russia has interfered in Hungary, because it con- 
sidered the example set up by Hungary dangerous to Rus- 
sia. America has silently recognized the right of that 
interference. France has interfered in Rome, because the 
example of the Roman democracy was dangerous to 
France. America has silently agreed. The absolutisti- 
cal governments, in protection of their divine right, have 
leagued in a joint alliance, with the openly avowed pur- 
pose to aid one another, by mutual interference, against 
the spirit of revolution, and the anarchy of republicanism. 
America has not protested against it. Therefore, the 
principle of foreign interference against every flow of 
generous example, has, by common consent of every power 
on earth, contradicted by none, not even by America, be- 
come a firm international law." 

And, reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the 
very words of that distinguished statesman to whom I 
respectfully allude : 

" You have quit the ground upon which your national 
existence is founded. You have consented to the altera- 
tion of the laws of nations. The existence of your repub- 
lic is dangerous to us. We, therefore, believing that your 
anarchical, {that is, republican,) doctrines are destructive of, 
and that monarchical principles are essential to, the peace and 
security, and happiness of our subjects, will obliterate the bed 
which has nourished such noxious weeds. We will crush you 
down, as the propagandists of doctrines too destructive to the 
peace and good order of the world J' 



APPENDIX. 58T 

I have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given 
over to publicity, from a private interview, which I, out 
of respect and personal affection, did not answer then, 
precisely because I took the interview for a private one. 
Even now, I refrain from entering into further discussion, 
out of the same considerations of respect; though I am 
provoked by that unlooked-for publicity, and will say 
nothing more; but, after having quoted the very words, I 
leave to the public opinion to judge if that authority of 
just words, is against or for a national protest against the 
principle of foreign interference. 

Let once the principle become established, with your 
silent consent, and you will soon see it brought home to 
you, and brought home in a moment of domestic discord, 
which Russian secret diplomacy, and Russian gold will 
skillfully mix. You can be sure of this; and this mighty 
Union will be shaken by that very principle of foreign 
interference, which you silently let be established as an 
uncontrovertible rule for the despots of the earth. 

Gentlemen, would I had had time to say, in a few short 
words, that which, by want of time, I have so diffusedly 
said. So, excuse me for not having answered your ex- 
pectations, and allow me to draw to a close. 

Great countries are, by necessity, to hold the position 
of a power on earth. If they do not thus, foreign powers 
dispose of their most vital interests. 

Indifference to the condition of the foreign world, is a 
wilful arbitration of the position of a power on earth. 
That position abandoned, independence is abandoned. 

Neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great 
power. Only small countries, as Switzerland and Belgium, 
can exist upon the basis of neutrality. Great powers can 



588 APPENDIX. 

remain neutral in a particular case, but they cannot take 
neutrality for a constant principle, and they cannot chiefly 
not remain neutral in respect to principles. Great powers 
can never play with impunity the part of no power at all. 

Neutrality, as a principle, is so much as indifference to 
the condition of the world. Indifference of a great power 
to the condition of the world, is so much as a choice given 
to foreign powers to regulate the interests of that indiffer- 
ent foreign power. 

Remember the Sibylline books ! Look in what light 
you appear before the world, with your policy of indiffer- 
ence. 

Look at the instructions to your navy in the Mediter- 
ranean, recently published, forbidding American officers 
even to speak politics in Europe. Look at the correspon- 
dence of your commodores and consuls, frightened to their 
very souls that a poor exile on board an American ship is 
cheered by the people of Italy and France, and charging 
him, for the immense crime of having met sympathy with- 
out any provocation on his part, that he is possessed with 
the devil ! Look at the cry of astonishment of European 
writers, that Americans in Europe are so little republican. 
Look, how the French Napoleonist papers frown indig- 
nantly at the idea that the congress of the United States 
dared to honor my humble self. Look, how they consider 
it almost an insult that an American minister, true to his 
always professed principles, dares to speak about Euro- 
pean politics. Look, how one of my aristocratic antago- 
nists, who quietly keeps house in France, where I was not 
permitted to pass, and who, a tool in other hands, would 
like to check my endeavors to benefit my country, because 
he would like in some other way to get home than by a 



APPENDIX. 589 

revolution and into a republic. Look, how he, from Paris, 
in London papers, dares scorn the idea that America could 
pretend to weigh any thing in the scale of European events. 

Do you like this proposition, free republicans of America? 
And yet that is your position in the world now; and that 
position is the consequence of your adhering, even then, to 
your policy of indifference, when it would have been a ne- 
cessity to act like a power on earth. 

Remember the Sibylline books. The first three were 
burned when you silently let Russian interference be 
accomplished in Hungary, and not giving us the saving 
bark of your recognition when we had achieved and 
declared our independence. 

Six books yet remain. The spirit of the age, the Sibyl- 
line of opportunity, holds the other three books over the 
fire. Do not allow her to burn them, else only the last 
three remain, and I fear you will have, without profit, 
more to pay for them than would have bought the whole 
nine, and, with them, the glory and happiness of an eternal, 
mighty republic. 



KOSSUTH IN NEW ENGLAND. 



kobsuth's speech at worcestee, mass. 

Let me not speak, gentlemen. It is not possible for any 
eloquence to equal the rising majesty of the people's spirit. 
Well, now that is an ocean before me. Sometimes God 



590 APPENDIX. 

stirs the waves; then no man can dominate over them. 
But when God stretches his hands in peace over the waves, 
then the slightest breeze may be heard. [Cheers.] See 
how the waves move now ! 

Gentlemen, like as the Holy Scriptures are the reve- 
lations of religious truth, teaching men how to attain 
eternal bliss, so history is the revelation of eternal wis- 
dom, instructing nations how to be happy and immortal 
on earth. The rising and decline, the standing and the 
fall, of nations, are equally instructive to the contemplat- 
ing mind. Unaccountable changes may alter, on a sudden, 
the condition of individuals, but in the life of nations 
there is always a logical concatenation of cause and effect; 
therefore history is the book of life. 

I like to look into the book of life; to me it is an en- 
chanted mirror, wherein the past assumes the shape of 
future events. The history of old Massachusetts is full of 
instruction to those who know how to read unwritten 
philosophy in written facts. Besides, to me it is of deep 
interest, because, from the very time that the colonial 
system was adopted by Great Britain, to secure the mo- 
nopoly of the American trade, and to prevent the rising 
of the colonists to strengthen independence, down to 
Washington's misfortunes and final victories, — from James 
Otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of America 
before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts; breathing 
into the nation the breath of life, out of which American 
Independence was born, down to the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, first moved by a son of Massachusetts, — there 
are such striking resemblances between your country's 
history and that of mine, that, in reflecting upon them, I 
often believe I read Hungary when I read Massachusetts. 



APPENDIX. 591 

[Cheers.] But, then, when the kind cheers of your gen- 
erous-hearted people rouse me out of my contemplative 
reveries, and, looking around me, I see your prosperity, 
a sadness of nameless woes comes over my mind, because 
that very prosperity reminds me that I am not at home. 
The home of my fathers, the home of my heart, the home 
of my affections and of my cares, is in the most- striking 
contrast with the prosperity I see here. And whence this 
striking contrast in the results, when there exists such a 
striking identity in the antecedents ? Whence this afflict- 
ing departure from the logical necessity in history — 
whereas the resemblance in proceedings goes so far, that 
I act precisely that part in the United States which Mas- 
sachusetts' immortal son, Franklin, acted in France; — 
acted, it is true, supported by infinite personal merit, 
whereas, I have none, but, I dare say, acted not with more 
devotion than I myself. [Cheers.] 

Well, the cause which accounts for the mighty differ- 
ence in the results is, that your struggle for independence 
met the good luck of monarchical France stipulating to 
aid, with its full force, America struggling for independ- 
ence, whereas republican America delayed even a speedy 
recognition of Hungary's achieved independence. How- 
ever, the equality of results may yet come. History will 
not prove false to poor Hungary, while it proves true to 
all the world. I certainly will never reap the reputation 
of Franklin; but I may yet meet his good luck in a patriotic 
mission. [Cheers.] It is not yet too late. [Cheers.] 
My people, like the damsel in the scriptures, is but sleep- 
ing, and not dead. [Cheers.] Sleep is silent, but restores 
to strength. [Cries of " Good! good!"] There is appa- 
rent silence also in nature before the storm; only the 



592 APPENDIX. 

stormy petrel sweeps along, scenting instinctively the 
approaching storm. I am somewhat of a storm-bird; only 
I do not scent the storm instinctively, but know it con- 
sciously. [Cheers.] Then why should I despond to see 
yet history true to its logic ? Why should I despair to 
meet in my mission the good luck of Franklin yet ? We 
are down- trodden, it is true; but was Washington not in 
a dreary retreat, with his few brave men, scarcely to be 
called an army, when Franklin drew nigh to success in his 
mission ? 

My retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure; but then our 
struggle went on, from the first moment, on a more gigan- 
tic scale; and, again, the success of Franklin was aided by 
the hatred of France against England; so I am told, and 
it is true; but I have for me the love of America for liberty 
and for right: and God knows my people's cause is the 
cause of liberty. [Cheers.] I trust that the love of liberty 
in republican America will prove such a source of generous 
inspiration, as hatred of Great Britain did prove in mo- 
narchical France. And, should it be the doom of human- 
ity that even republics like yours could be more mightily 
moved by hatred than by love, I may be permitted to ask, 
is there less reason for republican America to hate the 
overwhelming progress of absolutism than there was reason 
for France to hate England's prosperity ? The United 
States, torn from the dominion of England, did not injure 
her prosperity; rather it has increased it in ultimate re- 
sults; but the predominance of absolutism, absorbing 
Europe, would injure your prosperity, because you are no 
China, no Japan; you cannot confine yourself within your 
own boundaries. Having entered the family of nations, 
national intercourse has become a life-artery to you; and, 



APPENDIX. 593 

that being the case, the condition of the outward world, 
with which you have, and must continue to have, a national 
intercourse, cannot be indifferent to you. The effects of 
intercourse are reciprocal; and when principles are brought 
to a clashing strife, there is community in the results. 

Principles and their influence are not to be confined by 
geographical lines. America cannot remain unaffected by 
the condition of Europe, with which you have a thousand- 
fold intercourse. A passing accident in Liverpool, a fire 
in Manchester, cannot fail to be felt in America; — how 
could, then, the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens 
to consume all Europe, freedom, civilization and property? 
fail to affect, in its results, America ? How can it be in. 
different to you, if Europe be free or enslaved ? How can 
it be indifferent to you, if there exists a thing styled " Law 
of Nations," or if no such thing more exists, being replaced 
by the arbitrary whims of an arrogant mortal, who is called 
" Czar ?" [A voice : " Three groans for the Czar." The 
groans were given with right good-will.] Well, that is 
good; but I hope the time draws near when we will give 
him something more hard than groans. [Cheers.] No! 
either all the instruction of history is vanity, and its 
warnings but the pastime of a mocking-bird, or this in- 
difference is impossible; therefore, I may yet meet with 
Franklin's good luck. [Cheers.] 

Franklin wrote to his friend, Charles Thompson, after 
having concluded the treaty of peace, " If we ever become 
ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us, 
our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of pro- 
curing, will be lost, and new dangers ensue." 

Perhaps I could say, poor Hungary has well served 
Christendom, has well served the cause of humanity; but, 



594 APPENDIX. 

indeed, we are not so liappy as to have served your coun- 
try in particular. But you are generous enough, that our 
unmerited misfortunes may as much recommend us to your 
affections as a good service might recommend us. It is 
beautiful to repay a received benefit, but to bestow a 
benefit is divine. [Loud and repeated cheers.] It is 
your good fortune to be able to do good to humanity; let 
it your glory be, that you are willing to do it. [Cheers.] 

Such and similar have been the thoughts which came to 
my mind while I passed over the classical soil of Massa- 
chusetts. There was consolation in that progress, and 
there was hope and encouragement in it. And now here 
I stand, in the heart of this glorious commonwealth. 
[Cheers.] 0! let me lay my hand upon that heart, and 
mark the pulsation of it; the pulsation of my own heart 
much depends upon how the heart of your commonwealth 
throbs. [Cheers.] 

Yes, gentlemen; anxious hope and expectations of mil- 
lions have accompanied me to your shores. 

The grave Turk wept when I left his shores. " Mlah 
izmarladek," were his parting words; and the dervish chief 
poured water upon my road, and raised his hands to the 
Eternal to bless my ways. The Italian sparkled with the 
recollection of ancient greatness, and with the hope of a 
better future, in meeting me. The Frenchman raised the 
hymn of freedom, and a flash like the lightning passed 
over his brow when he chanted " Teemble, ye Tyrants 1" 
and he looked like a prophet when he sang of " him the 
PERFIDIOUS ! the OPPROBRIUM OF OUR NATION." At Mar- 
seilles a republican swam over the cold waves of the sea, 
to touch the hand of the exile, whom the star spangled 
banner had restored to activity. England's gallant sol- 



APPENDIX. 595 

diers, watching on the rock of Gibraltar, thundered their 
hurras to heaven, when, in answer to their greeting, I 
drank them the toast, " England and America : may their 
banners unite in the prosecution of the rights of humanity 
[tremendous cheers,] and their swords be drawn in common 
for liberty and right" [cheers;] and when I stopped at 
Lisbon, that beautiful jewel on earth, the glowing Portu- 
guese flamed with inspiration in welcoming me, and sobbed 
with emotion in bidding me farewell. 

And the people of England — ! I cannot describe — 
there was a revelation of the people's majesty in what I 
met there, as seldom yet was seen in history; and when, 
the people came to me, hailing America, and speaking the 
praise of your Washington, and charged me to bring its 
brotherly greetings to the younger brother, so happy and 
so free, [cheers,] and to tell Brother Jonathan that the 
spirit of liberty is alive in old brother John Bull ! [Tre- 
mendous cheering, and waving of hats.] Then England's 
people looked, indeed, like the embodiment of those words 
which King George the Third spoke to your John Adams, 
the first of independent American ambassadors to Eng- 
land, " Let the family ties of language, religion, and blood, 
have their full and natural effect." 

Yes, gentlemen, such were the manifestations with which 
I have embarked for America. I, in embarking, saw the 
tricolor flag of Hungary hoisted above my head at the top 
of an English mast, and heard it saluted from Southamp- 
ton's batteries with a royal salute of farewell; and, on my 
arrival at New York, I heard it re-echoed with a full re- 
publican salute from the batteries of the United States, 
welcoming with the honors of the Union the tricolor flag 
of Hungary, floating over my head from an American 



596 APPENDIX. 

mast; and every manifestation was a ray of hope more, 
and every cannon-shot an expectation more, roused in the 
hearts of Europe's millions. Four months have since 
passed; during these four months, my breast was a foam- 
ing bed of a continual ebb and tide of hope. Now my 
task is nearly done; some few days yet, and, in rccrossing 
the Atlantic, I shall sit like the laborer on his plough, 
wiping off the sweat of my brow, and musing about the 
strange episode, never yet seen in mankind's history, that 
a stranger, the unassuming offspring of an Asiatic race, 
transplanted to Europe, being a poor exile, had been borne 
on in triumph by popular sympathy, for his misfortunes' 
sake, as no crowned conquerer will be borne on for his 
successes' sake, in republican America; and, summing up 
the present and future results of these unprecedented pop- 
ular manifestations, and combining them with the vital 
power of true principles, I will record the answer I shall 
have to tell, on the part of the people of America, to the 
expectations and hopes of Europe's millions; and, as I ap- 
proach the east, I will look anxiously back toward the 
west, to mark if the galaxy of American stars be rising 
from the new capital with the lustre of a new sun, and if 
the young eagle of America be towering on his gigantic 
wings, to watch from on high the arrogant movements of 
the bear of violence against bleeding mankind, sheltering 
itself beneath the laws of Nature and Nature's God. 

Shall I see that eagle towering ? Shall I see the glow- 
ing galaxy of American stars rising over the gloomy hori- 
zon of liberty ? Then, what will be the tidings I shall 
have to bear, in answer to the expectations with which I 
was charged ? Let me hope the answer will be fit to be 
re-answered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which 



APPENDIX. 597 

the thrones of tyrants will quake; and when they are fall- 
en, and buried beneath the fallen pillars of tyranny, all 
the Christian world will unite in the song of praise, " Glory 
to God in heaven, and peace to good willing men on earth, 
and honor to America, the first-born son of liberty; for no 
nation has God done so much as her, for she proved to be 
well deserving of it, because she was obedient to "his di- 
vine law. She has loved her neighbor as herself; and did 
unto others as she desired, in the hour of her need, others 
to do unto herself." 

Gentlemen, I know what weight is due Massachusetts 
in the councils of the nation; the history, the character, 
the intelligence, the consistent energy, and the considerate 
perseverance of your country, give me the security that, 
when the people of Massachusetts raises its voice and pro- 
nounces its will, that it is not like a girl's sigh, that melts 
in the breeze, — it will carry its aim. 

I have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him 
whom the people's well deserved confidence has raised to 
the helm of its executive government; I have seen it in 
the sanction of its senators; I have seen it in the mighty 
outburst of popular sentiments, and in the generous testi- 
monials of its sympathy, as I progressed on this hallowed 
soil. I hope soon to see it in the legislative hall of your 
representatives, and in the cradle of American liberty. 

I hope to see it so, as I see it now, here, throbbing with 
warm, sincere, generous, and pov/erful pulsation, in the 
very heart of your commonwealth. I know that, where 
the heart is sound the whole body is sound, the blood is 
sound throughout all the veins. [Cheers.] The warmth of 
the heart of Massachusetts spreads with magnetic influ- 
ence over my own sad heart; and thanking God that all 



598 APPENDIX. 

these manifestations of Massachusetts have been reserved 
to me for the later hours of my task, when the flush of ex- 
citement has passed, and calm reflection holds the ground 
— I thank God for it, because upon such a manifestation 
we can rely. There are principles in it like those of old, 
by which your fathers were inspired, when they took the 
lead in the struggle for freedom, never faltering, though 
many others despaired. The answer which I will bear to 
Europe is pointed out to me by the manifestations of Mas- 
sachusetts. Accept my heartfelt thanks, in the name of 
my people, for it. 

Being the heart of Massachusetts, 0, let me entreat you 
to be Avarm like the heart. Never believe to be right 
those who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, 
would persuade you that to be cold is to be wise [cheers. J 
Warmth is the vivifying influence of the universe, and the 
heart is the source of noble deeds. To consider calmly 
what you have to do is well. You have done it; you have 
done more; you have let the thoughts of your mind pass 
through the warm tide of your heart, and that organ has 
nobly done its work, as the present day shows; but let me 
hope that the heart of Massachusetts will continue to 
throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you 
judge to be right is done, with that persistent energy, 
which, inherited from the Puritan Pilgrims of the May- 
flower, is a principle with the people of Massachusetts. 
[Cheers.] Remember the afflicted — farewell! 



APPENDIX. 599 



KOSSUTH S SPEECH IN PANEUIL HALL. 

Ladies and Gentlemen: — Do me the justice to believe 
that I rise, not with any pretension to eloquence, within 
the cradle of American liberty. If I were standing upon 
the ruins of Prytaneum, and had to speak whence Demos- 
thenes spoke, my tongue would refuse to obey, my words 
would die away upon my lips, and I would listen to the 
winds, fraught with the dreadful realization of his unheeded 
prophecies. 

Spirit of American eloquence, frown not at my boldness, 
that I dare abuse Shakspeare's language in Faneuil Hall ! 
It is a strange fate, and not my choice. 

My tongue is fraught with a down-trodden nation's 
wrongs. The justice of my cause is my eloquence; but 
misfortune may approach the altar whence the flame arose 
which roused your fathers from degradation to independ- 
ence. I claim my people's share in the benefit of the laws 
of Nature, and of Nature's God. I will nothing add to the 
historical reputation of these walls; but I dare hope not to 
sully them, by appealing to those maxims of truth, the 
promulgation of which made often tremble these walls, 
from the thundering cheers of freemen, roused by the 
clarion sound of inspired oratory, 

" Cradle of American Liberty !" — it is a great name-; 
but there is something in it which saddens my heart. 
You should not say, " American Liberty J' You should 
say, " Liberty in America^ Liberty should not be either 
American or European — it should be just " Liberty^ God 
is God. He is neither America's God nor Europe's God; 
he is God. So should liberty be. "American Liberty" 



600 APPENDIX. 

lias much the sound as if you would say, " American privi- 
lege." And there is the rub. Look to history, and, when 
your heart saddens at the fact that liberty never yet was 
lasting in any corner of the world, and in any age, you 
will find the key of it in the gloomy truth, that all who 
yet were free regarded liberty as their privilege, instead 
of regarding it as a principle. The nature of every privi- 
lege is exclusiveness; that of a principle is communicative. 
Liberty is a principle; its community is its security — ex- 
clusiveness is its doom. 

What is aristocracy ? It is exclusive liberty; it is privi- 
lege; and aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to 
the destiny and welfare of man. Aristocracy should vanish, 
not in the nations, but also from among the nations. So 
long as that is not done, liberty will nowhere be lasting 
on earth. It is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, 
to believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. To 
this proud reliance, and the isolation resulting therefrom, 
more victims have fallen than to oppression by immediate 
adversities. You have prodigiously grown by your free- 
dom of seventy-five years; but what is seventy-five years 
to take for a charter of immortality ? No, no ! my humble 
tongue tells the records of eternal truth. A privilege 
never can be lasting. Liberty restricted to one nation 
never can be sure. You may say, " We are the prophets 
of God;" but you shall not say, " God is only our God." 
The Jews have said so, and the pride of Jerusalem lies in 
the dust. Our Savior taught all humanity to say, " Our 
Father in heaven ;^^ and his Jerusalem is lasting to the end 
of days. 

"There is a community in mankind's destiny." That 
was the greeting which I read on the arch of welcome on 



APPENDIX. 601 

the Gapitol Hill of Massachusetts. I pray to God the re- 
public of America would weigh the eternal truth of those 
words, and act accordingly. Liberty in America would 
then be sure to the end of time. But if you say " American 
Liberty," and take that grammar for your policy, I dare 
say the time will yet come when humanity will have to 
mourn over a new proof of the ancient truth, that without 
community national freedom is never sure. You should 
change " American Liberty " into " Liberty" — then liberty 
would be forever sure in America, and that which found a 
cradle in Faneuil Hall never would find a coffin through 
all coming days. I like not the word cradle connected 
with the word liberty — it has a scent of mortality. But 
these are vain words, I know; though in the life of nations 
the spirits of future be marching in present events, visible 
to every reflecting mind, still those who foretell them are 
charged with arrogantly claiming the title of prophets, 
and prophecies are never believed. However, the cradle 
of American liberty is not only famous from the reputation 
of having been always the lists of the most powerful elo- 
quence; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that 
eloquence attended by practical success. To understand 
the mystery of this rare circumstance, a man must see the 
people of New England, and especially the people of Mas- 
sachusetts. 

In what I have seen of New England, there are two 
things the evidence of which strikes the observer at every 
step — prosperity and intelligence. I have seen thousands 
assembled, following the noble impulses of generous hearts; 
almost the entire population of every city, of every town, of 
every village, where I passed, gathered around me, throwing 
the flowers of consolation in my thorny way. I can say I 



602 APPENDIX. 

have seen tlie people here, and I have looked at it with a 
keen eye, sharpened in the school of a toilsome life. Well, 
I have seen not a single man bearing mark of that poverty 
upon himself which in old Europe strikes the eye sadly at 
every step. I have seen no ragged poor; I have not seen 
a single house bearing the appearance of desolated poverty. 
The cheerfulness of a comfortable condition, the result of 
industry, spreads over the land. One sees at a glance 
that the people work assiduously — not with the depressing 
thought just to get from day to day, by hard toil, through 
the cares of a miserable life, but they work with the cheer- 
ful consciousness of substantial happiness. And the second 
thing which I could not fail to remark, is the stamp of in- 
telligence impressed upon the very eyes and outward ap- 
pearance of the people at large. I and my companions 
have seen that people in the factories, in the work-shops, 
in their houses and in the streets, and could not fail a 
thousand times to think " how intelligent that people 
looks." It is to such a people that the orators of Faneuil 
Hall had to speak, and therein is the mystery of their 
success. They were not wiser than the public spirit of 
their audience, but they were the eloquent interpreters of 
the people's enlightened instinct. 

No man can force the harp of his own individuality into 
the people's heart ; but every man may play upon the 
chord's of his people's heart, who draws his inspiration 
from the people's instinct. Well, I thank God for having 
seen the public spirit of the people of Massachusetts 
bestowing its attention to the cause I plead, and pro- 
nouncing its verdict. After the spontaneous manifesta- 
tions of public opinion, which I have met in Massachusetts, 
there can be not the slightest doubt that his excellency, 



APPENDIX. 603 

the high-minded governor of Massachusetts, when he 
wrote his memorable address to the legislature; the joint 
committee of the legislative assembly, after a careful and 
candid consideration of the subject, not only concurring 
in the views of the executive government, but elucidating 
them in a report, the irrefutable logic and elevated states- 
manship of which, will forever endear the name of Haze- 
well to oppressed nations; and the senate of Massachu- 
setts, adopting the resolutions proposed by the legislative 
committee, in respect to the question of national interven- 
tion — I say, the spontaneous manifestation of public 
opinion, leaves not the slightest doubt that all these 
executive and legislative proceedings, not only met the full 
approbation of the people of Massachusetts; but were, in 
fact, nothing else but the solemn interpretation of that 
public opinion of the people of Massachusetts. A spon- 
taneous outburst of popular sentiments, tells often more 
in a single word than all the skill of elaborate eloquence 
could. I have met that word. " We icorship not the man, 
hut we loorship the principle," shouted out a man in Worces- 
ter, amidst the thundering cheers of a countless multitude. 
It was a word like those words of flame, spoken in Faneuil 
Hall, out of which liberty in America was born. That 
word is a revelation that the spirit of eternal truth, and 
of present exigencies moves through the people's heart. 
That word is teeming with the destinies of America. 

. Would to God that, in the leading quarters, small party 
considerations should never prevent the due appreciation 
of the people's instinctive sagacity ! It is with joyful 
consolation, and heart-felt gratitude I own, that of that 
fear I am forever relieved in respect to Massachusetts. 
Once more I have met the revelation of the truth that the 



6 04 APPENDIX. 

people of Massachusetts worship principles. I have met 
it on the front of your capitol, in those words, raised to 
the consolation of the oppressed world, by the constitu- 
tional authorities of Massachusetts, to the high heaven, 
upon an arch of triumph — " Remember that there is a com- 
munity in mmikind's destiny J ^ 

I cannot express the emotion I felt, when, standing on 
the steps of your capitol, these words above my head, the 
people of Massachusetts tendered me its hand, in the per- 
son of its chief magistrate. The emotion which thrilled 
through my heart was something like that Lazarus must 
have felt when the Savior spoke to him " me;" and when 
I looked up with a tender tear of heart-felt gratitude in 
my eyes, I saw the motto of Massachusetts all along the 
capitol, " We seek loith the sword the mild quietness of liberty J^ 

You have proved this motto not to be an empty word. 
The heroic truth of it is recorded in the annals of Faneuil 
Hall, it is recorded on Bunker Hill; recorded in the De- 
claration of Independence. 

Having read that motto, coupled with the acknowledg- 
ment of the principle that there is a community in the 
destiny of all humanity, I know what answer I have to 
take to those millions who look with profound anxiety to 
America. 

Gentlemen, the Mohammedans say, that the city of Bok- 
hara receives not light from without, but is lustrous with 
its own light. I don't know much about Bokhara; but so 
much I know, that Boston is the sun whence radiated the 
light of resistance against oppression. And, from what 
it has been my good fortune to experience in Boston, I 
have full reason to believe that the sun which shone forth 
with such a bright lustre in the days of oppressions, has 



APPENDIX. 605 

not lost its lustre by freedom and prosperity. Boston is 
the metropolis of Massachusetts, and Massachusetts has 
given its vote. It has given it after having, with the 
penetrating sagacity of its intelligence, looked attentively 
into the subject, and fixed, with calm consideration, its 
judgment thereabout. After having had so much to 
speak, it was with infinite gratification, that I heard my- 
self addressed in Brookfield, Framingham, and several 
other places with these words, "We know your country's 
history ; we agree with your principles ; we want no 
speech; just let us hear your voice, and then go on; we 
trust and wish you may have other thiugs to do than 
speak." 

Thus, having neither to tell my country's tale, because it 
is known, nor having to argue about principles, because 
they are agreed with, I am in the happy condition of being 
able to restrain myself to a few desultory remarks about 
the nature of the difficulties I have to contend with in 
other quarters, that the people of Massachusetts may see 
upon what ground those stand who are following a direc- 
tion contrary to the distinctly pronounced opinion of Mas- 
sachusetts, in relation to the cause I plead. 

Give me leave to mention that, having had an oppor- 
tunity to converse with leading men of the great political 
parties, which are on the eve of an animated contest for 
the presidency — (would it had been possible for me to 
have come to America either before that contest was 
engaged, or after it will be decided ! I came, unhappily, 
in a bad hour,) — I availed myself of that opportunity to be 
informed about what are considered to be the principal 
issues, in case the one or the other party carries the prize; 
and, indeed, having got the information thereof, I could 



606 APPENDIX. 

not forbear to exclaim, " but, my God ! all these questions 
together cannot outweigh the all-overruling importance of 
foreign policy !" It is there, in the question of foreign 
policy, that the heart of the next future throbs. Security 
and danger, developing prosperity, and its check, peace 
and war, tranquillity and embarrassment — yes, life and 
death will be weighed in the scale of foreign policy ! It 
is evident, things are come to the point where they have 
been in ancient Rome, when old Cato never spoke private- 
ly or publicly about whatever topic, without closing his 
speech with these words : " However, my opinion is that 
Carthage must he destroyed;''^ thus advertising his country- 
men that there was one question outweighing in import- 
ance all other questions, from which public attention 
should never for a moment be withdrawn. 

Such, in my opinion, is the condition of the world now. 
Carthage and Rome had no place on earth together. Re- 
publican America and all-overwhelming Russian absolutism 
cannot much longer subsist together on earth. Russia 
active — America passive — there is an immense danger in 
that fact; it is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the 
noise of a bird's wing may move and thrust down with 
irresistible force, growing every moment. I cannot but 
believe it were highly time to do as old Cato did, and 
finish every speech with these words : ^'However, the law 
of nations should he maintained, and ahsolutism not per- 
mitted to hecome omnipotent." 

1 could not forbear to make these remarks; and the 
answer I got was, " That is all true, and all right, and 
will be attended to when the election is over; but, after 
all, the party must come into power, and you know there 
are so many considerations; men want to be managed, 
and even prejudices spared, and so forth." 



APPENDIX. 607 

And it is true; but it is sorrowful that it is true. That 
reminds me of what, in Schiller's Maria Stuart, Mortimer 
says to Lord Leicester, the all-mighty favorite of Eliza- 
beth : " God, what little steps has such a great lord to go 
at this court!" There is the first obstacle I have to meet 
with. This consolation, at least, I have, that the chief 
difficulty I have to contend with is neither lasting, nor an 
argument against the justice of my cause, or against the 
righteousness of my principles. Just as the calumnies 
by which I am assailed can but harm my own self, 
but cannot impair the justice of my country's cause, or 
weaken the propriety of my principles; so that difficulty, 
being just a difficulty and no argument, cannot change the 
public opinion of the people, which always cares more 
about principles than about wire-pullings. , 

The second difficulty I have to contend with, is rather 
curious. Many a man has told me that, if I had only not 
fallen into the hands of the abolitionists and free-soilers, 
he would have supported me; and, had I landed some- 
where in the south, instead of New York, I would have 
met quite different things from that quarter ; but, being 
supported by the free-soilers, of course I must be opposed 
by the south. On the other side, I received a letter from 
which I beg leave to quote a few lines : 

" You are silent on the subject of slavery. Surrounded, 
as you have been, by slaveholders ever since you put your 
foot on English soil, if not during your whole voyage from 
Constantinople — and ever since you have been in this 
country surrounded by them, whose threats, promises and 
flattery, make the stoutest hearts succumb — your position 
has put me in mind of a scene described by the apostle of 
Jesus Christ, when the devil took him up into a high 
mountain," &c., &c. 



608 APPENDIX. 

Now, gentlemen, thus being charged from one side with 
being in the hands of abolitionists, and from the other 
side with being in the hands of the slaveholders, I indeed 
am at a loss what course to take, if these very contradic- 
tory charges were not giving me the satisfaction to feel 
that I stand, just where it is my duty to stand, on a truly 
American ground. 

I must beg leave to say a few words in that respect; the 
more, because I could not escape vehement attacks for not 
committing myself even in that respect, with whatever 
interior party question. I claim the right for my people 
to regulate its own domestic concerns. I claim this as a 
law of nations, common to all humanity; and because 
common to all, I claim to see them protected by the United 
States, not only because they have the power to defend 
what despots dare offend, but also because it is the neces- 
sity of their position to be a power on earth, which they 
would not be, if the law of nations can be changed, and 
the general condition of the world altered, without their 
vote. Now, that being my position and my cause, it 
would be the most absurb inconsistency, if I would offend 
that principle which I claim and which I advocate. 

And 0, my God, have I not enough sorrows and cares 
to bear on these poor shoulders ? Is it not astonishing 
that the moral power of duties, and the iron will of my 
heart, sustain yet this shattered frame ? that I am desired 
yet to take up additional cares ? If the cause I plead be 
just, if it be worthy of your sympathy, and at the same 
time consistent with the impartial considerations of your 
own moral and material interests, — which a patriot never 
should disregard, not even out of philanthropy, — then why 
not weigh that cause with the scale of its own value, 



APPENDIX. 609 

and not with a foreign one ? Have I not difficulties 
enough to contend with, that I am desired to increase 
them yet with my own hands ? Father Mathew goes on 
preaching temperance, and he may be opposed or supported 
on his own ground; but whoever imagined opposition to 
him because, at the same time, he takes not into his hands 
to preach fortitude or charity ? And, indeed, to oppose or 
to abandon the cause I plead, only because I mix not with 
the agitation of an interior question, is a greater injustice 
yet, because to discuss the question of foreign policy I 
have a right. My nation is an object of that policy; we 
are interested in it; but to mix with interior party move- 
ments I have no right, not being a citizen of the United 
States. 

The third difficulty which I meet, so far as I am told, is 
the opposition of the commercial interest. I have the 
agreeable duty to say that this opposition, or rather indiffer- 
ence, is only partial. I have met several testimonials of 
the most generous sympathy from gentlemen of commerce. 
But if, upon the whole, it should be really true that there 
is more coolness, or even opposition, in that quarter than 
in others, then I may say that there is an entire misappre- 
hension of the true commercial interests in it. I could 
say that it would be strange to see commerce, and chiefly 
the commerce of a republic, indifferent to the spread of 
liberal institutions. That would be a sad experience, 
teeming with incalculable misfortunes, reserved to the 
nineteenth century. Until now, history has recorded that 
" commerce has been the most powerful locomotive of 
principles, and the most fruitful ally of civilization, intel- 
ligence, and of liberty.'' It was merchants whose names 
are shining with immortal lustre from the most glorious 



610 APPENDIX. 

pages of the golden books of Venice, Genoa, &c. Com- 
merce, republican commerce, raised single cities to tlie 
position of mighty powers on earth, and maintained them 
in that proud position for centuries; and surely it was 
neither indifference nor opposition to republican principles 
by which they have thus ennobled the history of commerce 
and of humanity. I know full well that, since the treas- 
ures of commerce took their way into the coffers of 
despotism, in the shape of eternal loans, and capital began 
to speculate upon the oppression of nations, a great change 
has occurred in that respect. 

But, thanks to God, the commerce of America, is not 
engaged in that direction, hated by millions, cursed by 
humanity ! Her commerce is still what it was in former 
times, the beneficent instrumentality of making mankind 
partake of all the fruits and comforts of the earth, and of 
human industry. Here it is no paper speculation upon the 
changes of despotism ; and, therefore, if the commercial 
interests of republican America are considered with that 
foresighted sagacity, without which there is no future and 
no security in them, I feel entirely sure that no particular 
interest can be more ambitious to see absolutism checked, 
and freedom and democratic institutions developed in 
Europe than the commerce of republican America. It is 
no question of more or less profit; it is a question of life 
and death to it. Commerce is the heel of Achilles, the 
vulnerable point of America. Thither will, thither must 
be aimed the first blow of victorious absolutism; the 
instinct of self-preservation would lead absolutism to 
strike that blow, if its hatred and indignation would not 
lead to it. Air is not more indispensable to life than 
freedom and constitutional government in Europe to the 
commerce of America. 



APPENDIX. 611 

Thougli many things whicli I have seen have, upon calm 
reflection, induced me to raise an humble word of warning 
against materialism, still I believe there was more patri- 
otic solicitude than reality in the fact that Washington 
and John Adams, at the head of the war department, 
complained of a predominating materialism (they styled it 
avarice,) which threatened the ruin of America. I believe 
that complaint would, even to-day, not be more founded 
ihan it was in the infant age of your republic; still, if 
there be any motive for that complaint of your purest and 
best patriots, — if the commerce of America would know, 
indeed, no better guiding star than only the momentary 
profit of a cargo just floating over the Atlantic, — I would 
be even then at a loss how else to account for the indiffer- 
ence of the commerce of America in the cause of European 
liberty, than by assuming that it is believed the present 
degraded condition of Europe may endure, if only the 
popular agitations are deprived of material means to dis- 
turb that which is satirically called tranquillity. 

But such a supposition would, indeed, be the most ob- 
noxious, the most dangerous fallacy. As the old philoso- 
pher, being questioned how he could prove the existence of 
God, answered, " by opening the eyes;" just so, nothing is 
necessary but to open the eyes, in order that men of the 
most ordinary common sense become aware of it, that the 
present condition of Europe is too unnatural, too contrary 
to the vital interests of the countless millions, to endure 
even for a short time. A crisis is inevitable; no individu- 
al influence can check it; no indifference or opposition can 
prevent it. Even men like myself, concentrating the ex- 
pectations and confidence of oppressed millions in them, 
selves, have only just enough power, if provided with the 



612 APPENDIX. 

requisite means, to keep the current in a sound direction, 
so that in its inevitable eruption it may not become dan- 
gerous to social order, which is indispensable to the secu- 
rity of person and property, without which, especially no 
commerce has any future at all. And that being the un- 
sophisticated condition of the world, and a crisis being in- 
evitable, I indeed cannot imagine how those who desire 
nothing but peace and tranquillity can withhold their help- 
ing hands, that the inevitable crisis should not only be 
kept in a sound direction, but also carried down to a 
happy issue, capable to prevent the world from boiling 
continually, like a volcano, and insuring a lasting peace 
and a lasting tranquillity, never possible so long as the 
great majority of nations are oppressed, but sure so soon 
as the nations are content — and content they can only be 
when they are free. 

Indeed, if reasonable logic has not yet forsaken the 
world, it is the men of peace, it is the men of commerce, 
to the support of whom I have a right to look. Others 
may support my cause out of generosity — these must sup- 
port me out of considerate interest; others may oppose me 
out of egotism — American commerce, in opposing me, 
would commit suicide. 

Gentlemen, of such narrow nature are the considera- 
tions which oppose my cause. Of equally narrow, incon- 
sistent scope are all the rest, with the enumeration of 
which I will not abuse your kind indulgence. Compare 
with them the broad basis of lofty principles upon which 
the commonwealth of Massachusetts took its stand in be- 
stowing the important benefit of its support to my cause ; 
and you cannot forbear to feel proudly that the spirit of 
old Massachusetts is still alive, entitled to claim that right 
in the councils of the united republic, which it had in the 



APPENDIX. 613 

glorious days when, amidst dangers, wavering resolutions 
and partial despondency, Massachusetts took boldly the 
lead to freedom and independence. 

Those men of immortal memory, who, within these very 
walls lighted with the heavenly spark of their inspiration 
the torch of freedom in America, avowed for their object 
the welfare of mankind ; and, when you raised the monu- 
ment of Bunker Hill, it was the genius of freedom thrill- 
ing through the heart of Massachusetts, which made one 
of your distinguished orators say that the days of your an- 
cient glory will continue to rain influence on the destinies 
of mankind to the end of time. It is upon this inspiration 
I rely, in the name of my down-trodden country — to-day 
the martyr of mankind, to-morrow the battle field of its 
destiny. 

Time draws nigh when either the influence of Americans 
must be felt throughout the world, or the position aban- 
doned to which you rose with gigantic vitality out of the 
blood of your martyrs. 

I have seen the genius of those glorious days spreading 
its fiery wings of inspiration over the people of Massa- 
chusetts. I feel the spirit of olden times moving through 
Faneuil Hall. Let me cut short my stammering words ; 
let me leave your hearts alone with the inspiration of his- 
tory; let me bear with me the heart-strengthening convic- 
tion that I have seen Boston still a radiating sun, as it 
was of yore, but risen so high on mankind's sky as to 
spread its warming rays of elevated patriotism far over 
the waves. American patriotism of to-day is philanthropy 
for the world. 

Gentlemen, I trust in God, I trust in the destinies of 
humanity, and intrust the hopes of oppressed Europe to 
the consistent energy of Massachusetts. 



614 APPENDIX. 



Kossuth's speech at Plymouth. 

Gentlemen : It is said that a poor little bird, having a 
grain of seed in his bill, wafted by the current of the gale 
over the waves to a new part of the globe, a barren desert 
yet, lately risen from the hidden depth where the myste- 
rious work of creation is still going on. The grain of seed 
fell from the bill of the bird, and out of that grain a new 
creation was born. An ocean of haulm, the children of 
that solitary grain, undulates over the blooming prairie, 
bowing in adoration before Nature's God ; and millions 
of flowers send the sacrifice of their fragrance up to the 
Almighty's throne. 

If I had to stand on the spot where that grain of seed 
fell from the beak of the bird, with the blooming prairie 
spreading before my eyes, boundless like eternity, I could 
not feel more awe than here, on this hallowed spot, the 
most striking evidence of the most wonderful operation of 
Divine Providence. 

Every object which meets my eye, the very echo of my 
steps, is fraught with the most wonderful tale which ever 
found its way to the heart of men. 

You all, — you are wont to stand on this spot; you are 
wont to walk on this hallowed ground; the ocean's breeze, 
which your ears catch, to you it is not fraught with woful 
sighs from a bleeding home; and still I see the lustre of 
religious awe in your eyes, and I hear your hearts throb 
with uncommon emotion of pious sentiments. "What, then, 
must I feel on this spot ? What must I hear in the voice 
of the breeze, where the spirits of departed pilgrims melt 
their whispers with the sighs of my oppressed father-land? 



APPENDIX. 615 

I am not here, gentlemen, to retell the pilgrim fathers' 
tale; I have to learn about it from your particulars, which 
historians neglect, but the people's heart by pious tradi- 
tion likes to conserve. Neither am I here to tell how 
happy you are; — that, you feel. Pointed by that senti- 
ment which instinctively rises in the heart of happy, good 
men at the view of foreign misfortune, you invited me to 
this sacred spot, desiring to pour in my sad heart the con- 
soling inspiration flowing from this place, and to strengthen 
me in the trust to God. I thank you for it; it does good 
to my heart. The very air which I here respire, though to 
me sad, because fresh with the sorrows of Europe and with 
the woes of my native land, that very air is a balm to the 
bleeding wounds of my soul; it relieves like as the tears 
relieve the oppressed heart. But this spot is a book of 
history. A book not written by man, but by the Almighty 
himself, — a leaf out of the records of destiny, sent to earth, 
and illumined by the light of heavenly intellect, that men 
and nations, reading in that book of life the bountiful in- 
tentions of the Almighty God, may learn the duties they 
are expected to fulfill, and cannot neglect to fulfill without 
offending those intentions with which the Almighty ruler 
of human destinies has worked the w^onders of which Ply- 
mouth Rock is the cradle-place. I feel like Moses when 
he stood on Mount Nebo, in the mountains of Abarim, look- 
ing over the billows. I see afar the Canaan of mankind's 
liberty. I would the people of your great republic would 
look to Plymouth Rock as to a new Sinai, where the Al- 
mighty legislator revealed what he expects your nation to 
do and not do unto her neighbors, by revealing to her free 
America's destiny. 

Who would have thought, gentlemen, that the modest 
vessel, which two hundred and thirty-two years ago, landed 



616 APPENDIX. 

the handful of pilgrims on Plymouth Eock, was fraught with 
the palladium of liberty, and with the elements of a power 
destined to regenerate the world ? 

Oppression drove them from their ancient European 
home to the wilderness of an unknown world; the May- 
flower developed into a wonderful tree of liberty. Where 
the wilderness stood, there now a mighty Christian nation 
stands, unequaled in general intelligence and in general 
prosperity, a glorious evidence of mankind's capacity to self- 
government; and ye, happy sons of those pilgrim fathers, it 
became your glorious destiny to send back an enchanted 
twig from your tree of freedom to the Old "World, thus re- 
quiting the oppression which drove away your forefathers 
from it. Is the time come for it ? Yes, it is. That which 
is a benefit to the world is a condition of your own secu- 
rity. 

While the tree of freedom which the pilgrims planted, 
grew so high that one twig of it may revive a world, in 
Europe, by a strange contradiction, another tree has grown 
in the same time, — the tree of evil and of despotism. It is 
Russia. Both have grown so large that there is no place 
more for them both on earth. One must be lopped, that 
the other may still spread. 

And while the tree of good here, and the tree of evil 
there, have thus grown, my nation, a handful of braves, a 
foreign race from far Asia, transplanted to Europe a thou- 
sand years ago, — not kindred to you, not kindred to any 
European race, but guarding in its bosom, through all 
vicissitudes of time, a spark from that fire which led your 
pilgrim fathers to America's shores, — my nation stood in 
the very neighborhood of the tree of evil, a modest shrub, 
bearing up through centuries against the blasting winds 



APPENDIX. 617 

encroaching upon the fields of Christianity and of Chris- 
tian civilization. Beaten continually by these blasting 
winds, it could not grow; but it stood firmly in its place, 
and checked their course. It was the emblem of resist- 
ance. 

The wind has shifted. Russian despotism threatens the 
Christian world, and it is again the shrub of my nation 
which has to check the gale. 0, dear shrub of my dear 
native land ! thy leaves are yellow and thy branches are 
torn; but the roots still hold firm, and the stock of the 
people is sound, and the soil which nursed that shrub for 
a thousand years is still full of life. Undaunted courage, 
unfaltering resolution, undesponding confidence, nurses the 
roots. 

Now, what is it I claim from you, people of America, — 
ye powerful swarm from the bee-hive Europe, ye sons of the 
pilgrims, — those Christian Deucalions, who peopled this 
New World, and founded a nation in seeking but the asy- 
lum of a new home ? 

What is it I claim from you, people of America ? Is it 
that you should send over yonder Atlantic a fleet of new 
Mayflowers, manned with thousand of Miles Standishes ? 
Claim I the sword of that brave chieftain, as the people of 
Weymouth, the Wessagusens of old, claimed it once from the 
pilgrim fathers, that, as he once did for them, you may do 
for my people, brandishing its brave " Damascus blade" 
against the Indians of despotism, more dangerous to man- 
kind's liberty — that common property of which you have the 
fairest share — than in those olden times the Indians of Cape 
Cod have been dangerous to the handful of pilgrims, re- 
duced by sickness to half their number, that they may mul- 
tiply into millions? Is it that which I claim, in the name 



618 APPENDIX. 

of mankind's great family, of which you are a mighty, full- 
grown son ? No, I claim not this. 

Do I claim from you to send over your sons to Hungary's 
border mountains, to make a living fence by their breasts, 
catching up the blasting wind of Russia, that it may not 
fall upon the poor, leaf-torn shrub of Hungary ? No, I 
claim not this. 

Or do I claim from you to beat back the bloody hand of 
the Austrian, that he may not waste the tempest-torn shrub, 
and not drain the life-sweat of its nursing soil ? 

No, I do not claim that. 

What is it, then, I claim from America ? That same 
violence which shattered Hungary's bush has loosened, 
has bent, has nearly broken, the pole called law of nations; 
without which no right is safe, and no nation sure — none, 
were it even ten times so mighty as yours. I claim from 
America that it should fasten and make firm that pole 
called " law of nations," that we may, with the nerve-strings 
of our own stout hearts, bind to it our nation's shattered 
shrub. 

That is what I claim. And I ask you, in the name of 
the Almighty, is it too pretentious, is it too much arro- 
gance, to claim so much ? 

" In the law of nations every nation is just so much in- 
terested as every citizen in the laws of his country." That 
is a wise word; it is the word of Mr. Webster, who, I am 
sure of it, in the high position he holds, intrusted with 
your country's foreign policy, would readily make good 
his own word, if only his sovereign, the nation, be decided 
to back it, and says to him " Go on." 

Well, that maintenance of the law of nations would be, 
indeed, an immense benefit to my country — an immense 



APPENDIX. 619 

benefit to all oppressed nations; because there is scarcely 
one among them all (Russia, perhaps, excepted) which 
very easily could not get rid of its own domestic op- 
pressor, if only the infernal bugbear "interference" stood 
not in the rear, ready to support every oppressor against 
the oppressed; but. I ask, is it an arrogance to claim an 
international duty, when that duty would be a benefit to 
our poor selves ? 

To whom shall the oppressed turn for the protection of 
law and of right, if not to those who have the power to 
protect that law and that right, upon which their own 
power, their own existence, rests ? 

Turn to God, and trust to him, you say. Well, that we 
do. The Lord is our chief trust; but, precisely because 
we trust to God, we look around with confidence for the 
instrumentality of this protection. 

And who shall be that instrumentality, if not you, 
people of America, for whom God has worked an evident 
wonder out, and upon this very place where I stand ? 

We may well praise the dignity of Carver and Brad- 
ford, the bravery of Standish, the devotion of Brewster, 
the enterprising spirit of Allerton, the unexampled forti- 
tude and resignation of their women, the patience of their 
boys, the firmness, thoughtfulness, religious faith and con- 
fident boldness, of all the pilgrims of the Mayflower; we 
may well praise that all; no praise is too high and none 
undeserved; but, after all, we must confess that the won- 
derful results of their pilgrimage — the nation which we 
see here — that is not their merit, as it could never have 
been the anticipation of their thoughts. No, that is no 
human merit; that is an evident miracle — the work of God. 

What have they been, those pilgrims of those days ? 
What was their resolution, their aim, their design ? Let 



620 APPENDIX. 

me answer, in the eloquent words of Mr. Webster's last 
centennial address: " They have been the personification 
of humble and peaceable religion flying from causeless op- 
pression, conscience attempting to escape from arbitrary 
rule, braving a thousand dangers, to find here — what ? A 
place of refuge and of rest." 

And what is it they have founded here ? A mighty na- 
tion, of twenty-four millions, in the short period of two 
hundred and thirty-two years. Well, that has never en- 
tered the thoughts of the boldest of them. 

The revolution of 1775 was no miracle; it was a neces- 
sity, an indication of your people's having come to the law- 
ful age of a nation. Your assuming now the position of a 
power on earth, as I hope you will — that will again be no 
miracle. It would be wisdom, but the wisdom of doing 
what is good to humanity and necessary to yourselves. 
But, the United States of America — a result of the pilgrim 
fathers' landing on Plymouth's Rock — that is no wisdom, 
no necessity; it is an evident miracle, a work of God. 

And believe me, gentlemen, the Almighty God never 
deviates from the common laws of eternity for particular 
purposes; he never makes a miracle but for the benefit of 
all the world. By that truth the destiny of America is 
appointed out, and every destiny implies a duty to fulfill. 

Happy the people which has the wisdom of its destiny 
and the resolution of its duties resulting therefrom. But 
wo to the people which takes not the place which Provi- 
dence does appoint to it. With the intentions of Provi- 
dence, and with the decrees of the Almighty, no man can 
dare to play. Self-reliance is a manly virtue, and no na- 
tion has a future which has not that virtue; but to believe 
that seventy-five years of prodigious growth dispense of 



APPENDIX. 621 

every danger and. of every care — that would be the surest 
way to provoke danger, and to have much to care. 

You will judge by this, gentlemen, if it was too much 
boldness on my part to believe that it is your country's 
destiny to regenerate the world by maintaining the laws 
of nations, or too much boldness to claim that which I 
believe is your destiny. 

One humble prayer more I have; but that is addressed 
to your private generosity. When Weston's company of 
Weymouth was threatened by Indians, the pilgrim colony 
of Plymouth supplied them with provisions, though they 
themselves could boast but of a very scanty score. Now 
the stores of your national prosperity are full of countless 
treasures, and of boundless wealth. I ask out of your 
abundance a poor alms to my poor country; just so much 
as to buy with it a good rope, strong enough to fasten the 
shattered shrub of my country to the protecting pole of na- 
tional law, and to buy a good battle-ax to beat oif the 
hands of the tyrant from tearing to pieces the poor, shat- 
tered shrub. 

And here let me end. I am out-worn; my mind has lost 
the freshness of ideas, only the old sorrows and old cares 
will neither be tired out nor go asleep. That is bad inspi- 
ration to oratory ; but I will bear it, and go on in my duty, 
and hope good success; and will end with the words of 
that eloquent orator, who interpreted your people's wishes 
and sentiments at the second centennial anniversary of the 
day when the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, " May the star 
spangled banner rise up as high as heaven, till it shall fan 
the air of both continents, and wave as a glorious ensign 
of peace and security to all nations." 



622 APPENDIX. 



Kossuth's speech at Lexington. 

Gentlemen — It has been often my lot to stand upon 
classical ground, where the whispering breeze is fraught 
with wonderful tales of devoted virtue, bright glory, and 
heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of ancient great- 
ness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I saw the liv- 
ing ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about 
the sacred ground, unconscious of the very fact that the 
dust which clung to their boots was the relic of departed 
demi-gods, and I rose with a deep sigh. Those demi-gods 
were but men; and the degenerated shapes that roamed 
around me, on the hallowed ground, were also not less 
than men. The decline and fall of nations impressed the 
mark of degradation on nature itself. It is sad to think 
upon; it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills the 
fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impres- 
sion of such ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of 
men, who themselves have experienced the fragility of hu- 
man fate, thanks to God, there are bright spots yet on 
earth where the recollections of the past, brightened by 
present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of 
mankind's destiny. Such a spot is this. 

Gentlemen, should the awful reverence which this spot 
commands, allow a modest smile, I would feel inclined to 
smile at the eager controversy about the question if it be 
Lexington or Concord where the fire of the British was 
first returned by Americans. Let it be so or thus, it will 
neither increase nor abate the merit of the martyrs who 
fell here. It is their sacrificed blood with which is writ- 
ten the preface of your nation's history; and the names on 
yonder monument have equal claims to immortality, let 



APPENDIX. 623 

their owners have been butchered martyrs or yictims of a 
battle field. Their death was, and will always be, the 
first bloody revelation of America's destiny, and Lexington 
the opening scene of a revolution of which Governor Bout- 
well was right to say, that it is destined to change the 
character of human governments and the condition of the 
human race. 

Should the republic of America ever lose the conscious- 
ness of this destiny, that moment would be just so sure the 
beginning of America's decline, as the 19th of April, 1775, 
was the beginning of the republic of America. 

Prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the 
future, if it be not accompanied with a constant resolution 
to obey the call of the genius of time. Nay, material 
prosperity is often the mark of material decline, when it 
either results in, or is connected with, a moral stagnation 
in the devoted attachment to principles. Rome was never 
richer, never mightier, than under Trajan; and still it had 
already the sting of death in its very heart. 

To me, whenever I stand upon such sacred ground as 
this, the spirits of the departed appear like the prophets of 
future events. The language they speak to my heart is 
the revelation of Providence. 

The struggle of America for independence was provi- 
dential. It was a necessity. Those circumstances which 
superficial consideration takes for the motives of your glo- 
rious revolution have been but accidental opportunities for 
it. Had those circumstances not occurred, others had oc- 
curred, and had presented, perhaps, a different opportunity; 
but the revolution would have come. It was a necessity, 
because the colonies of America had attained that lawful 
age in the development of all the elements of national ex- 
istence, which claims the right to stand by itself, and can- 



624 APPENDIX. 

not more be led by a child's leading-strings, be tlie hand 
which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's hand. Cir- 
cumstances and the connection of events was such, that 
this unavoidable emancipation had to pass the violent con- 
cussion of severe trials. The immortal glory of your fore- 
fathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial, 
and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to 
their country's destiny. And the monuments you erect to 
their memory, and the religious reverence with which you 
cherish their memory, are indeed well-deserved tributes of 
gratitude. 

But, allow me to say, there is a tribute which those 
blessed spirits are still more fond to claim from you; the 
happy inheritance of the fruits they have raised for you; it 
is the tribute of always remaining true to their principle; 
and that principle was devotion to the destiny of your 
country, and that destiny is to become the corner-stone of 
liberty on earth. Empires can be but maintained by the 
same virtue by which they have been founded. ! let me 
hope that, while the recollections connected with this hal- 
lowed ground inspire the heart of the wandering exile 
with consolation, with hope, and with perseverance, in the 
very fact that I have stood here, fraught with the anxious 
prayers and expectations of the Old World's oppressed 
millions, you will see the finger of God pointing out the 
appropriate opportunity to act your part in America's des- 
tiny, by maintaining the laws of Nature and of Nature's 
God, for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; 
and to regenerate the world, 

" Proclaiming freedom in tire name of God," 

till, to continue in the beautiful words of your Whittier, 

" It's blessings fall, 
Common as dew and sunshine^ over all." 



appendix. 625 

Kossuth's speech at concord. 

I am afraid to speak here. I like to listen to the tale 
the spirits of martyrs tell, and to words like yours, sir, 
[Mr. Emerson,] full of wisdom and philanthropy. The 
answer I can give will scarcely possess the merit to satisfy 
the American people. One thing I may assume, and one 
thing own — should the Almighty give me prosperity, yet 
in my life, it would not carry me away, not to be frank, 
not only in adversity, but in duty, which is a good guard, 
as well against ambition in prosperity as in adversity. 
One thing I may own, that it is, indeed, true, every thing 
good has yet been in the minority; still mankind went on, 
and is going on, to that destiny the Almighty designed, 
when all good will not be confined to the minority, but 
will prevail among all mankind. 

I hail thee, hallowed ground of Concord, thou sacred 
baptistry, where the people of America first baptized itself 
to the name of a " nation" with its own and its enemies' 
blood ! I hail thee, Concord ! thou John the Baptist of 
American Independence ! " When invaded by oppression, 
resistance becomes the Christian and social duty of each 
individual." Thus spoke the leaders of Massachusetts, 
when the spirit of national freedom first moved through 
this air, which I now breathe. It was here that word 
was bravely redeemed by a people transformed into heroes 
by the charm of liberty. 

The leaders swore " never to yield; but, with a propel* 
sense of dependence on God, to defend those rights which 
Heaven gave, and no one ought to take." It was here that 
oath first was made good. Be thou blessed forever, hal- 
lowed ground of Concord 1 and ye spirits of the departed, 
40 



626 APPENDIX. 

take up, upon your angelic wings, the prayers of the poor 
wandering exile, who, on the hallowed ground of Concord, 
invokes the young spirit of the New World to regenerate 
the Old ! 

Gentlemen, remember what had to pass in the Old 
World, that Hungary's exiled chief thus might be stand- 
ing on Concord's hallowed ground, and that such prayers 
fall from his lips from such a place. Oh, silence for a 
while the noble pride of our prosperity, and bow with 
reverence before the finger of God ! He is the God of all 
humanity. What he did for you, he meant to do for hu- 
manity. Concord became the preface of liberty in America 
that America might become the preface of liberty on earth. 
That is my faith. I have drawn this faith from the phi- 
losophy of your history. 

It is strange, indeed, how every incident of the present 
bears the mark of deeper meaning around me. It is a 
meaning in the very fact that it is you, sir, by whom the 
respresentative of Hungary's ill-fated struggle is so gener- 
ously welcomed, in the name of Concord, to the shrine of 
martyrs illumined by victory. You are wont to dive into 
the mysteries of truth, and disclose mysteries of right to 
the eyes of men. 

Your honored name is Emerson; and Emerson was the 
name of the man, who, a minister of the gospel, turned 
out with his people on the 19th of April, of eternal memory, 
when the alarm-bell first was rung. The words of an Em- 
erson administered counsel and the comfort of religion to 
the distressed then, and the words of an Emerson now speak 
the comfort of philosophy to the cause of oppressed liberty. 

I take hold of that augury, sir. Religion and philosophy, 
you blessed twins ! upon you I rely with my hopes to 
America. Religion, the philosophy of the heart, will make 



APPENDIX. 627 

the Americans generous; and philosophy, the religion of 
the mind, will make the Americans wise; and all that I 
claim is a generous wisdom and a wise generosity. 

Gentlemen, it would be evidently a mistake to believe 
that the revolution of America was the accidental result 
of circumstances which England could have prevented. 
No, gentlemen, England could not have retained posses- 
sion of this country, except only by transforming herself 
into a republic, or, at least, into a democratic monarchy. 
That would have been the only means to prevent 
the separation. Those acts of the British parliament 
which virtually repealed the charter of Massachusetts, 
those acts were, indeed, oppressive, arbitrary and tyran- 
nical. They would have, in every other portion of the 
world, justified a revolution; but here, in your country, 
those arbitrary acts of the government have been but an 
opportunity to assert with arms that national independ- 
ence, which, also, without that opportunity, would have 
been asserted — perhaps, in a different way — but would 
have been asserted certainly, because it was a necessity; 
not only a necessity with your own country, gentlemen, 
but a logical necessity in the progress of mankind's his- 
tory. The arbitrary acts of the British government were 
a crime; but not to have understood that necessity, and 
not to have yielded to it by amicable arrangement without 
sacrifices, that was o^ fault. 

In my opinion, there is not a single fact in history which 
would have been so distinctly marked to be providential, 
with reference to all humanity, as the colonization, revo- 
lution and republicanism, of the now United States of 
America. 

This immense continent being discovered and brought 
within the scope of European civilization, peopled with 



628 APPENDIX. 

elements of tliat civilization, could not remain a mere ap- 
pendix to Europe — that is evident. But this America, 
being connected, as it is, with Europe, by a thousand 
social, moral and material ties; by the ties of blood, re- 
ligion, language, science, civilization and commerce; to me 
it is equally evident, that to believe that this, so connected 
America can rest isolated in politics from Europe, that 
would be just such a fault as that was that England did 
not believe in time the necessity of America's inde- 
pendence. 

Yes, gentlemen, this is so much true, that I would 
pledge life, honor, and every thing dear to man's -heart, 
and honorable to man's memory, that either America must 
take its becoming part in the political regeneration of 
Europe, or she herself must yield to the pernicious in- 
fluence of European politics. 

There was never yet a more fatal mistake than it would 
be to believe that, by not caring about the political con- 
dition of Europe, America may remain unaffected by the 
condition of Europe. 

I could, perhaps, understand such an opinion, if you 
would or could be entirely and in every respect isolated 
from Europe; but, as you are not isolated, as you cannot 
be, as you cannot even have the will to be isolated, be- 
cause that very will would be a paradox, a logical ab- 
surdity, impossible to be carried out, being contrary to 
the eternal laws of God, which he for nobody's sake will 
change, therefore to believe that you can go on to be con- 
nected with Europe in a thousand respects, and still remain 
unaffected by its social and political condition, would be, 
indeed, a fatal aberration. 

You stretch your gigantic hands a thousand-fold every 
day over the waves; your relations with Europe are not 



APPENDIX, 629 

only commercial, as with Asia, they are also social, moral, 
spiritual, intellectual. You take Europe every day by 
the hand; how, then, could you believe that, if that hand 
of Europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you 
can escape from seeing your own hands soiled ? The more 
clean your hands are, the more will the filth of old Europe 
stick to them. There is no possible means to escape from 
being soiled, than to help us Europeans to wash the hands 
of our Old World. 

You have heard, of the ostrich, that, when persecuted 
by an enemy, it is wont to hide its head, leaving its body 
exposed. It believes that, by not regarding it, it will not 
be seen by the enemy. That curious aberration is worthy 
of reflection. It is typical. 

Yes, gentlemen, either America will regenerate the 
condition of the Old World, or it will be degenerated by 
the condition of the Old World. 

Sir, I implore you [Mr. Emerson] give me the aid of 
your philosophical analysis, to impress the conviction upon 
the public mind of your nation that the revolution, to 
which Concord was the preface, is full of a higher desti- 
ny, — of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity 
itself. 

Let me entreat you to apply the analytic power of your 
penetrating intellect to disclose the character of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, as you disclose the character of self- 
reliance, of spiritual laws, of intellect, of nature, or of 
politics: lend the authority of your judgment to the truth 
that the destiny of the American Revolution is not yet 
fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop 
half way is worse than would have been not to stir; repeat 
those words of deep meaning which once you wrote about 



630 APPENDIX. 

the monsters that looked backward, and about the walking 
with reverted eye, while the voice of the Almighty says 
" Up and onward forevermore," and while the instinct of 
your people, which never fails to be right, answered the 
call of destiny by taking for its motto the word " ahead." 

Indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the 
heroic martyrs who fertilized, with their heart's blood, the 
soil of liberty, these monuments are a fair tribute of well- 
deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits who are hov- 
ering around us, and honorable to you. Wo to the people 
which neglected to honor its great and good men ! but, 
believe me, gentlemen, those blest spirits would look down 
with saddened brows to this free and happy land, if ever 
they were doomed to see that the happy inheritors of their 
martyrdom had the pretension to believe that the destiny 
to which that sacred martyr blood was sacrificed is accom- 
plished, and its price fully paid, in the already achieved 
results, because the living generation dwells comfortably, 
and makes two dollars out of one. 

No, gentlemen, the stars on the sky have a higher aim 
than that to illumine the night-path of some lonely wan- 
derer. The course your nation is called to run is not yet 
half performed. Mind the fable of Atalanta; it was a 
golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall 
short in her race. 

Two things I have met here, in these free and mighty 
United States, which I am at a loss how to make concord. 
The two things I cannot concord are: — First, that all 
your historians, all your statesmen, all your distinguished 
orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as an era in 
mankind's destiny destined to change the condition of the 
world, upon which it will rain an ever-flowing influence. 



APPENDIX. 631 

And, secondly, in contradiction to this universally adopted 
consideration, I have met in many quarters a propensity 
to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to take any 
active part in the regulation of the condition of the out- 
ward world. 

These two things do not concord. If that be the destiny 
of America, which you all believe to be, then, indeed, that 
destiny can never be fulfilled by acting the part of pas- 
sive spectators, and by this very passively granting a 
charter to ambitious Czars to dispose of the condition of 
the world. 

I have met distinguished men trusting so much to the 
operative power of your institutions and of your example, 
that they really believe they will make their way through- 
out the world merely by their moral influence. But there 
is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded in their 
philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of sun 
never yet made its way, by itself, through well-closed 
shutters and doors; they must be drawn open, that the 
blessed rays of the sun may get in. I have never yet 
heard of a despot who had yielded to the moral influence 
of liberty. The ground of Concord itself is an evidence 
of it ; the doors and shutters of oppression must be 
opened by bayonets, that the blessed rays of your institu- 
tions may penetrate into the dark dwelling-house of op- 
pressed humanity. 

Allow me, gentlemen, to make the remark, that there is 
no word so much abused as the word conservatism. I 
have known children, who have got a hole in their coats, 
put their fingers in it to make it more large. Well, they 
conserved the hole. If that be conservatism, then I will 
not dispute that the policy of not caring about the con- 



632 APPENDIX. 

dition of the world is conservative; but the conservation 
of a hole I am inclined to style, not conservatism, but 
indeed a very destructive policy. 

I have spoken, gentlemen, about the high destiny of 
the American Eevolution, a work not yet finished, because 
once more, sir, [Mr. Emerson] " up and onward forever- 
more" is the word of the Almighty God. Progress is 
life; stagnation is death. And I may be excused for tak- 
ing that elevated position for the prospects of America's 
destiny. 

I am an exile of the Old World, fraught with the hopes 
and expectations of oppressed millions. I may be excused 
for looking anxiously into the mysteries of your national 
existence, if I could not find out there a flower of con- 
solation to my poor native land, well deserving a better 
fate. But let me forsake that elevated position, and step 
down lower to the standing-place of your own national 
interests, of your own American policy. Even thus, I 
hope nobody will contradict me, that in the life of a nation 
there are different periods equally necessary, of equally 
vital importance, if that nation desires to live. And it is 
but necessary to open their eyes, and to look to the condi- 
tion of your glorious land, to become aware that now 
there is such a necessity for your future to be a power on 
earth, as it was necessary in 1775 to make a revolution, 
and to become independent and free. 

And I must say it, even at the risk of offending your 
national pride, that you are not yet a power on earth; and 
you will be no power on earth so long as you permit other 
powers to dispose of the laws of nations, and of the 
common interests of all humanity. 

And by not becoming a power on earth, when it is a 
necessity to do so, you lose, you must lose, the glorious 



APPENDIX. 633 

position you hold; because, as you well may see, tlie other 
powers of the earth dispose of the world's condition in a 
direction antagonistical to your interests, — in a direction 
in which your principles lose ground on earth, instead of 
gaining ground, as you should. 

There are men who believe the position of a power on 
earth will come to you by itself; but ! do not trust to 
this fallacy ! A position never comes by itself; it must 
be taken, and taken it never will be by passivity. 

The martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the 
ground of Concord trusted themselves, and occupied the 
place Divine Providence assigned them. Sir, the words 
are yours which I quote. You have told your people 
that they are now men, and must accept, in the highest 
mind, the same destiny; — that they are not minors and 
invalids in a protected corner; but guides, redeemers and 
benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the dark. 

I pray God to give your people the sentiment of the 
truth you have taught. 

Your people, fond of prosperity, loves peace. Well, 
who would not love peace ? But allow me again, sir, to 
repeat, with all possible emphasis, the great words you 
spoke, " Nothing can bring you peace, but a triumph of 
principles." 

The people of America's instinct is with my prayers. 
It is with me once more your words, sir, " What your 
heart thinks great is great." The soul's emphasis is 
always right. To this I will trust; and, reminding you 
of the fact that in the soil of Concord the ashes of your 
martyrs are mingled in concord with the ashes of your 
enemies, and out of both liberty has grown, I say let this 
be an augury. Let the future be regulated, not by long 



634 APPENDIX. 

past disinclinations, but by present necessities; not by an- 
ticipations of olden times, but by sympathies congenial to 
the present times; and let the word " Concord" be an 
augury to that fraternity among nations which will make 
the world free, and your nation the first and the greatest 
among the free. 



Kossuth's speech at the legislative banquet. 

Gentlemen : — One of your greatest men, Franklin, stand- 
ing up at the moment of a great time, teeming in rich events 
aifecting the destinies of mankind, before the parliament 
of England, called to answer what others might ask him, 
though learned and great, was not eloquent in the com- 
monly accepted sense of that word; but his answer, full of 
simple truth, is recognized as one of the greatest triumphs 
of human eloquence. 

He had an inspired mind. To him, modesty was a vir- 
tue; to me, it is but duty. I can get no answer to the 
toast with which you have honored me out of inspiration; 
but, looking up to God, and remembering my country's 
cause, and trusting to your generosity, I will try what I 
can say. Before all, let me express a word of veneration 
and thanks to that venerable gentleman there [pointing to 
Josiah Quincy.] [Cheers.] Sir, I believe when you spoke 
of age cooling the hearts of men, you spoke the truth in 
respect to ordinary men [cheers;] but you did yourself in- 
justice. [Cheers.] The common excitement and warm 
blood of youth pass away; but the heart of the wise man, 
the older it grows, the warmer it feels. [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen, if I am not mistaken, the toast you honored 
me with, was almost entirely personal in its character. It 



APPENDIX. 635 

is a great fact, gentlemen, that the glory of your free peo- 
ple resists even the common fate of humanity, recorded in 
history, that prosperity often hardens the heart; and that 
a poor exile like myself, with nothing to speak for him 
but the justness of his own cause, his own sufferings, and 
the misfortunes of his country, meets even personal honors. 
Great events sometimes spring from small things. That 
fact Divine Providence may intend to mark an era in man- 
kind's destiny, — an era at which America consents to fulfill 
its destiny among the nations of the earth. When happi- 
ness and power take misfortune by the hand, it is not pos- 
sible it can pass away without fruits for future time. 
[Cheers.] 

But if in your expectations I should become a screen to 
divert, for a single moment, your attention from my coun- 
try's cause and attract it to myself, I entreat you, even 
here, to forget me, and bestow all your attention and your 
generous sympathy upon the cause of my down-trodden 
father-land. Indeed, I believe the time has come when few 
men have the right any more to claim the name of great 
men. According as public spirit advances, individual 
greatness lowers. As to me, indeed, it would be curious, 
if the names of the great men, who invented the plough 
and the alphabet, who changed the corn into flour and the 
flour into bread, should be forgotten, and my name remem- 
bered. Great men, whose generous deeds mark an era in 
developing the great battle of humanity, wresting the scep- 
tre from the tyrant's hands, — such men live; humanity 
cherishes their generosity; but self is forgotten in the 
cause ! Notwithstanding, I may be permitted to dwell upon 
a few incidents in my own life, such as are instructive as 
evident marks of the bountiful operation of Divine Provi- 



APPENDIX, 

dence. Before tins, however, having heard Turkey men- 
tioned in regard to certain facts which you, Mr. President, 
enumerate among, not my merits, but my duties, it is due to 
the Sultan of Turkey to say he never attached that price 
to the protection of my life. Russian diplomacy is very 
skillful (here, by and by, — excuse me, gentlemen, when 
I say it, — you may see something of that skill which is 
sending some of its shrewdest men to the Emperor Souloque; 
not, of course, out of mere compliment,) — now, Russian 
diplomacy, is not more common or more skillful anywhere 
than at Constantinople; and it succeeded to carry a vote 
in the Divan, the great Council of Turkey, that I and my 
associates should be surrendered. In consequence, a high 
officer sent to Widdin this information, to suggest that, if 
I valued life more than honor, I could save it by aban- 
doning my religion. But, on the second day, when the vote 
was made known to the sultan, he arose, raised his hands 
and said : " I will never avert the sufferings of a war from 
my country by dishonor. If I am doomed to perish, I will 
perish with honor. I will never surrender them. [Cheers.] 
It is at this time I wrote a letter to England; and a very in- 
teresting fact occurred, brought home to my mind by a re- 
cent incident at Hartford, but of which I will not speak 
now, because it has been reported in the newspapers. How- 
ever, before Lord Palmerston got my letter, the sultan 
had given his decision; and not knowing how far the sat- 
ellite of the Czar, Francis Joseph, might go to prevent our 
lives from being saved, he ordered out forty thousand men 
from the regular army to protect us. But a rumor having 
spread that this army was intended to act against Russia, 
instead of forty thousand, one hundred thousand men as. 
sembled, from one province, by their own will. So much 



APPENDIS. 637 

is due, on my part, to history, and to the honor of the sul- 
tan. He, many times, has protected my countrymen. He 
never refused a refuge to an unfortunate Hungarian. 

Now, as to my own humble self. Two circumstances 
may not be unworthy of attention. First, that when by 
violence and oppression beat down, it was not my merit, 
but my fate, that, touching the earth, like the mythical 
Anteeus, I rose always with more power to do good to my 
country and to humanity. Even the circumstance by which 
I have the honor to bow before you, and to have become 
an opportunity for the pronunciation of great principles in 
the United States, — that fact proves true what I have said. 

When I went to prison in far Asia, abandoned by all 
the world, forgotten by all except my own people, it was 
expected that Kutayah would become my grave, — at least? 
the grave of my activities for all future time; but I left 
that prison under the protecting banner of the United 
States, the first time raised as a signal that the United 
States were willing to be a power on earth; and then, as I 
went on, I met proof of the fact that, instead of ancient 
isolation, there was acknowledgment of a tie binding the 
destinies of nations. [Cheers.] 

When on the threshold of manhood I thought not how 
to gain glory, which I was terrified at, but to benefit my 
country. I believed the first step to secure that benefit 
was free thought and a free press, forbidden to us not by 
law, but only by the arbitrary power of the government. 
I took ground against that arbitrary government; and) 
having no other power, resorted to the ancient method of 
making manuscript copies of the reports of the Hungarian 
Parliament; and I did it with the certain confidence that a 
free press would be the result of my endeavors. 



638 APPENDIX. 

I was sent to prison, and was for one year deprived of 
all intellectual food; until, at last, when permitted to se- 
lect books, I was ordered to have nothing about politics. 
Well, indeed, not conscious of what I did, but only remem- 
bering the treasures hidden in the English language, — 
treasures of knowledge and of science, — I told them to give 
me an English Dictionary and Shakspeare. These could 
have nothing to do with politics. Look what came out of 
that fact ! — not that with my bad English I could contrib- 
ute any thing to knowledge, intellect or righteous senti- 
ment; but, if I did not know what little English I speak, I 
would not have been received as I have been in England 
or America, because there is necessity of communication. 
God looks into the heart; men want words to express 
their thoughts. [Cheers.] My enemies considered so much. 
An article was published in the Augsburg Gazette, I be- 
lieve, on the very day when I landed in England, saying 
that I was not able to speak English, and that Lord Dudley 
Stuart would take me by the hand as a show from far Asia, 
and escort me through the country, making bad speeches, 
while I only bowed or muttered. Just to show how little 
I knew of English, my friend and representative in Lon- 
don, Mr. Pulszky [cheers for Pulszky], can bear testimony 
that, a few weeks before I came to Southampton, I sent 
him a despatch, written in English, a part of which it was 
necessary to publish; and he, not considering himself au- 
thorized to alter it, was somewhat embarrassed, because it 
was written in such a bad manner. Then from Turkey, 
where I had not much opportunity to study English, I came 
to England, and since I have spoken five hundred times. 
It is a curious thought, indeed, — it would be presumptuous 
for me to apply it to myself — but I remember in olden 



APPENDIX. 639 

times, wlien God had chosen humble men as his tools to 
carry out his designs, he imparted to them the gift of 
tongues, and they went on preaching his word among all 
the nations of the earth. By the bounty and mercy of God, 
when I think what I have done, it seems nearly to me that 
I have been the object of miraculous favor, and thus ac- 
quired the knowledge I have of your language, imperfect 
as it is, but without which, as I have said, my mission could 
have been of but little service to my country. 

Well, I left prison; and that government which impris- 
oned me for publishing a mere record of facts, that gov- 
ernment suggested the publication of a newspaper, because 
it thought that, being thus occupied writing my editorials 
under the iron hand of censorship (the censor taking care 
that no truth, interfering with Austria should pass,) I would 
not be able to employ my time in any other way. And, 
indeed, the hardest days of my life were when I sat re- 
flecting how to obtain a passport from the censor to a sin- 
gle truth of free principles among my people. But, not- 
withstanding, the light of truth cannot be shut out. In 
three years my journal became the basis of future revolu- 
tions in Hungary. Then, the Austrian government, seeing 
itself deluded, so managed that I lost my journal, and had 
no further opportunity to exercise my patriotic motives in 
that direction. 

Gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient 
institutions of Hungary. I have often heard it said that 
the people of Europe are incapable of self-government. 
Let me speak of the people of Hungary, to show whether 
they are capable of self-government or not. In thirty-six 
years, with God's help, and through your generous aid, the 
free people of Hungary will celebrate the one thousandth 



640 APPENDIX. 

anniversary of the establislinient of their home — the millen- 
nium of Hungary in Europe. Yes, gentlemen, may I hope 
that celebration will take place, under the blessings of lib- 
erty, in the year 1889 ? [Cheers.] 

It is a long period, — one thousand years, — and 0, how 
it has teemed with adversities to my people ! And yet, 
through this long time, amid all adversities; there was no 
period when the people of Hungary did not resist despot- 
ism. Our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a 
thousand years, there was not a moment when the popular 
will and legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of abso- 
lutism. And, gentlemen, what other people, for one thou- 
sand years, has not consented to be ruled by despotism ? 
[Cheers.] Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to 
look back to the wisdom of our fathers through a thousand 
years, who laid down the basis of Hungarian institutions, 
which for all eternity must remain true. This basis was 
upon that Latin proverb, nil de nobis, sine nobis, — " nothing 
about us, without us." That was so much as to claim that 
every man should have a full share in^the sovereignty of 
the people, and a full share in the rights belonging to his 
nation. In other times, a theory was got up to convince 
the people that they ought to have a share in legislation, 
just to have the power to control that legislation ; but 
denying the right of the people to control the execu- 
tive power. The Hungarian people never adopted that 
theory. They ever claimed a full share in the executive 
as in the legislative and judicial power. Out of this idea 
of government rose the municipal system of Hungary. In 
respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it 
in the same light as the aristocracy of England. The word 
nobleman in Hungary originally was so much as soldier. 



APPENDIX. 641 

Every man who defended his country was a nobleman 
[cheers,] and every man who had a vote was called to de- 
fend his country. [Cheers.] I believe the duty of de- 
fending a man's country, and also political right, should be 
common. [Cheers.] 

After our people had conquered a home, the leaders 
took the lion's share, of course. But it should be consid- 
ered that those who had the largest share of the property 
were compelled to furnish soldiers according to the extent 
of their possessions. Therefore such men gave a part of 
their land to the people to cultivate, and desired aid of 
them whenever the necessity of war came. So, all who 
defended their country were considered noblemen. Hun- 
gary was divided into fifty-two counties, but not counties 
like yours; — some of them so populous as to be compared 
to your states, containing perhaps half a million or more of 
people; and those who became the aristocracy, in some of 
these counties, amounted to thirty-five thousand. In every 
county was a fortress; and, whenever defence became ne- 
cessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their 
own banner, and the others went under the king's colors, 
and were commanded by the sheriff of the county, who was 
like your governor, — at least, who was the chief of the ex* 
ecutive. There were also certain cities raised to constitu- 
tional rights. A smaller city, surrounded by fortifications, 
or which was an important point, was represented in the 
Diet; whilst larger places, not points of importance for 
national defence, were represented but by the county dele- 
gates. Every place that had the elements of defence had 
political rights. So it came that the aristocracy were not 
a few men, but half a million. Before our revolution I 
had contended to beat down this barrier of aristocracy, 
41 



642 APPENDIX. 

[Cheers.] Before the revolution, in municipal govern- 
ments, only the nobility had a share, — they only were the 
men who could vote; but the ch^ge was easy. The frame 
of self-government was ready. We had only to say the 
people, instead of the nobility, had the right to vote, and so 
we buried aristocracy never to be resurrected in one day. 
[Cheers.] Each county elected its representatives to the 
Diet, and had the right of intercourse with other counties, 
by means of letters, on all matters of importance to these 
counties; and therefore our fifty-two primary councils were 
work-shops for the development of public spirit. We 
elected our judiciary and executive, and the government 
had not a right to send instructions or orders to our ex- 
ecutive; and, if an order came which was considered to be 
inconsistent with our constitutional rights, it was not sent 
to the executive, but to the council; and therefore the ar- 
bitrary orders of the government could not be executed, 
because they came not into the hands of the executive. 
Thus were our councils barriers to oppression. 

When the French took Saragossa, it was not enough to 
take the city — they had to take every house. So we went 
on; and, though some counties might accept the arbitrary 
orders of the government, some resisted, and, discussing in 
their letters to the other counties the points of right, en- 
lightened them; and it was seen that, when the last house 
in Saragossa had been beaten down, the first stood erect 
again. [Cheers.] In consequence of the democratic na- 
ture of our institutions, our councils were our grand juries. 
But, after having elected our judges, we chose several men 
in every county meeting, of no public office, but conspicuous 
for their integrity and knowledge of the law, to assist the 
judges in the administration of the law. 



APPENDIX. 643 

Believe me, these institutions had a sound basis, fit to 
protect a nation- against arbitrary government, tending to 
centralization and oppression. Now, these counties hav- 
ing contended against the Austrian government, it did ev- 
ery thing to destroy them. The great field was opened in 
the Diet of '47. Having been elected from the county of 
Pesth, I had the honor to lead the party devoted to na- 
tional rights and opposed to centralization, and in defence 
of municipal authority. It was my intention to make it 
impossible that the government could encroach upon the 
liberties of the people. [ Cheers.] We had the misfortune, 
in Hungary, to be governed by a constitutional king, who, 
at the same time, was the absolute monarch of another 
realm, by birth and interests attached to absolutism, and 
opposed to constitutional government. It was difl&cult to 
be an absolute monarch, and live the king of Hungary. 
There is on record a speech of mine, spoken in the Hun- 
garian Diet, about the inconsistency of these two attri- 
butes in one man, — that either Austria must become con- 
stitutional, or Hungary absolutistical. That speech made 
the revolution of '48 at Vienna. After this revolution, I 
was, sent to Vienna to ask that the laws we had passed, 
releasing the people from feudal burdens, might be con- 
firmed, and demanding a constitutional ministry. Then it 
was, a circumstance occurred to which I heard an allusion 
in the toast offered to me. I was told the king would 
grant our request, but there was agitation in Vienna, and 
it would look as if the king had yielded to a pressure; if 
the people would be quiet, the king would sanction our 
laws. Then I said that if the king would give our laws 
the required sanction, peace would be made for the house 
of Austria in twenty-four hours. But, when the consent 



644 APPENDIX. 

was given in one chamber, in another chamber, that wicked 
woman, Sophia, the mother of the present emperor, who 
calls himself King of Hungary, — no, he does not call him- 
self King of Hungary, for he thinks the national existence 
of Hungary is blotted out, — plotted how to ruin my peo- 
ple, and destroy that sanction, which was nothing but the 
sanction of a just cause. Next came the Hungarian min- 
istry; and, strange to say, I saw myself placed nearest the 
throne. Here I must mention two circumstances, not yet 
recorded in history. 

When in Vienna, after the sanction was granted, and 
steps taken to retract it, I went to the Archduke Stephen, 
the Palatine of Hungary, the first constitutional a,uthority 
of Hungary, the elective viceroy, and told him he should 
return to Hungary, if he wished to preserve his influence. 

He answered that he could not return to Hungary; for, 
if the king did not sanction our laws, he (the Archduke Ste- 
phen) might be proclaimed king, instead of the Emperor 
of Austria, and he would never dethrone his cousin. 

I answered that he spoke like an honest man; but, per- 
haps, the time would come when he would find an empty 
seat on that throne, and he had better take it; for I could 
assure him, if he did not, no other man ever would, with 
the consent of the people. When, five months later, in 
Hungary, we met for the last time, he called me to his 
house, on a stormy night, and desired of me to know what 
would be the issue of matters in Hungary. I answered, I 
could see no issue for him, only the crown or the scaifold, 
and then for the people a republic. " But even from this 
alternative I will relieve you," I said to him; " for you the 
crown, for me the scaifold, if Hungarian independence is 
not achieved." I take no hesitation here to confess, that 



APPENDIX. 645 

such was tlie embarrassed state of Hungarian^affairs, that 
I would have felt satisfied for him to have accepted the 
crown. Remember that your fathers did not design at first 
to sever the ties which bound the colonies to England, but 
" circumstances forced the issue. So it was with us. We 
asked at first only democratic institutions; but, when it 
was possible, we were glad to throw away our kings. 
[Cheers.] 

The archduke did not accept," but was rather a traitor 
to his country. Such is the connection of tyrants with 
each other, they desire not to prevent others from oppress- 
ing. He is now an exile, like myself. If he had accepted, 
no doubt the independence of Hungary would have been 
recognized by even Russia, especially if he had formed a 
family alliance with that despotism; and then for centuries 
the establishment of a republic would have been impossible, 
whereas now, as sure as there is a God in heaven, no king 
will ever rule Hungary; but it must be one of those re- 
publics wherein republicanism is not a mere romance, but a 
reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities to 
which the people are attached. We could never have such 
a movement as disgraced France in December. [Cheers.] 

The second fact in my life is an evidence that to honest 
hearts and iron wills some field is ever open to do good to 
our fellow-men. Thrown back into private life, I just 
considered how to do good to my country through the 
field of social development; and I established associations 
to promote agricultural interests, commerce, public educa- 
tion, &c. The government, believing that in whatever I 
did there must be some political intention, while the mass 
of the people were attracted to these associations, inter- 
fered, and would^not allow the people of Hungary to do 



646 APPENDIX, 

good for their nation in these associations; hence, from 
coming together to promote industry, they became also my 
brethren in a political aspect. [Cheers.] Thus, when the 
government intended to check my influence, it gave me 
that popularity by which I was able to do what I have 
done for my country. 

Allow me to say one word for these associations. I take 
political economy for a science not exactly like mathemat- 
ics. It is quite a practical thing, depending upon circum- 
stances, but in certain proceedings a negative principle 
exists. In political economy it is not good for the people 
that a prohibitory system be adopted. Protection may 
sometimes be of service to a nation, but prohibition never. 

Now, by an absurd prohibitory system, Hungary was ex- 
cluded from the commerce of the whole world, and was 
obliged, by Austria, to pay a high price for bad goods. The 
consumption of cotton alone, in Hungary, amounted to nine 
and a half millions of dollars per annum. It was not pos- 
sible to receive it through France or Belgium; and upon 
every hundred-weight was fifty-five dollars import duty, 
which compelled the Hungarians to pay one hundred dol- 
lars for what they could buy here for forty-six dollars. 
That condition did not benefit Austrian labor, because a 
prohibitory system is never a benefit. Protection may be, 
for a certain time, but never to extend further than to 
make an equilibrium, where circumstances exist that can- 
not be controlled by human intellect and human industry. 
Wherever protection goes over to a prohibitory system 
there industry never develops. Such was the condition of 
Hungary. The people had no interest in progress. "What 
was the motive for this policy of the government? It was 
because the Austrian courtiers were not able to draw as 



APPENDIX. 647 

much money out of Hungary as they desired, although six 
or eight or ten millions passed into the hands of the cour- 
tiers every year, only to oppress nations; — still it was not 
enough, and because we continued to resist, they insured a 
monopoly of trade to Austrian merchants. In that condi- 
tion of affairs, the legislature of Hungary proposed a tariff 
to Austria, beneficial to the people, and not noxious to 
Austria; but the government vetoed it. 

I am always looking to your history; and I thought then 
of what Franklin told the American people, to wear their 
old clothes till they could make new out of their own in- 
dustry. [Cheers.] The Hungarians established associa- 
tions to protect home industry, by refraining from buying 
Austrian goods. In such a way we went on to do as much 
good as we could; and, indeed, I was glad to see how my 
people had natural capacity, not only to maintain their 
rights on the battle field, but to understand other matters, 
— and how they took such a start to defend their rightful 
privileges. 

Gentlemen, one thing I especially desire to speak of in 
Boston, where, notwithstanding the intelligence and re- 
publican spirit of the people, a voice has been raised to de- 
clare that the war in Hungary was a war between races. 
Allow me to say a few words on this matter, although the 
voice to which I refer has been successfully answered by 
intellect and knowledge among yourselves. 

In the year 1000, King Stephen wrote a political testa- 
ment, wherein he declared that no country could securely 
exist where the people spoke but one language. It is a 
curious fact, and I mention it to show why, in Hungary, 
never did exist rivalry and hostility to the introduction 
of foreign languages. 



648 APPENDIX. 

Having determined to convert the people of Hungary 
to Christianity, King Stephen invited the Roman Catholic 
priests of Germany to help him. Hungary, after some lit- 
tle resistance, became Christian; but those Vho had as- 
sisted Stephen, looking naturally a little to their own in- 
terest, invited their countrymen to come to Hungary, and 
desired that certain privileges should be secured them; 
and they so managed the system that all the power came 
through their hands. They succeeded to persuade King 
Stephen to introduce Latin as the diplomatic language of 
Hungary, because the best educated Hungarians did not 
know a single word of Latin; only the Roman Catholic 
clergy from Germany and Italy understood it. By and 
by, the aristocracy learned it; but the mass of the people, 
not brought up to be Latin and Greek scholars, but only 
good citizens, were excluded from public concerns, and so 
the power was concentrated in the hands of the priests and 
nobility. Therefore, we were led to say that the Latin 
language should not longer be used in our legislature, but 
that a living language should take its place. Now, there 
were different languages spoken in Hungary; but by Hun- 
garians what was more natural than that they should de- 
sire the Hungarian language to be fixed as the legislative, 
the national language ? The Magyars were equal in num- 
bers to almost all the rest of the people, and twice as nu- 
merous as those speaking any other dialect. 

Now, gentlemen, this is quite your condition in the 
United States, composed of millions speaking different 
languages; — still nobody ever heard it was oppression that 
in congress and in the state legislatures the German lan- 
guage is not spoken. The only difference from us is, that 
we found the Latin language ruling, and had to say which 



APPENDIX. 649 

language should take its place; wMle you had, without 
question, to adopt the language you found ruling, because 
it is a living language, and the people understanding it, 
they are not excluded from a participation in public con- 
cerns. 

But it is false to say there was the slightest difference 
made between the Sclavonian, Magyar, or German, or 
Wallach people. Already King Stephen had introduced 
the fashion; and whoever would look back to books would 
find that nine-tenths of the titled nobility were foreigners, 
and the aristocracy numbered only five hundred thousand, 
while the Magyars were at least six millions; therefore, 
gentlemen, the only distinction in political rights was no- 
bility, not Magyar or Sclavonian. There were among 
the Germans, Wallachians and Sclavonians, large numbers 
of nobles, and among the Magyars many who had no 
political rights. Every race had the same political rights; 
and by the revolution all the people, of whatever language, 
had not only equal rights before the law, but in politics. 

When Ban Jellacic rose against us, if the Croats had 
fought for nationality, they would not have invaded Hun- 
gary to establish the absolutism of the House of Hapsburgh. 
The basis of Ban Jellacic's military reputation was always 
to be beaten; but, when we had beaten him, we did not 
enter Croatia, — we did not intend to conquer it, even 
though we had the right. We told the Croatians, " If 
you will not be connected with us, God bless you ! We 
can be good neighbors." It was our intention to restore 
all the people to freedom, civil as well as religious. 
[Cheers. J 

Excuse me, gentlemen, if I abuse your kindness. [Cries 
of " Go on ! go on !"] I did not intend to make a long 



650 APPENDIX. 

speech, and it would have no interest to you, if you have 
not sympathy with my cause. It is not necessary for me 
to contribute to that interest, but it is a satisfaction to the 
poor exile to show how just is the cause he pleads. I 
claim no other merit, but only to speak the sentiments of 
my people, to be a reflection of their hopes and purposes. 
[Cheers.] I am anxious to make known my ideas upon 
the future organization of my people. [Cries of " Go on ! 
go on !"J Well, gentlemen, that organization we propose 
is founded upon the sovereignty of the people, not only in 
a legislative capacity, because it is not enough that we 
show that sovereignty by casting a vote once in three or 
four years; we must feel it every day, everywhere. 

The sovereignty of the people claims that men have cer- 
tain rights, not depending from any power, because they 
are natural rights. I mean such as religious liberty, free 
thought, a free press, and the right of every family to reg- 
ulate its own affairs: but not only every family, — every 
town, city and county. Now, our Hungarian sovereignty 
shall be such that the higher government will have no 
power to interfere in the domestic concerns of any town, 
city or county. These are the principles upon which our 
government shall be founded; principles of popular sove- 
reignty, not only in legislation, but a particular share in 
the executive department of government. These are the 
principles which we have upheld for a thousand years, and 
which we always, by the help of God, will uphold. Judge 
whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of 
republicans like you, who have shown to the world the 
capability to be powerful without centralization ! [Cheers.] 
Believe me, there is harmony in our ancient principles and 
yours. Judge whether my people is capable of self-gov- 
ernment! [Cheers.] 



APPENDIX. 651 

I entreat you to have faith in my people; a life of one 
thousand years is no child's play, especially through all 
that time to conserve constitutional government, and some 
vitality of popular sovereignty. We have had many 
revolutions, and many men vs^ho have been great instru- 
mentalities for humanity; but Hungary never met an 
ambitious man to whom it gave its confidence. Therefore, 
when victorious, our glorious leaders laid down their 
swords and went home. [Cheers.] Great power was 
never concentrated in one hand, because power was not 
centralized. Never Hungary gave its entire confidence, 
and was betrayed. Of course, I don't speak of those to 
whom the pressure of circumstances, and not the confi- 
dence of the people, had given them a momentary power. 
Look at France; — it has tried every form of government, 
but, placing its confidence in men who were ambitious, 
they destroyed its rights. Why ? They kept in a central- 
izing direction; and centralization always leads to des- 
potism. [Cheers.] But I may entreat you not to despair 
for France. Now there is an iron grasp upon it; but the 
very fact that centralization, the result of the fatal pro- 
pensity to military glory, led to such an inglorious issue, 
will cure the people of that fatal principle. The passion 
for military glory has given birth to that fatal idea of 
France, that it must have a strong government, when 
indeed, the strongest government is that which does not 
mix with the domestic concerns of the people, but only 
takes care that their interests be not interfered with and 
their rights violated [cheers,] — quite contrary to the 
notion of certain philosophers, that the people are not fit 
for participation in the executive or judiciary, and that 
popular representation has but to redress the grievances 
and check the encroachments of the executive. 



652 APPENDIX. 

Look now at that interesting fact in Louis Napoleon's 
course, that he is forced by circumstances to do step by- 
step what is but necessary that France may become strictly 
republican. Louis Napoleon, out of the consideration not 
to see power centralized in the ministry or the assembly, 
begins to decentralize power from Paris, that it may not 
turn hostile against him. See how a bad purpose, without 
our will, becomes an instrumentality for freedom, [cheers] 
which God in his mercy will not forbid the French peo- 
ple ! Just so, gentlemen, as the Austrian government, 
when it thought to deprive me of influence, became, in the 
providence of God, the means for me to get more influence 
and to do some good to my people. [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen, I may hope these few remarks will serve to 
increase among you the conviction that my people are 
capable of self-government. It is true a nation should 
never act out of sympathy, but out of regard to its own 
interests. What are the interests of the United States 
now ? Can it be indifi"erent to the condition of Europe ? 
When in Asia, and on the Mediterranean, it must meet 
Russia, which now in Europe, Hungary being crushed, has 
no power to check it, because, by the invasion of Hungary, 
it has overthrown the balance of power in Europe. That 
America should give its voice to restore this balance of 
power, is not against the principles of Washington, but 
only against the policy of 1793; and policy, being the 
science of exigencies, to be wise, not only can but must 
change according to the change of exigencies, whereas, 
principles are lasting. [Cheers.] I know you get instruc- 
tion out of history to support the principles and to revere 
the character of Washington. But, gentlemen, what was 
principle, and what policy, in the late war with England ? 



APPENDIX. 653 

Let me mention one thing, to show how policy may change. 
Once you paid a tribute to the Dey of Algiers, by consent 
of congress. That was good policy, and Washington 
recommended it. But now you know when Decatur, of 
immortal memory, was sent to the Dey of Algiers to 
redress the grievances of America, the Dey did not demand 
more tribute, but, in order to yield with a good grace, he 
requested the commodore to give him a little powder. 
Decatur answered him, "Yes, sir; you shall have the 
powder, but only with the balls." [ Cheers. j And it 
came to nobody's mind that Decatur was opposing the 
doctrine of Washington, because he would by balls defend 
the commerce of America. This very circumstance shows 
the fallacy of the doctrine, that the policy of one time is 
the policy of another time. I would not say that the 
policy of wise Washington should be hastily abandoned; 
but I would ask that the exigencies of the present time be 
not disregarded, because different from the circumstances 
of a former time, when the people were not and could 
not have been aware of the exigencies of the present. 
[Cheers.] 

The venerable gentleman [ Josiah Quincy] spoke a word 
about England. I believe the Anglo-Saxon race must have 
a high destiny in the history of mankind. It is the only 
race, the younger brother of which is free, while the elder 
brother has also some freedom. You, gentlemen, acknow- 
ledge, that from them other country you obtained certain 
of your principles of liberty; free thought and speech, a 
free press, &c., — and I am sure, gentlemen, the English 
people are proud of liberty. Called to pronounce against 
the league of despots, the republican United States and 



654 APPENDIX. 

constitutional England in concord, what would be the 
consequence ? 

I answer, as when the South American republic was 
threatened, — as when Russia forbade American vessels to 
approach within a hundred miles of its American shores — 
such as was your conduct in those cases, such should be 
your conduct now; and such, also, would be the conse- 
quences. The despots would not dare to advance. 

I have often met, in the United States, an objection 
against an alliance with England; but it is chiefly the 
Irish who are opposed to being on good terms with Eng- 
land. In respect to my being in the United States, as 
regards the Irish, if I could contribute one line more to 
the future unity in action of the United States and Eng- 
land, I should more aid the Irish than by all exclamations 
against one or the other. With the United States and 
England in union, the continent of Europe would be 
republican. [Cheers. J Then, though England remained 
monarchical, Ireland would be more free than it is now. 
If I were an Irishman, I would not have raised the 
standard of repeal, which offended the people of England, 
but the standard of municipal self-government, against 
parliamentary omnipotence; not as an Irish question, but 
as a common question to all; and in this movement all the 
people of England and Scotland would have joined, and 
there now would have been a parliament in England, in 
Ireland and Scotland. Such is the geographical position 
of Great Britain that its countries should be not one, but 
united; each with its own parliament, but still one parlia- 
ment for all. [Cheers. J If I could contribute to get 
England to oppose the encroachments of absolutism, I 
would be doing more to aid Ireland, because aiding 



APPENDIX. 655 

freedom, tlian to induce England to look indifferently at 
the approach, of absolutism. I was glad to hear the 
words of that venerable gentleman; [Josiah Quincy] they 
brought to my mind the words of John Adams, first minis- 
ter of the United States to England. When he addressed 
the king, he said, " He would be happy, could he restore 
entire esteem, confidence and affection between the United 
States and England ;'' and King George III. replied, " I was 
the last to conform to the separation, and I am the first to 
meet the friendship of the United States. Let the communi- 
ties of language, religion and blood, have their full and natu- 
ral effect.^' 

Let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of 
to-day only, but derived from the days when your people 
took the lead, not only in, but, I am happy to say, through 
the revolution, — let these words become now considered 
of particular interest to both countries, and it would be 
of the greatest benefit to mankind. There is nothing 
more necessary to secure the freedom of Europe than con- 
sent to act together on the part of the United States and 
England. 

It is not necessary to say how far they will go; but only 
necessary to say they will do as much as their interests 
allow, and will do what may be necessary to insure that 
the law of nations should be protected, and not abandoned. 

When I was in England, nothing gave me more delight 
than to hear delegations, addressing me, mention your 
Washington, and confess themselves sorry that he had to 
manifest his greatness in contending against England. 
But they were more proud to see the greatness of such a 
man than not to be opposed by him. They intrusted me 
to bring word to the United States, that they wished to 



656 APPENDIX. 

be united with you for the benefit of all humanity. 
[Cheers. J 

I was charged particularly, by one hundred men, con- 
nected with commerce at Manchester, the least wealthy of 
whom was worth, as they express it in England, ten thou- 
sand pounds a-year, — they say Englishmen are weighed 
by their money — I don't know how it is here; — [laughter] 
but these gentlemen told me it would be a great result 
of my mission in the United States, if I could convince 
Americans that Englishmen thought all differences had 
vanished, and they desired to go hand in hand with the 
people of the United States, as regards foreign policy. 
Now, I have observed, that in New England there is less 
objection to the policy of an alliance with England than 
in many other parts of the United States; and I take it 
for an evidence of the intelligence and liberality of the 
people. 

I hope, gentlemen, I have not too much taken your time. 
[Criesof "0, no!" "Goon!" "Goon!"] I have not 
been eloquent; I intended not to be eloquent; only justly 
true. I cannot express to you better my thanks, gentle- 
men, than in those memorable words of John Adams to 
Attorney-General Sewall — " Sink or swim, survive or perish, 
hut with my country " [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

I know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honor me, 
not for myself, — for the people of Massachusetts are not 
man-worshippers, but only reverence principles, — therefore 
I cannot better express my thanks than to pledge my 
word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest I 
have said, upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of God, 
iron wills, stout arms, and good swords, and upon your gen- 
erous sympathy, to do all in my power, with my people, 



APPENDIX. 657 

for my country, and for humanity; for wliich, in my heart, 
though it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth. 

The above is little more than a sketch of this great 
speech, of which, indeed, it would have been nearly im- 
possible to have made a full and accurate report. Kossuth 
spoke, extemporaneously, for two hours and a half, with 
the most wonderful ease and animation, pouring forth an 
unbroken stream of historical and personal narrative, and 
of political argument, which held the company enchained, 
to an unusually late hour, so completely, that very many 
persons from neighboring towns preferred to miss the last 
train of cars, and remain all night in Boston, rather than 
lose any portion of his speech. Nothing could be more 
exquisite than the grace of Kossuth's action and demean- 
or, while speaking. He appeared to feel perfectly at 
home; and, indeed, though the company embraced the 
widest diversity of opinion on the subject of non-inter- 
vention, the applause was frequently entirely unanimous. 



Kossuth's speech on bunker hill. 

My voice shrinks from the task to mingle with the awful 
pathos of that majestic orator ! [Pointing to the monu- 
ment.] Silent like the grave, and yet melodious like the 
song of immortality upon the lips of cherubim, — a sense- 
less, cold granite, and yet warm with inspiration like a 
patriot's heart, — immovable like the past, and yet stirring 
like the future, which never stops, — it looks like a prophet, 
and speaks like an oracle. And thus it speaks : 
42 



658 APPENDIX. 

" The day I commemorate is the rod with which the 
hand of the Lord has opened the well of liberty. Its 
waters will How; every new drop of martyr blood will in- 
crease the tide. Despots may dam its flood, but never 
stop it. The higher its dam, the higher the tide; it will 
overflow, or break through. Bow, and adore, and hope !" 

Such are the words which come to my ears; and I bow, 
I adore, I hope ! 

In bowing, my eyes meet the soil of Bunker Hill, — that 
awful opening scene of the eventful drama to which Lex- 
ington and Concord had been the preface ! 

The spirits of the past rise before my eyes. I see Rich- 
ard Gridley hastily planning the entrenchments. I hear 
the dull, cold, blunt sound of the pick-ax and spade in 
the hands of the patriot band. I hear the patrols say that 
" all is well." I see Knowlton raising his line of rail fence, 
upon which soon the guns will rest, that the bullets may 
prove to their message true. I see the tall, commanding 
form of Prescott marching leisurely around the parapet, 
inflaming the tired patriots with the classical words that 
those who had the merit of the labor should have the honor 
of the victory. I see Asa Pollard fall, the first victim of 
that immortal day; I see the chaplain praying over him; 
and now the roaring of cannon from ships and from batte- 
ries, and the blaze of the burning town, and the thrice re- 
newed storm, and the persevering defence, till powder was 
gone, and but stones remained. And I see Warren telling 
Elbridge Gerry that it is sweet and fair to die for the 
father-land. I see him lingering in his retreat, and, struck 
in the forehead, fall to the ground; and Pomeroy, with his 
shattered musket in his brave hand, complaining that he 
remained unhurt when Warren had to die; and I see all 



APPENDIX. 659 

the brave who fell unnamed, unnoticed and unknown, the 
nameless corner-stones of American independence ! 

All the spirits of that most eventful victory under the 
name of defeat, — I see them all ! The eyes of my soul are 
familiar with the spirits of the martyrs of liberty. But 
those I see around me have no sad, ghostly look; they 
bear no gushing wounds crying for revenge to the Almighty 
God; the smile of eternal bliss is playing around their lips, 
and, though dwellers of heaven, they like to visit the place 
where their blood was spilt. It was not spilt in vain; 
their father-land is free, and there is a joy in that thought, 
adding ever new charm even to the happiness of blessed 
souls. As the fabulous divinities of ancient Greece like 
to rest from the charms of heaven on Mount Olympus, so 
must the spirit of Warren like to rest on the top of this 
monument here. 

Martyrs of my country ! how long will it yet be till a 
like joy will thrill through your departed souls ? When 
will the smile of that joy play around your lips? How 
long will yet the gush of your wounds cry for revenge, — 
your father-land still bleeding, down-trodden, oppressed ? 
There is a sorrow in that thought, casting the gloom of 
sadness even over the bliss of Paradise. 

Almighty Father of mankind, let the day of thy mercy 
be not too far ! 

Excuse my emotion, gentlemen; the associations of my 
ideas are natural. Your Bunker Hill and our Kapolna 
are twins: — both called defeats, and both eventual victo- 
ries; both resulting in the declaration of an independence; 
but yours acknowledged before it was achieved, and sup- 
ported by foreign aid, — ours not acknowledged even when 
achieved, and meeting foreign aggression instead of aid. 



660 APPENDIX. 

Well, past is past, and cannot be changed; but the future 
is open yet; and often I have bowed before the recollec- 
tions of this hallowed ground. I adore the Almighty with 
unfaltering hope. Part of my hope rests in the justice of 
him who rules the universe, and holds in his hands the des- 
tinies of mankind and of men. My people's sufferings are 
recorded in the book of his eternal decrees, and the tears 
of my people numbered in his scale. I trust to him. 

Part of my hope rests with our own selves. We know 
that God helps those that help themselves, and we will. 
We look not for unmerited good luck, but for well-merited 
reward; and we decided to merit it. Allow me to say 
that I am proud of my people — proud, not only of its past, 
but proud of its present also. An exile heart not often 
does rejoice; but I rejoiced to know how my people be- 
haved, — greater and nobler yet, in its present suiferings, 
than when it bore up against a world in arms, and raised 
its country's name higher in its very fall than it stood ever 
in its brightest days. The responsibilities of my position 
do well guard me from easily believing what I warmly 
wish. I weigh calmly every incident; but joy is so com- 
municative that I cannot forbear so much to say, — that I 
have reason to be proud of my people, and bow with pro- 
found veneration at its name. The tidings I receive enti- 
tle me to say, " Young Nero, in Vienna's old walls, thou 
may'st rage, and pour the embers of thy fury over my peo- 
ple's head; thou may'st raise thy scaffold, and people thy 
dungeons with thousands of new victims, and drain the life- 
sweat of my people, and whip it with the iron rod of thy 
unparalleled tyranny; — I defy thee to break my people's 
high-minded spirit 1 Foolish boy ! thou may'st torture my 
family, — break the heart of my old mother, murder my sis- 



APPENDIX. 661 

ters, and send forth thy assassins against him who, with ill- 
fated but honest generosity, once saved thy crown. Thou 
may'st do all thou canst! — thy days are numbered; thy 
power is falling, and my country will be free !" 

But part of my hope rests also with you, Americans. 
The distinguished patriot whom the genius of his powerful 
mind and the confidence of his native land entitled to act 
the part of interpreter of his people's sentiments at the in- 
auguration of this monument, has but spoken an irrefuta- 
ble truth when he said that the results of the battle of 
Bunker Hill will continue to rain influence, not only upon 
your country, but upon the world. And, indeed, he was 
right to say, that at the rising of the sun, and the setting 
of the sun, and the blaze of noon-day, and beneath the 
milder effulgence of lunar light, yonder obelisk will look 
and speak, to the full comprehension of every American 
mind. 

It has looked and spoken for nine years, in its accom- 
plished majesty. Meanwhile, you have gloriously fought 
the battle of active vitality, and extended your sway to 
the shores of the Pacific, uniting, with new ties, your own 
future to the destinies of the Old World. The comfort of 
indolence, small party considerations, and even the repu- 
tation of well-founded authority, may grasp hold of the 
rolling wheel of necessity; — the necessity will not change; 
and you, people of America, have decided to answer that 
necessity. I have laid my hand upon your people's heart, 
and I have watched the logic in the progress of exigencies; 
and I dare say, with firm confidence, the foretold instruc- 
tion of that monument's majestic eloquence is felt by the 
people's instinct, and is fully comprehended by the intelli- 
o'cnce of Massachusetts. And the new exigencies of new 



662 APPENDIX. 

times will be answered by Massachusetts with that energy 
with which it has answered the exigencies of all former 
times. The Pilgrim Fathers founded a community; — the 
battle of Bunker Hill founded a nation; — the approaching 
struggle for liberty in Europe will see this nation a mighty 
power on earth ! That is what we wish, and that is what 
I hope; and that hope will not, cannot fail ! 

Gentlemen, a great crisis is approaching in the condi- 
tion of the world; but the world is prepared for that crisis. 
There is a great change in the spirit of time, now-a-days; 
and I myself am an humble evidence of it. Principles 
weigh more than success; and, therefore, principles will 
meet success. 

I remember well, when your forefathers were about to 
fight the battle of Bunker Hill, there was a periodical 
paper at Boston, — Tory Massachusettensis was its name, — 
which dared to say, that " the annals of the world have not 
yet been deformed with a single instance of so unnatural, 
causeless, wanton and wicked a rebellion." So it styled 
the sacred cause which the Adamses, the Hancocks, ad- 
vised, Washington led, and for which Warren bled ! 

And now that cause fills the brightest page in the annals 
of humanity. But it was success, and its unparalleled re- 
sults, which cast the lustre of that glory around it. Un- 
successful, its memory might have been blasted with the 
name of an ill-advised rebellion. 

Now-a-days, it is not success which makes the merit of 
a cause, but its principle. The results of the day of Bunker 
Hill have changed the basis of future history, because it 
gave birth to a mighty nation, whose very existence is the 
embodiment of a principle, true like truth itself, and last- 
ing like eternity. 



APPENDIX. 663 

It would be strange, indeed, should that principle for- 
sake itself. No, it will not, it cannot, do it. Great is the 
destiny of your nation. You approach it not in vain, with 
so successfid, gigantic steps. Opportunity will do the rest. 
Upon this, humanity may with confidence rely, and oppor- 
tunity will come. Its forecast shadow is already seen. 

I could wish, for my poor country's sake, that you should 
be pleased to make that opportunity, having the power to 
do so. But I know great bodies move slowly, and feel 
consoled with the assurance that it will move when oppor- 
tunity will come. In the mean time, your private gene- 
rosity, tendered to our unmerited misfortunes, is planning 
the way; and should we not feel strong dnough to create 
opportunity, supported by your benevolence, we will not 
be unprepared to catch it when it comes. 

It will be gratifying to your noble hearts to hear the 
fact that the reception America has honored me with, the 
sympathy which you manifest, came like a healing balm 
over my country's bleeding wounds, and, warming my peo- 
ple's heart like as the May sun warms the soil, added the 
cheerfulness of confidence to the resolution of patriotism. 
I know my people well; I know what it did, what it was 
ready to do, when it was but duty it felt. I know what it 
can do, now that it hopes. 

I thank you for it, not only in my people's name, but I 
am expressly charged to tell the people of America that it 
has not spent its sympathy on a corpse. Hungary will 
answer the expectations of America. 

And here let me cut short my words. In the place here, 
where the revelation of Providence is told by the eloquence 
of yonder monument, reasoning would be a profanation on 
my part. At this moment, my very mind is concentrated 



664 APPENDIX. 

in my heart. There stands the powerful orator. [Point- 
ing to the monument.] Let his words find willing ears 
and susceptible hearts. I leave you to the influence of his 
eloquence. To me, his silent speech was the harmony of 
an angel's song. I leave this hallowed spot with consola- 
tion, joy and confidence. The memory of my having stood 
here, honored by your attention, and encouraged by your 
sympathy, will strengthen my patience to endure, and my 
resolution to act; and though the happiness of Washington 
may not be my lot, the devotion of Warren will dwell in 
my breast. 

With this resolution, I once more thank you, and bid 
you cordially farewell. 



KOSSUTH IN THE GRAND LODGE. 

Kossuth, being a Free-mason, the Grand Lodge of 
Massachusetts invited him to visit the Masonic Temple, on 
Monday evening, May 3d. A very large number of the 
brethren assembled on the occasion. Rev. Mr. Eandall, 
the Most Worshipful Grand Master, presided; and, after 
the preliminaries were gone through with, he arose and 
addressed his illustrious brother as follows: 

It affords me very great pleasure to meet you, my hon- 
ored brother, within the walls of this temple; and, in the 
name of the fraternity over which I have the honor to 
preside, to bid you a hearty welcome to {he Grand Lodge 
of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, the oldest Grand 
Lodge on this continent, and the parent of Freemasonry 
in this hemisphere. 



APPENDIX. 665 

It has been the office of others, and in other places, to hail 
you as the eloquent advocate of the principles of popular 
liberty, and the champion of the freedom of your own dear 
but oppressed Hungary; but it is our peculiar privilege to 
greet you under the endearing appellation of Brother, — 
to extend to you that hand which lies as near the heart 
when it is given to the virtuous and patriotic exile, who 
flies from the oppression of tyranny, as when it is raised 
to cheer the good and the great, in the hour of triumphant 
success. 

As men, we cannot be unmindful of the wants and the 
wrongs of our fellow-men. As American men, we have a 
strong sympathy — and as long as we are worthy of that 
noble name, we always must have a strong and an abiding 
sympathy — for those nations of the earth who are strug- 
gling for what the Almighty has decreed to be the birth- 
right of all who have been created in his own image. 
While the principles of our institution forbid the introduc- 
tion of questions of religion and politics, on which its 
members are necessarily divided, — while we guard our 
doors with a jealous vigilance against what does not 
belong to our institution, and which would compromise its 
character, and ruin its influence, by separating brethren, 
breaking the golden chain of fraternal unity, and thus hin- 
der the great work of sacred charity which constitutes the 
bond and the purpose of our society — yet, as Masons, we 
may cherish and express a deep interest in those marvel- 
lous movements of the age which involve the happiness 
and the progress of the nations of the earth. 

Be assured, my brother, we have not been indifi'erent 
spectators of the struggles in which you have been called, 
by the providence of God, to act so conspicuous a part. 



QQ6 APPENDIX. 

We sympathized with you and with your country when the 
sound of your name and the report of your cause first 
reached our shores; nor need I say that that sympathy has 
been in no wise diminished, since to the respect which we 
owe to the virtuous, and the honor we pay to the patriotic, 
has been added the feeling of fraternal regard. 

Allow me, my distinguished brother, to congratulate 
you on your introduction within the pale of the oldest and 
largest society of human origin; a society which, while it 
is so memorable for its antiquity, is so honorable in its 
associations, elevating in its aims, and so beneficial in the 
results of its labors; a society whose members are found 
in all lands, of every faith in religion, and of every party 
in politics. Of this ancient and honorable family you 
have now become a member, and to its benefits and enjoy- 
ments we bid you a sincere welcome. 

Providence saw fit to allow you to receive tuition from 
a very severe schoolmaster, and within the walls of a very 
contracted school-room, in the fortress of Buda, that you 
might learn that language which was to be the medium 
for the transmission of your eloquent appeals to the Anglo- 
Saxon race; but, beneath the smiling skies of the New 
World, with kind brethren for your teachers, you have 
learned another language, which is limited to no one 
nation or quarter of the globe; which constitutes a pass- 
port that no act of tyranny can destroy; a language which, 
while it addresses the eye or the ear, goes straight to the 
heart, and opens the fountain of love, and wakes up the 
conscience, if it be found asleep, and calls and secures a 
friend when a friend is needed. 

I congratulate you on your union with a society, which 
teaches Morality, Brotherly Love, Relief and Truth, as its 



APPENDIX. 667 

first principles; which is ever inculcating faith in God, 
hope in immortality, and charity to all mankind; whose 
lessons of morality are drawn from God's eternal Word; 
whose work is to relieve the distressed, and comfort the 
afflicted; whose precepts are the lessons of love and 
loyalty — duty to God, to ourselves, to our country, and to 
our fellow-men; a society that throws its arms around the 
friendless stranger, and makes him feel that he has found 
a home in a land of strangers; a society which takes the 
orphan by the hand, and protects the widow in her desola- 
tion; and proves itself a friend to whom they may look for 
counsel and for relief. 

Although this society does not recognize any one form 
of religious faith, nor permit the discussion of religious 
differences in its assemblies, yet it rests upon principles 
that constitute the foundation of true religion; and, though 
it suffers no note of political strife to mar the harmony of 
its labors, yet the influence of its instructions, and its 
practices, is to foster a spirit of enlightened liberty, by 
teaching the natural equality of mankind, their common 
duties, and their common destinies. It has always flour- 
ished best where the light of general intelligence has been 
most diffused, and the sun of civil liberty shone brightest. 

Nowhere has this institution flourished more than in 
England and in the United States; and nowhere are the 
principles of civil and religious liberty better understood 
and more fully enjoyed, nowhere are the people more in- 
telligent or more happy. On the other hand, nowhere has 
Free-masonry been more violently denounced, and its mem- 
bers more bitterly persecuted, than in those nations of the 
earth where the iron heel of despotism is placed upon the 
necks of a degraded people. In proportion to the intelli- 



668 APPENDIX. 

gence of a nation, the purity of its religion, and liberality 
of its government, has this fraternity, as a general rule, 
flourished. This is not because it inculcates definite polit- 
ical principles, or teaches any specific form of religious 
faith; but it has incorporated into its very constitution 
that which is the life of all liberty, and the fountain of all 
religion. Its great light is God's Eternal Word. This 
lies always open upon its altar. This is the charter of all 
true liberty, the source and the support of all true eleva- 
tion. It is a light which leads the people that follow it to 
that glorious height of intelligent independence, from 
which no hand of the oppressor can strike them down. 
Hence all despots, who rely for their power upon the 
ignorance or the superstition of the people, are the natural 
enemies of this institution, and always will be. They are 
afraid of it. Not altogether because it is secret — for they 
know, or they may know, that it is open to all who are 
worthy and well qualified, even to their own courtiers, 
who may see that nothing is plotted against the safety of 
the state — no, it is not secrecy that they fear. They dare 
not encourage or countenance a society which inculcates 
human equality, and takes the Word of God as its supreme 
rule . These despots are not so afraid of the darkness of 
treason as they are of the daylight of intelligence; they 
do not dread the cabalistic signs of Free-masons so much 
as they do the elevation of their subjects. "' They are 
in great fear, where no fear is." 

Thus it is that for ages Free-masonry has been outlawed 
in many of the nations of Europe. 

In Portugal, in the last century, the bull of the Pope 
declared Free-masonry to be heresy; and the horrors of 
the Inquisition were held up as a terror to all who should 
presume to declare themselves members of this fraternity. 



APPENDIX. 669 

In Spain, Pope Clement the Twelfth issued a decree in 
1737, pronouncing the punishment of death against all who 
should be found guilty of practicing the rites of our order. 
In 1740, Philip the Fifth declared the galleys for life, or 
punishment of death, the award for Free-masons, a large 
number of whom he had arrested and sentenced, after 
undergoing a long confinement in the prisons of the In- 
quisition. In 1751, Ferdinand the Sixth declared Free- 
masonry high treason, punishable with death. When the 
troops of France took possession of Spain, in 1807, Mason- 
ry was relieved from the power of the oppressor — lodges 
again assembled, under the protection of Joseph Bonaparte, 
who had been G-rand Master in France. The Grand Lodge 
of Spain met in the very hall previously occupied hy their 
enemies of the Inquisition ! On the fall of Bonaparte and 
the restoration of Ferdinand the Seventh, came the return 
of the Jesuits, the reorganization of the Inquisition, and 
the exterminating process against Free-masonry. As late 
as 1824, a law was passed requiring Masons to deliver up 
all their papers and documents, or to be decreed traitors. 
It is said that in 1827 seven members of a lodge in Grenada 
were executed. The order is at present pursuing its ob- 
jects without molestation. 

In Austria, Free-masonry is scarcely known. 

In Russia, lodges were founded at St. Petersburgh and 
Moscow, in 1786, and during the reign of Alexander, who 
was himself initiated in 1803, the institution was in some 
degree prosperous; but, on the accession of Nicholas to 
the throne, the light of Masonry was extinguished, and the 
institution is scarcely known throughout the wide domin- 
ions of this proud oppressor. 

In 1785, there were several lodges in Hungary. What 
may be the condition of the fraternity in that land, which 



670 APPENDIX. 

has been the scene of struggles on wliich. the world has been 
looking with the profoundest interest, I am not able to say. 
But it is grateful to turn away from this darker part of 
of the picture, and to glance for a moment at our institu- 
tion in its relations where liberty is the people's happy 
inheritance. It has been objected, even here, that its 
principles were inconsistent with the rights, and prejudi- 
cial to the liberties of the people. "What better answer 
can b6 made to that objection than the mention of the fact 
that, under Providence, the master-spirits of the revolu- 
tion, which secured our indepedence, were Master Masons ? 
What stronger proof need we have, in refutation of this 
objection, than is found in the fact that the pen which 
drew up that ever-memorable document, the Declaration 
of Independence — that exponent of the natural rights of 
man, which has become the pole-star of human liberty all 
the world over — was held by a hand whose fidelity had 
been pledged to this institution; and jifty-two, out of fifty- 
six, who signed that declaration, were also members of 
this fraternity; while every major-general of that patriot 
army, who bravely defended these principles, belonged to 
this institution ? We may surely ask, with great confi- 
dence, who understood the principles of civil liberty bet- 
ter, or loved them more, than this band of patriots, who 
pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors, 
in defence of them ? This, they did, not, indeed, because 
they were Masons — since others were equally brave on the 
other side, who were also members of this fraternity, but 
who were equally loyal to their own government; thus 
showing that patriotism and loyalty to government, and 
devotion to the rights of man, were perfectly consistent 
with a strong attachment to an institution, where men — 



APPENDIX. 671 

these men, and such as these, were found firm friends of 
even brethren — may be entirely divided in their views of 
political policy and civil duties. 

When I turn my eye to that golden casket, [pointing to 
a golden urn containing a lock of the hair of General 
Washington, presented to the Grand Lodge by Mrs. 
Washington] which has been intrusted to my keeping as 
Grand Master of this Grand Lodge, I am reminded of 
him who, though " first in war, first in peace, and first in 
the hearts of his countrymen," and whom all men must be 
content to approach proximo longo infei'vallo, and whom 
American men delight to call the " Father of his Country," 
yet wore that emblem of innocence and badge of a Mason, 
more ancient as well as more honorable than the golden 
fleece or Roman eagle; who, when the American army was 
encamped in a neighboring town, at the very commence- 
ment of the revolutionary struggle, sat as a private 
member of a lodge, with an orderly sergeant for his 
master; and that, too, at a time when he was as much the 
dictator of his country as Ceesar was of Rome. When I 
turn from this precious relic to that speaking picture, [a 
portrait of General Warren,] I behold the memorial of 
him who for five years held the olfice of Grand Master of 
this Grand Lodge — the beloved and lamented Warren, 
who, on the 17th day of June, 1775, went forth to yonder 
height, at his country's call, to spill his martyr-blood in 
defence of the cause of American liberty. With such 
soldiers in the field, and such wisdom in the council, as 
distinguished him, who 

" Eripuit coelo fulmen, septrumque tyrannis," 

our liberties were secured, under the smiles of that Provi- 
dence which never forsakes a righteous cause. When 



672 APPENDIX. 

Masonry, as they were firm friends of their country, it is 
not strange that we proudly claim this fact as a demon- 
stration of the truth, that Masonry and liberty may go, 
and do go, hand in hand. 

From the boastings that we have heard, of late years, 
one would imagine that the sentiment, " Liberty, Equality, 
Fraternity,^^ has just been discovered, and the French 
nation were entitled to the honor of this discovery. But 
this sentiment is an old principle in this ancient institu- 
tion. "While that nation is amusing the world, and cursing 
itself, by alternately writing it upon its banners and its 
monuments, and then erasing it, as if principles had 
changed or could change, we have written it upon the 
pillars of our order with the diamond of truth, in such 
characters that no red and reeking hand of Jacobin infi- 
delity can ever blot it out. 

In this country, I am happy to say, that our order is in 
a highly flourishing condition. Yet even here, in this 
land of liberty, it has not always and altogether been free 
from the trials to which, as you very well know, every 
good cause is exposed. The fires of persecution have 
been lighted up here, even here, under the very eaves of 
Faneuil Hall, and within sight of Bunker Hill ! But they 
have burnt out. They lasted as long as there were any 
wood, hay and stubble, to be found in or about the tem- 
ple; and have, in the end, done our institution a purifying 
service. The only inconvenience that we have suffered 
from it is, that, in consequence of the flame and smoke, 
our good old state of Massachusetts received a slight 
mesmeric shock, and became, for a short time, a little be- 
wildered. And, while in this condition, she unfortunately 
mistook one of her best friends for an enemy; and, in 



APPENDIX. 673 

yielding to her temporary caprice, we gave up our charter; 
and, though she has long ago recovered from this delusion, 
she has forgotten to return it. 

I will not longer detain my brethren from the feast 
which they came to enjoy. Again, my honored brother, 
I bid you a hearty and a Masonic welcome to the Grand 
Lodge of Massachusetts ! 

Brethren ! I introduce to you our distinguished brother, 
from Hungary. 

At the conclusion of this address, Kossuth arose and 
replied, substantially, as follows: 

M. W. Geand Master : — I cannot express my thanks 
and heart-felt feelings to you and the fraternity, for your 
kind invitation to visit you, and the welcome manner with 
which I have been received. 

From early youth I v/as predisposed, by my sentiments 
and religious inclinations, to search out truth; and, when 
found and seen, to follow it with faith all the rest of my 
life. I felt myself under engagements to the Almighty 
to pursue this course, and commit myself to his guidance. 
From the benevolent sentiments and interest which the 
fraternity took in my welfare, opportunity was offered me 
to enter an institution ennobled by the highest principles 
of humanity, and great names in history. Blessed idea ! 
deserving to be engraved forever on the memory. For 
the principles of our institution are not contrary to the 
principles of freedom and humanity; but, in my opinion, 
they tend to promote and strengthen the welfare of the 
community, as you have this evening taught us in your 
eloquent address. Still, M. W. Grand Master, I must 
confess that I shall leave this hall with new treasures in 



674 APPENDIX. 

my heart and in my mind, which your wisdom has impart- 
ed, sacred with many historic recollections of Bohemia, 
where, I must confess, Free-masonry has continued still to 
find a field worthy of its character; yet, I am sorry to 
say, it suffers degradation and oppression in other prov- 
inces. Wherever founded and fostered, so as once to take 
root, whatever may be the opposition to its prevalence, it 
has still kept its root. As to my own country, the mem- 
bers of the House of Austria have ruled my native land, 
by our own free choice, for three centuries; and only Joseph 
II. had the reputation of being a Mason, and promoting 
the Masonic fraternity. Free-masonry then flourished in 
Hungary; but it has since been put down. One principle 
you have alluded to, M. W. — brotherly love; it was for- 
gotten by our oppressors. All has vanished like a dream, 
and taken no deep root in the soil of my nation. It was 
torn up by the hand of violence. Few, very few, lodges 
exist in Hungary; so far as I know, scarcely three. When 
called, a short time since, to be governor, I know the 
times were then too full of danger for Masonry to pros- 
per; for they were sharp times to us all, full of danger, 
full of trials, and were not such as to enable men to 
patronize our institution. 

M. W. Grand Master, I am no stranger to the fact that 
politics can never enter these walls. Brotherly love, 
relief and truth, are the fundamental truths of the fra- 
ternity; yet the fate of my poor down-trodden country 
deserves consideration in every heart. For, if man had a 
right to oppress his fellow-man. Free-masonry would cease 
to exist. Our entire nature requires to be independent; 
and, though our institution embraces mysteries, I would 
say mysteries only bind the intellect of those who do not 



APPENDIX. 675 

understand them; — and, since I have joined the fraternity, 
I feel more strengthened in my resolution to serve my 
country faithfully, and will endeavor always to act with a 
good heart and hand, strengthened by new pledges and 
sacred ties; ties which give more power and ability to 
execute the great principles of brotherly love and truth. 
Patriotism cannot be contented with performing merely 
the duties of a Mason; for not only as men, but as true 
Masons, many of the great men of your revolution strug- 
gled for liberty. Not as Masons only, but as patriots, 
they went into the battle field to die for their country. 
One, whose portrait is now before me, who once filled the 
chair of the Grand Lodge, and who shed his blood in the 
first battle of your independence, thus rose to immortali- 
ty; and so did many brethren among your chieftains and 
distinguished men, in that successful struggle. 

M. W., I regard it as an honor that I am a member of 
your fraternity. I thank you cordially that you have this 
evening given me such valuable instruction on the nature 
of this noble institution, and its intimate connection with 
pure freedom and the just rights of man. They are con- 
vincing proofs that I pursued my duty when I became one 
of the brotherhood. Masonry has never flourished where 
a country is ruled by despotism. History, the book of 
life, thus far shows that the foundation of civil liberty 
must lie at the bottom of an institution so well calculated 
to improve the social relations and dignify man. It 
withers away under the hand of absolutism. They cannot 
live together. Excuse me, therefore, when I raise the 
sign of desolation for my unfortunate father-land, which 
now suffers deeply. I go in her behalf, like a humble 
beggar, and cry to God and to man to do something for 



676 APPENDIX. 

her, and to promote that great principle, without which 
even Masonry cannot exist. 

My life has been full of vicissitudes. Great adversities 
elevate and dignify the mind of man. I feel for my 
country. To relieve her calamities is the grand object of 
my life. To enlist the sympathy of the world in her be- 
half, I bow with humility to every man who has a human 
feeling in his heart, and especially to that brother who 
being a Mason, knows the value of freedom, and can feel 
for down-trodden Hungary. Be assured, whatever Mason- 
ry may be in other parts of continental Europe, from 
Russia no sun will ever rise. I appeal to all classes. I 
appeal to young men of noble inclinations, in these times, 
in this land, to feel for my unhappy country, where the 
oppressor has tried to extinguish all laws and the shadow 
of laws. There is sky, and air, and water there; but, to 
find the sunlight where it most spreads and lightens the 
path of freedom, we must come to America. In continental 
Europe, the light goes so far and no farther. Stars, we 
know, are made round, and not square. Their motion is 
circular and uniform, yet they elude our notice when 
clouds fill the sky. It is so with liberty in Europe, where 
darkness gathers round it. All who now suffer from 
oppression in the East look with hope to the fr ee institu- 
tions of this Western world; for it should be remembered 
that although this country is west of Europe it is east of 
Asia; and, from this east, light may again dawn on that 
benighted region. 

But I must close. I am one of the humblest of the 
brethren among you — an exile from a distant land, but 
your kindness, and the generous hospitalities and great 
attention bestowed on me by the citizens of your magnifi- 



APPENDIX. 677 

cent country, I attribute to no merits of my own, but to a 
generous sympathy in the sufferings of my people. M. 
W. Grand Master and brethren, I thank you again for 
these distinguished marks of your kindness. Rest assured 
it will be the great aim and effort of my life to walk 
worthy of the character of a Mason, and to fulfill the 
duties which devolve, according to his ability and rank, on 
every member of our noble institution. 



Kossuth's speech in lowell. 

Sir : — I am penetrated with sincere gratitude for all the 
kindness, welcome and sympathy, you have tendered me, 
and to which this distinguished assembly has answered 
with their spontaneous cheers. Excuse me for daring to 
object to a single word in all that you have said; and that 
is, that this assembly, before which I have the honor to bow, 
has some expectation to hear from me something worthy 
of attention. I must begin by claiming their indulgence. 
Just as I feel sorrowful that whatever personal kindness 
should draw attention from my cause, so must I feel anx- 
ious not to do or say any thing that may injure that cause 
to which I have devoted my life. It is not out of false 
modesty, but truth makes me say it, that the more oppor- 
tunity I have to address the people, the lower I must fall 
in their estimation. It is not possible else. I have no 
claim to be a great orator. Cicero was a great orator- 
and in all his life he made, perhaps, thirty or forty speeches. 
Demosthenes has a name renowned, that will be immortal- 
and in his whole life, he made, I don't think, more than 
twenty speeches. But, since I am in the United States, I 



678 APPENDIX. 

have made five hundred speeches; and it is scarcely possi- 
ble that four hundred and ninety-nine of them are worthy 
of attention. 

It is not easy to speak in a foreign tongue. I have some 
little written, but had not time to finish, and I must trust 
to inspiration. When I came here, I heard a hymn to 
God; and I am in the sanctuary consecrated to religion, 
and I plead for liberty. Perhaps out of these circum- 
stances I may derive some little inspiration. 

Ladies and gentlemen, when the laborer gathers in the 
crops with which the mercy of God has rewarded his toils, 
and, to wipe off the sweat of his brow, he sits down with the 
heart-gladdening feeling of having done the task, and es- 
caped all the whims of time, and, in the sweet moment of 
security, a flash of lightning strikes his stack and burns it 
down, a wo of sadness thrills through his heart, and he 
looks up to heaven with tearful eye. But one glance to 
the mother earth cures him from despair. A winter, hard 
to get through, knocks at his door; but the winter, however 
hard, will pass, and the spring will come, and his more 
fortunate neighbors will aid him in his toils, and his fields 
will again teem with nature's gifts, and a harvest doubly 
rich will compensate the deluded hopes of the past year. 

Truth, the truth of freedom, is like the mother earth. 
Violence may crush it, but its future it cannot destroy. 

" The eternal years of God are hers." 

I and my nation, we are like that laborer. Bravely was 
fought the battle of justice and liberty, and victory has 
crowned its toils, and the blood of martyrs has, with de- 
voted profusion, flown like the sweat of the laborer's brow, 
but it has not flown in defeat; the ray of victory has gilded 
the last smile upon the lips of self-immolating patriots; 



APPENDIX. 679 

rich was tlie harvest of the field watered with the blood of 
the best; it was the independence of a country loved by- 
millions more than life, it was the liberty of a people wor- 
thy to be free. 

And, as we sat down to wipe off the sweat of toil, and 
the hallelujah of thanksgiving rose from the lips of de- 
lighted millions, not the lightning of heaven, but a flame of 
hell, unholy like crime, and cursed as tyranny, consumed 
the beautiful stack ! 

A mournful despair thrilled through the nation's heart; 
and all the woes of that mourning concentrated upon this 
poor heart; the tears rushed to the people's eye, and all 
the flame of those tears burnt in my eyes; but I looked up 
to God, and the eternal destiny of truth came over my 
mind, and my people looked to me; and we bear the harsh- 
ness of the winter with unfaltering patience, and look to 
the spring with unabated hope. [Applause.] God will 
move good neighbors in our aid; and, thus hoping, we are 
ready to till the field once more in the sweat of our brow; 
ready to water it once more with our heart's blood, and 
trust to God that a new harvest will come, richer than that 
which we lost; and the day will come, when, sitting in the 
lap of a blessed future, we shall look with the smile of se- 
renity into the mirror of past sufferings. [Applause.] 

I felt never more intensely that trust in the sure com- 
ing of liberty's new spring, than when I stood upon the 
battle field where the first battle of America's liberty was 
fought, to which you have alluded, sir. It was a defeat, 
and turned out into a most glorious victory. [Applause.] 
Had it been victorious, perhaps a negotiation would have 
been its result, and Massachusetts would be a colony yet, 
as Canada is. Being such as it was, on one side it satis- 



680 APPENDIX. 

fied the country's noble pride, revealed the vital power of 
the patriots to themselves, and gave them the conscious- 
ness of their strength. On the other side, it roused the in- 
dignation of all the land, and, by rendering compromise 
impossible, made freedom and independence sure. 

It is therefore that I like to linger on those fields where 
the future destiny of republican America was baptized by 
the blood of your first martyrs. They are like a mirror 
of revealed mysteries to me, where the foreboding shadows 
of future events rise like a vision of magnetic dreams. I 
approach them with awe, and leave them with inspiration 
and with hope. [Applause.] 

But, if the view of Bunker Hill be inspiring, gladdening 
is the view of Lowell. [Applause.] At Bunker Hill the 
magic rod was found with which the great enchantress, 
Liberty, made Lowell rise out of the very earth, like the 
palace of fairies, — an overnight work of mystic spirits. 
[Applause.] 

Industry is a great word. It is science made subservient 
to the practical welfare of humanity. [Applause.] Agri- 
culture is the nursery of nature's restless life. Multiplica- 
tion is its task; commerce is the great vehicle of products. 
Communication is its task; it is mankind's store-house; it 
dresses the dinner-table for humanity. Industry is a cre- 
ating power. It makes new things; it is the spark of hea- 
ven, represented in the touching tale of Prometheus; it is 
the word by which the Almighty thus spoke to man, " Thou 
art of Divine origin ; I will give thee a share of my own 
spirit. Nature's hidden elements are the chaos, the con- 
fused raw material, of a new creation. I give thee science, 
that thou may'st find out those elements, and analyze their 
hidden qualities; and, that thou makest a new creation out 



APPENDIX. 681 

of the cliaotic material, give tliee my fairest gift, " Indus- 
try." [Applause.] 

To me, a place like Lowell is of a touching interest. It 
awakens recollections dear to my heart. It reminds me 
of what I did for my country's industry; collecting the 
modest sparks of individual knowledge, by the mighty 
lever of " association," into a blazing torch, spreading light 
and courage and energy throughout the land; I see myself 
carried on the wings of memory back to those days when, 
seated amidst the mechanics of my country, I spoke to them 
of Arkwright, of Blanchard, of Whitney, and James Watt, 
and of the wonderful results falling upon mankind, like the 
morning dew, from the ever-flowing well of their genius; 
and I see how their eyes sparkled, and how the hidden 
flames of their soul burst forth, and how the gloom of their 
work-shops passed away before the lustre of self-conscious 
dignity; I see myself seated amidst the boys, gathering in 
my association's evening schools, when the task of the day 
was done, solving, with glaring eyes and open lips, the 
spirit of science and of art, superintended by their grave 
masters, wondering to hear what their boys are taught; I 
feel delighted to recollect the pressing crowds of men and 
women, of girls and boys, gathering into our halls to see 
the disclosed wonders of industrial chemistry; the perfec- 
tion of well-adapted tools; the manner of using them best, 
explained by the everlasting rules of mathematics, in their 
practical application to technics and mechanics. [Ap- 
plause.] I see new inventions of the newly-roused genius 
pouring in, and myself presiding, the Areopagus of practi- 
cal workmen, in judging them; I see the happy, cheerful 
life in the factories which I made rise, and the noise of the 
water-wheel, and the puffing of the steam, where a month 



APPENDIX. 

before the silence of idleness rested; and I see the exhi- 
bitions I arranged, the joy of my recollections and the 
pride of my memory; I remember yet the excitement with 
which I arranged, the first, anxious to shelter its poverty 
beneath the lustre of future days ; and I remember yet the 
joy I felt when I had to watch the arrangements of the 
third exhibition, the rich treasurer of a new life, filling a 
long row of majestic halls, and the nation pilgriming in 
thousands from distant parts to see the people's glory and 
the country's pride [applause;] and the modest workmen 
looking first astonished at themselves, if it be, indeed, they 
who wrought all those things; then, looking with dignity 
around, conscious of their worth, and receiving, proudly, 
the medals of reward from my hands, more proud of them 
than arrogant aristocrats of their dusty parchments. [Ap- 
plause.] I remember my joy when, at the banquet-tables 
of industrial solemnities, I first saw the distinction of 
classes give way to human dignity, and the pretensions of 
old aristocracy to the conscious merit of rising democracy, 
[applause,] social equality planning the way to political 
equality. (Applause.) 

All this, and a thousand recollections else, come to my 
mind. I see the stout workmen closing the work-shops, 
and flying to arms, and fighting like heroes, and dying, 
with a smile, for their father-land ; and the older and 
weaker, working day and night to provide for the wants 
of those who fought [applause,] and — but away with recol- 
lections ! All this has passed; " the beauty of Israel fell." 
The halls are empty, and the schools are shut; the fields lie 
waste, and the hearth of the work-shop is cold, and the 
flowers of the new creation are trampled down ! But the 
spirit is awake, — no violence can murder it ! My voice 



APPENDIX. 683 

raised in time will rouse it from its gloom, and the clarion 
of resurrection will resound from valley to valley, and 
from hill to hill; and after the battle is fought, the en- 
chanting rod " Liberty'^ will once more call forth the hid- 
den treasures of industry. [Applause.] 

Ladies and gentlemen, the history of your country's 
struggles for independence, as well as the rapid develop- 
ment of your prosperity, has been a favorite study to me 
from my early youth. The ardent love of liberty, melted 
together with my very heart, stimulated my mind to look 
around for instruction, not so much at ruins, the mournful 
monuments of the fragility of human things, but rather at 
a living, free nation, capable, by its very life, to teach the 
great art of life. [Applause.] I like to contemplate how 
freedom is to be gained, and how to be used; what are its 
generating powers, and what is the influence of institutions 
upon national character. It is natural that your country's 
wonderful progress, in power and prosperity, attracted my 
attention. Your country was not unknown to me, though 
my country had to fall, and I had to eat the bitter bread 
of exile, to see what I had but known by reading. And 
Lowell is too pre-eminent among the living wonders of 
America, that I had not studied its very existence with 
high interest. [Applause.] 

Let me, therefore, tell you what it was which I felt par- 
ticularly delighted in learning, from what I had read about 
Lowell. 

It was, that the character of the manufacturing industry 
of Lowell, in its influence upon the social condition of the 
operatives, appeared to me entirely different from what I 
have elsewhere seen; worthy of imitation, as it is full of 
instruction. Agriculture, manufacture and commerce, must. 



684 APPENDIX. 

of course, give profit to the capital employed therein, else 
capital would not take that direction; and it is necessary 
that it should take that direction, else neither agricul- 
ture, nor manufacture, nor commerce could flourish, or even 
exist. If labor is the one great lever of prosperity, capi- 
tal is the other. Out of the reciprocal combination of 
both, results the welfare of a nation. They must, there- 
fore, by the practical philosopher, be considered in their 
mutual combination. [Applause.] 

And still, in many countries, that false intuition pre- 
vailed, at the first establishment of manufacturing indus- 
try, that it is only capital the security and profit of which 
laws and institutions must protect. Hence, we have seen, 
in countries standing high in industrial skill, an extended 
manufacture connected with the most miserable condition 
of the operative masses, — princely fortunes of the few, 
hand in hand with the distress of millions. Capital, being 
elected to the unlimited mastership over labor, has lost all 
civic virtue in its activity. And, as it is a natural neces- 
sity that action creates reaction, excess of action leads to 
excess of reaction; and in some countries the neglected in- 
terests of labor revolted, with passionate hostility, against 
capital. Hence the fatal movement, known by the name 
of Socialism, threatening with unnatural convulsion the 
social order of the respective countries. It is a mistake 
that that unfortunate movement can be crushed either by 
declamations or by violence. It is but a symptom of a 
deep, latent disease. Physicians know that a disease is 
not cured by beating down the symptoms; the cause of 
evil must be removed. [Applause.] 

Capital must have its profit; but the benefit of a na- 
tion's industry cannot be considered as to how it shall pro- 



APPENDIX. 685 

fit the few, but how it shall act for the many. The great- 
est possible good to the greatest possible number, as an 
end to society, is laid down as a principle by Bentham. 
Indeed, power and despotism may contradict it; but, if 
society does not exist for the benefit of the members com- 
posing the society, I don't know on what principle it does 
exist. [Applause.] 

Large factories, as the great field for the enterprise of 
capital, are highly beneficial. When numerous, they afford 
much opportunity for the exercise of labor, and opportu- 
nity for more to live; but, when not so numerous, the hid- 
den powers of nature are developed to help men work out 
a benefit to themselves. But, out of those considerations 
to which I have alluded, I see a large number of facts con- 
nected with the sorrowful view of a degraded condition of 
the masses. Here, whatever else may be said, so much I 
know, and that is delightful, that the character of labor is 
such, its influence tends to quite different results from those 
in some other countries. [Applause.] You wisely avoid 
their faults, and escape their bad results, and put in ac- 
tivity, which makes industry most powerful and your coun- 
try most happy. 

I am informed of three things in reference to Lowell: 

1. That while in some countries the laborer has no other 
prospect but only to go on from day to day in hard toil, 
with no hope of an independent position, here it is the par- 
ticular character of industry that, to a large number of 
operatives who labor in the factory, it is but an appren- 
ticeship to an independent existence. 

2. While in some other countries the crowded cities are 
places of moral degradation, Lowell is a temple of intelli- 
gence, and a sanctuary of morality. [Applause.] If that 



686 APPENDIX. 

is the fact, praise to the man who made intelligence and 
morality the corner-stones upon which the industry of 
Lowell rests, and praise to the people who value this sys- 
tem as a beloved inheritance, which they are proud to 
transmit, unsullied, from generation to generation. 

The third peculiarity of which I heard about Lowell is, 
that the greatest part of those employed here are of the 
fair, — and I say it not to flatter, I flatter nobody, not even 
the ladies, but out of conviction I say it, — the greatest part 
are of the better sex. [Applause.] If that be true that 
this labor here is but an apprenticeship to future position, 
developing intelligence among the young ladies working 
in the factories, what immense treasure of family virtues 
and home happiness are spreading from Lowell over all 
the world ! Self-acquired independence, the means of a 
substantial position, intelligence, morality, industry, — 
these form the dowries which the ladies of Lowell will 
carry with them to their future homes, beautifying the fu- 
ture homes of those they will bless with their hands and 
hearts [applause,] and spreading the comfort of intelligent 
cares over their household; all their virtues and all their 
noble qualities will go over from generation to genera- 
tion, moulding the child's heart into that form which holds 
together a people's character. [Applause,] 

To-day, not out of books, but out of my own experience 
in Lowell, when I found all that has been told me true, I 
found a fourth quality among the other virtues, — that the 
people of Lowell also sympathize with the principle of lib- 
erty. That is another part of the dowry these ladies will 
take to their future homes, and another part of the moral 
inheritance they will transmit. [Applause.] If prosper- 
ous industry be the daughter of victorious liberty, it is 



APPENDIX. 687 

well done not to forget tlie principle of liberty, when hap- 
pily showing the fruits of it in prosperity. It is but the 
benefit, if I may call it benefit, which the son gives the 
father and the daughter the mother, such industry gives to 
liberty and humanity. 

Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, there is solidarity in the 
destinies of mankind. That is the word which those whom 
the people of Massachusetts have intrusted to represent 
them in their legislative halls greeted me with when I en- 
tered the flourishing metropolis of free and intelligent 
Massachusetts. It is a true word, and I am highly grati- 
fied to see the intelligence of Massachusetts convinced of 
it; that intelligence has not made the heart cold, but has a 
warmth from which springs a conviction like that which 
made Massachusetts first in the revolution to maintain the 
principle of liberty, which is never secure if isolated. Com- 
munity is its security, as I have said on a former occasion. 

Sir, you have been pleased to welcome me as the right- 
ful governor of Hungary. [Applause.] I accept it, not 
to have a high title, (it is a high title bestowed upon me 
by the confidence of my people,) but because there is a 
principle in it, a principle that a nation has a right to dis- 
pose of its own concerns. 

When I accepted this ofiice, the highest my people could 
bestow, I raised my hands in the house of God, and swore 
an oath to do all in my power to maintain the freedom and 
independence of my country [applause;] and let what ad- 
versities may come, I will be faithful to that oath so long 
as my aim is not fulfilled, and my people is not in the con- 
dition to declare its own will ! [Applause.] 

My people is my sovereign. God in heaven, my people 
on earth, I have no other master ! [Applause.] 



688 APPENDIX. 

Whatever diplomacy may do, it would be sorrowful if 
there is not so much sentiment of liberty and justice on 
earth as to acknowledge a people's rights because it is just 
now crushed by foreign violence. Neither truth nor jus- 
tice depend from the triumph of despotism. [Applause.] 

I am happy to know, even from what I have seen in New 
England, that the people of the United States will acknow- 
ledge the principle that no other power is lawful but from 
the people's will; and so far as duty to home interest per- 
mits, the United States will not fail to take the position of 
a power on earth, by which they will contribute to that 
end, that the principle of liberty shall not be exclusive, but 
a common benefit to all humanity. [Applause.] 

My success may be greater or smaller; but so much I can 
say to the millions of oppressed in Europe, to whom I must 
take an answer, — that the people of the United States, 
true to their own interests, and considering the exigencies 
of time and circumstances, will not consent not to weigh 
their weight in the scale in which the future destinies of 
mankind are to be weighed. Farewell, ladies and gentle- 
men !" 



Kossuth's last speech in faneuil hall on the 
condition of europe. 

Gentlemen : Some generous friends, to whom my heart 
is bound with ties of everlasting gratitude, for their kind- 
ness, support and protection, men distinguished also by the 
affection and confidence of their fellow-citizens, have inti- 
mated to me that before I leave Boston and Massachusetts 
— those bright stars of consolation in the gloomy night of 
the poor wandering exile— I am desired to give some ex- 



APPENDIX. 689 

planation, in Faneiiil Hall, about the present condition of 
Europe, and the character of our days. 

Though out-worn by daily exertion, and deprived of 
time to be prepared, as such a distinguished assembly has a 
right to claim, still I do not hesitate thankfully to accept 
the invitation; the more, because, amidst the most gener- 
ous manifestations of sympathy, I could not fail to see that 
there exists a doubt about the probability of a new strug- 
gle for liberty in Europe being very nigh, and a despon- 
dency about the chances of its success. Hence the im- 
pression that, there being no field for our activity now, 
there is no occasion for either material or political aid from 
America; and therefore, though there exists an almost uni- 
versal interest in our success, and a lively desire to coun- 
tenance our exertions, still the active and operative aid 
may be well delayed to that moment when the probabili- 
ties of a new struggle become evident, by seeing it anew 
engaged, and the banner of revolution once more unfurled 
on the eastern continent. 

There is scarcely any thing more noxious to the cause 
which I plead; there is, indeed, nothing more torturing to 
my own mind. I see, as clearly as I see you, that the die 
is not about to be cast, but is already cast. I see the war 
between freedom and oppression not about to be engaged, 
but really engaged. I see Europe just in that condition in 
which two inexorable armies are, both marching already 
to meet. I see that the shock of their meeting can neither 
be avoided nor delayed. It must come. [Applause.] I 
see all this, not because I wish it, but because I know it. 

I see it, because I myself have taken, and still take, a 
considerable part in the arrangements of the march. I 
see it, because I know what are the elements of the strug- 
44 



690 APPENDIX. 

gle, and what is the organization of these elements. I 
know what are the forces we can dispose of with certainty 
— with certainty, weighed not by visionary imagination, 
but with that calm arithmetical calculation with which the 
chief of an army looks to the register of his regiments be- 
fore he offers or accepts a battle. 

I see all this with the lively feeling of that responsibility 
which a man must feel before letting loose the fury of war. 
You can, therefore, imagine how torturing it must be to 
my mind, to know that such a declaration from the United 
States as the resolutions of Massachusetts, and such mate- 
rial aid as would enable me to provide for those necessities 
which cannot be provided for without financial means, 
would insure the triumph of liberty ; — to know that the 
additional benefit of a good vessel, and of one hundred 
thousand arms, would control the issue of the question 
which principle shall rule the world, and to see that addi- 
tional benefit not denied, out of want of sympathy, but de- 
layed out of want of faith, — delayed when it is just to-day 
that it would be an anchor of security, whereas every day's 
delay makes it either superfluous or useless. You may 
imagine, gentlemen, how that scepticism, that doubt, must 
painfully affect my heart. 

It may be that this doubt about the probability of a Eu- 
ropean revolution, arises from not being sufficiently ac- 
quainted with the present condition of Europe. I there- 
fore accept the present opportunity to enter into its ex- 
planation; but it is my duty to advise this distinguished 
assembly that, if it desires me to speak about that subject, 
it must nerve itself with considerable patience. The sub- 
ject is not stirring, nor can it be disposed of in a few words. 
I will have rather to deliver a lecture than an address. 



APPENDIX. 691 

Will you, ladies and gentlemen, hear rather a short ad- 
dress ? Please to tell me your wish. I will say a few 
heart-felt words of thanks, for all the kindness I have met 
in Boston, and bid you a cordial farewell. If you will have 
an explanation about the condition of Europe, then be 
pleased to arm yourselves with patience. [Applause.] 
What is your sovereign will ? What shall I do ? [Cries 
of " Go on ! go on !" with prolonged applause.] 

Well, I will obey. [A voice in the crowd, " The longer 
the better !" Applause.] 

Ladies and gentlemen : The gigantic struggle of the 
first French revolution associated the name of France so 
much with the cause of freedom in Europe, that all the 
world got accustomed to see France take the lead in the 
struggle for European liberty, and to look to it as a power 
intrusted by Providence with the initiation of revolutions, 
as a power without the impulse of which no liberal move- 
ment has any hope on the European continent. 

I, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion; I 
felt always more sympathy with the Anglo-Saxon charac- 
ter and Anglo-Saxon institutions, which raised England, 
notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy, to a po- 
sition prouder than E,ome ever was in its most glorious 
days [applause,] and which, free from monarchical and 
aristocratical elements here in America, lie at the founda- 
tion of a political organization, upon which the first true 
democratic republic, also consolidated and developed in 
freedom, power and prosperity, in such a short time, as to 
make it a living wonder to the contemporary age, and a 
book full of instruction to the coming generations. [Ap- 
plause.] 

However, that opinion about the French initiative pre- 
vailed in Europe; and it was a great misfortune, because 



692 . APPENDIX. 

you know that France has always yet forsaken the move- 
ment which it raised in Europe, and the other nations, act- 
ing not spontaneously, but only following the impulse 
which the French have imparted to them, faltered and 
stopped at once, as soon as the French locomotive stopped. 
[Applause.] With that opinion of the French supremacy, 
no revolution in Europe could have a definite, happy issue. 

Freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but 
only as a reward [applause,] bravely earned by own exer- 
tions, own sacrifices and own toil [applause;] and never 
will, never shall it be attained otherwise ! [Applause.] 

I speak, therefore, out of profound conviction of my soul, 
when I say that, though the heart of the philanthropist 
must feel pained at the new hard trials to which the French 
nation is, and will yet be exposed by the momentary suc- 
cess of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, 
still that very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate 
success of liberty in Europe. [Applause.] Louis Napo- 
leon's coup d'etat, much against his will, has emancipated 
Europe from its reliance upon France. [Applause.] The 
combined initiative of nations has succeeded to the initia- 
tive of France; spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced 
the desponding and foreign impulse and reliance upon for- 
eign aid. France is reduced to the common level of na- 
tions, obliged to join general combinations, instead of reg- 
ulating them; and this I take for a great advantage. Many 
have wondered at the momentary success of Louis Napo- 
leon, and are inclined to take it for an evidence that the 
French nation is either not capable or not worthy to be 
free. But that is a great fallacy. The momentary success 
of Louis Napoleon is rather an evidence that France is 
thoroughly democratic. All the revolutions in France 



APPENDIX. 693 

have resulted in tlie preponderance of that class which 
bears the denomination of Bourgeoisie. 

Among all possible qualifications of oppression, none is 
more detested by the people than the oppression by an 
Assembly. The National Assembly of France was the 
most treacherous the world has ever yet known. Issued 
from universal suffrage, it went so far as to abolish univer- 
sal suffrage; and every day of its existence was a new 
blow more stricken at democracy for the profit of the 
Bourgeoisie. Louis Napoleon has beaten asunder that 
Assembly, which the French democracy had so many rea- 
sons to hate and to despise; and the people applauded him, 
as the people of England applauded Cromwell when he 
whipped out the Rump Parliament, though, indeed, there 
is not the slightest likeness between Cromwell, the giant, 
and Louis Napoleon, the dwarf. [Applause and cheers.] 

But by what means was Louis Napoleon permitted to do 
even what the people liked to see done ? By no other 
means than by flattering the principle of democracy. He 
restored the universal suffrage. It is an infernal trick, to 
be sure; it is a shadow given for reality; but still it proves 
that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in France that 
even despotic ambition must flatter it. [Applause.] Well, 
depend upon it, this democracy, which the victorious usur- 
per feels himself constrained to flatter in the brightest mo- 
ments of his triumph, — this democracy will either make 
out of Louis Napoleon a tool, in spite of himself, serving 
the democracy, or it will crush him ! [Applause and 
cheers.] 

France is the country of sudden changes and unthought- 
of accidents. I will, therefore, not presume to tell the 
events of its next week; but one alternative! dare to state 



694 APPENDIX. 

— Louis Napoleon either falls or maintains himself. [Laugh- 
ter.] The fall of Louis Napoleon, though old monarchical 
elements should unite to throw him up, can have no other 
issue than a republic — a republic more faithful to the com- 
munity of freedom in Europe than all the former revolu- 
tions have been. Or, if Louis Napoleon maintains him- 
self, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or 
by flattering the feelings and interest of the masses. If 
he relies upon the army, he must give to it glory and profit; 
or, in other words, he must give to it war. Well, a war 
of France against whomever, for whatsoever purpose, is 
the best possible chance for the success of European revo- 
lution. Or, if Louis- Napoleon relies upon the feelings of 
the masses — as, indeed, he appears willing to — in that case, 
in spite of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of de- 
mocracy; and if, by becoming such, he forsakes the alle- 
giance of his master — the league of absolutistical powers 
— well, he will either be forced to attack them, or be at- 
tacked by them. That is so much a necessity of his posi- 
tion, that I would venture the prophecy that, should he 
succeed to maintain himself to the next spring, without be- 
ing attacked from abroad, you will see him brought to the 
necessity of an offensive war; may be against England, 
but, in my opinion, more probable against Austria. They 
cannot both stand on the soil of Italy; and, whoever be 
ruler of France, he may abandon Italy to herself, but never 
can abandon it to Austria. Against the rivalry of geo- 
graphical necessity no whim of personal inclinations can 
prevail, and not even cowardice can submit to it. 

Which ever of these alternatives may occur, so much I 
take for sure, that the momentary success of Louis Napo- 
leon's coup dJetat, in its ultimate issue, will and must prove 



APPENDIX. 695 

more subservient to the revolutionary movement in Eu- 
rope than if the French republic of 1848, with the unhappy- 
poetry of Lamartinian policy, forsaking faithlessly the 
revolution, and resulting in the degradation of the National 
Assembly, and in the preponderance of the Bourgeoisie, 
could have been continued by a peaceful solution of the 
presidential election, which would have taken place at this 
very period, without the coup d'etat JVapokon. [Applause.] 

It is not for the first time that he who serves the devil 
ruins him, in spite of himself. [Long-continued applause.] 

So much for France; now as to Italy. 

Italy ! the suany garden of Europe, whose blossoms are 
blighted by the icy north wind from St. Petersburgh ! Italy, 
that captured nightingale, placed under a fragrant bush 
of roses, beneath an ever-blue sky ! Italy was always the 
battle field of the contending principles, since hundreds 
and hundreds of years the German emperors, the kings of 
Spain, and the kings of Prance, fought their private feuds, 
their bloody battles, on her much-coveted soil, and, by 
their destructive influence, kept down every progress, and 
fostered every jealousy. By the recollections of old, the 
spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for European 
absolutism as in Italy. And this spirit of republican lib- 
erty, this war-like genius of ancient Rome, was never ex- 
tinguished between the Alps and the Faro. 

We are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of 
the Italians as if they were a nation of cowards; and we 
forget that the most renowned masters of the science of 
war, the greatest generals, up to our day, were Italians — 
Piccolomini, Montecucculi, Parnese, Eugene of Savoy, 
Spinola, and Bonaparte — a gaxlay of names whose glory 
is dimned but by the reflection that none of them fought 



696 APPENDIX. 

for his own coimtry. As often as the spirit of liberty 
awakened in Italy, the servile forces of Germany, of Spain, 
and of France, poured into the country, and extinguished 
the glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should 
once more illumine the dark night of Europe. [Cries of 
" shame."] Frederic Barbarossa destroyed Milan to its 
foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial en- 
croachments, by the league of independent cities, and led 
the plough over its smoking ruins. Charles the Fifth 
gathered all his powers around him to subdue Florence, 
when it declared itself a democratic republic. Napoleon 
extinguished the last remnants of republican self-govern- 
ment by crushing the republics of Yenice, Genoa, Lucca, 
Ragusa, and left untouched only by derision, to ridicule 
republicanism, the commonwealth of San Marino; and the 
Holy Alliance parted the spoils of Napoleon, and riveted 
anew the iron fetters together, which enslaved Italy, and 
forged new spiritual fetters, prevented the extension of 
education, and destroyed the press, in order that the Ital- 
ians should not remember their past. 

Every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centu- 
ries, is connected with the independence of Italy; every 
stain upon her honor is connected with foreign rule. And 
the burning minds of the Italians, though every spiritual 
food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to remember 
their past glory, and their present degradation. Every 
stone speaks of the ancient glory; every Austrian police- 
man, every French soldier, of the present degradation. 
The tyrants have no power to unmake history, and to 
silence the feelings of the nation; and among all the feel- 
ings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is 
none more impressible than unmerited degradation, which 



APPENDIX. 697 

impels us to redeem our lost honor. What is it, therefore, 
that keeps those petty tyrants of Italy, who are jealous of 
one another, on their tottering thrones, divided as they 
are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit of 
liberty unites the people ? It is only the protection of 
Austria, studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with 
her spies; and Austria itself can dare to stud thus Italy, 
because she relies on the ' assistance of Russia. She can 
send her armies to Italy, because Russia guards her east- 
ern dominions. Let Russia keep off, and Austria is una- 
ble to keep Italy in bondage; and the Italians, united in 
the spirit of independence, will settle easily their account 
with their own powerless princes. [Applause.] Keep off 
the icy blast from the Russian snows, and the tree of free- 
dom will grow up in the garden of Europe; though cut 
down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in 
the soil, which was always genial for the tree. [Applause.] 
Remember that no revolution in Italy was ever yet crushed 
by their own domestic tyrants without foreign aid; remem- 
ber that one-third of the Austrian army, which occupies 
Italy, are Hungarians, who have fought against and tri- 
umphed over the yellow-black flag of Austria, under the 
same tri-color which, having the same colors for both coun- 
tries, shows emblematically that Hungary and Italy are 
but two wings of the same army, united against a common 
enemy. Remember that even now neither the Pope nor 
the little princes of middle Italy can subsist without an 
Austrian and French garrison. [Applause,] And re- 
member that Italy is a half isle, open from three sides to 
the friendship of all who sympathize with civil and reli- 
gious liberty on earth, but from the sea not open to Russia 
and Austria, because they are not maritime powers; and 



698 APPENDIX. 

SO long as England is conscious of the basis of its power, 
and so soon as America gets conscious of the condition 
upon which its future depends, Austria and Russia will 
never be allowed to become maritime powers. [Applause.] 

And when you feel instinctively that the heart of the 
Roman must rage with fury when he looks back into the 
mirror of his past, that the Venetian cannot help to weep 
tears of fire and of blood from the Rialto, — when you feel 
all this, then look back how the Romans have fought in 
1849, with a heroism scarcely paralleled in the most glo- 
rious day of ancient Rome; and let me tell, in addition, 
upon the certainty of my own positive knowledge, that the 
world never yet has seen such a complete and extensive 
revolutionary organization as that of Italy to-day, — ready 
to burst out into an irresistible storm at the slightest op- 
portunity, and powerful enough to make that opportunity, 
if either foreign interference is checked, or the interfering 
foreigners occupied at home. [Applause.] The revolu- 
tion of 1848 has revealed and developed the warlike spirit 
of Italy. Except a few wealthy proprietors, already very 
influential, the most singular unanimity exists, both as to 
aim and to means. There is no shade of diiference of opin- 
ion, either as to what is to be done, or how to do it. All 
are unanimous in their devotion to the union and indepen- 
dence of Italy. With France or against France, by the 
sword, at all sacrifices, without compromise, they are but 
bent on renewing, over and over again, the battle, with 
that confidence that even without aid they will triumph, in 
the long run. [Cheers and prolonged applause.] 

The difiiculty in Italy is not how to make a revolution, 
but how to prevent its untimely outbreak; and still, even 
in that respect, there is such a complete discipline as the 



APPENDIX. 699 

world never yet has seen. In Rome, Romagna, Lombard j, 
Yenice, Sicily, and all the middle Italy, there exists an in- 
visible government, whose influence is everywhere discerni- 
ble. [Applause.] It has eyes and hands in all depart- 
ments of public service, in all classes of society; it has its 
taxes voluntarily paid, its force organized, its police, its 
newspapers regularly printed and circulated, though the 
possession of a single copy would send the holder to the 
galleys. The officers of the existing government convey 
the missives of the invisible government; the diligences 
transport its agents. One line from one of these agents 
opens to you the galleries of art on prohibited days, gives 
you the protection of uniformed officials, and, if you find 
no place at a diligence office, determines the directors to 
send a supplementary carriage. The chief of police avowed 
openly to Cardinal Antonelli that formerly the police 
watched and spied, but now the police itself is watched 
and spied, and punished terribly, inexorably, if it dares to 
interfere with the orders of the invisible government, [ap- 
plause,] which never fail to be punctually obeyed. [Ap- 
plause.] 

The opinion of the enemy being the best evidence of the 
prospects of the revolution, I claim your indulgence to tell 
a very graphic incident. 

[" Go on !" " Go on !"] 

A monsignore, the head of the secret police in Rome, 
came to the English consul, Mr. Freeborn, reproaching 
him with having sheltered the enemies of the papal gov- 
ernment. " Whatever my sympathies, I protect equally," 
said Freeborn, " all who seek refuge from political oppres- 
sion under my roof. [Applause.] If, to-morrow, an in- 
surrection breaks out, and you, monsignore, come to the 



700 APPENDIX. 

consulate to demand an asylum, you shall not be taken 
out whilst I am living." [Applause.] " On your honor ?" 
said, eagerly, the monsignore. "Yes, on my honor," an- 
swered Freeborn. [Applause.] " !" said the police di- 
rector, with flaming eyes, and grasping enthusiastically the 
consul's hands, " I shall count on your word — I shall;" 
and, forgetting his of&cial errand, he proceeded eagerly to 
detail the disguise in which he would present himself. 
[Laughter and applause.] 

Such is the condition of Italy, in the very opinion of the 
director of the secret police; and that this is the condi- 
tion of all Italy, is shown on one side in the fact that the 
King of Naples holds fettered in dungeons twenty- five 
thousand patriots, and Eadetzky [" Shame ! shame !"] has 
sacrificed nearly forty thousand political martyrs on the 
scaffold ["Hear, hear!"] and still the scaffold continues 
to be watered with blood, and still the dungeons receive 
new victims, evidently proving what spirit there exists in 
the people of Italy. [Applause.] 

And still Americans doubt that we are on the eve of a 
terrible revolution; and they ask, what use can I make of 
any material aid ? — when Italy is a barrel of powder, which 
the slightest spark can light; and Italy is the left wing of 
the army of liberty, of which Hungary is the right ! [Ap- 
plause and cheers.] 

In respect to foreign rule, Germany is more fortunate 
than Italy. From the time of the treaty of Verdun, when 
it separated from France and Italy, through the long pe- 
riod of more than a thousand years, no foreign power ever 
has succeeded to rule over Germany, such is the resistive 
power of the German people to guard its national exist- 
ence. The tyrants who swayed over them were of their 



APPENDIX. TOl 

own blood. But, to subdue German liberty, those tyrants 
were always anxious to introduce foreign institutions. 
First, they swept away the ancient Germanic right, — this 
common law, so dear to the English and American, this 
eternal barrier against the encroachments of despotism, — 
and substituted for it the iron rule of the imperial Roman 
law. The rule of papal Rome over the minds of Germany 
crossed the mountains, together with the Roman law, and 
a spiritual dependency was to be established all over the 
world. The wings of the German eagle were bound, that 
it should not soar up to the sun of truth. But, when the 
oppression became too strong, the people of Germany rose 
against the power of Rome; — not the princes, though they, 
too, were oppressed, but the son of the miner of Eisenach, 
the poor friar Martin Luther, defied the Pope on his throne, 
and at his bidding the people of Germany proved that it 
is strong enough to shake off oppression, that it is worthy, 
and that it knows how to be free . And again, when the 
French, under their emperor, whose genius comprehended 
everything except freedom, extended their moral sway over 
Germany, — when the princes of Germany thronged around 
the foreign despot, begging kingly crowns from the son of 
the Corsican lawyer, with whom the emperors were happy 
to form matrimonial alliances, — with the man who had no 
other ancestors than his genius, — then it was again the 
people which did not join in the degradation of its rulers, 
but, jealous to maintain their national independence, turned 
the foreigner out, though his name was Napoleon, and 
broke the yoke asunder, which weighed as heavily upon 
their princes as upon themselves. And still there are men 
in America who despair of the vitality of the Germans, of 
their indomitable power to resist oppression, of their love 



702 APPENDIX. I 

of freedom, and of their devotion to it, proved by a glori- 
ous history of two thousand years ! The German race is 
a power the vitality and influence of which you can trace 
through the worWs history for two thousand years; you 
can trace it through the history of science and heroism, in- 
dustry, and of bold, enterprising spirit. Your own coun- 
try, your own national character, bear the mark of Ger- 
man vitality. [Applause.] Other nations, now and then, 
were great by some great men, — the German people was 
always great by itself. [Applause.] 

But the German princes cannot bear independence and 
liberty; they had rather themselves become slaves, the 
underlings of the Czar, than to allow that their people 
should enjoy some liberty. An alliance was therefore 
formed, which they blasphemously called the Holy Alli- 
ance, with the avowed purpose to keep the people down. 
The great powers guaranteed to the smaller princes, — 
whose name is legion, for they are many, — the power to 
fleece and to torment their people, and promised every aid 
to them against the insurrection of those who would find 
that for liberty's sake it is worth while to risk their lives 
and property. It was an alliance for the oppression of 
the nations, not for the maintenance of the princely pre- 
rogative. When the Grand Duke of Baden, in a fit of lib- 
erality, granted his people the liberty of the press, the 
Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia abolished the 
law, carried unanimously by the legislature of Baden, and 
sanctioned by the prince. The Holy Alliance had guaran- 
teed to the princes the power to oppress, but not the power 
to benefit, their people. 

But, though the great powers interfered often in the 
principalities and little kingdoms of Germany, — as often 



APPENDIX. T03 

as the spirit of liberty awoke, — yet they avoided, them- 
selves, every occasion which would have forced them to 
request the aid of their allies, and especially of Russia. 
They knew it too well, that to accept foreign aid against 
their own people was nothing else than to lose indepen- 
dence; it was morally the same as to kneel down before 
the Czar, and to take the oath of allegiance. A govern- 
ment that cannot stand against its own people but by for- 
eign aid, avows that it cannot stand without foreign aid. 
Take that foreign aid — interference !~away, and it falls. 

The dynasties of Austria and Prussia were aware of this. 
They therefore yielded as often as their encroachments 
met a firm resistance from the people. When my nation 
so absolutely resisted, in 1823, the attempt to abolish its 
constitution, Prince Metternich himself advised the Em- 
peror Francis to yield, and even humbly to apologize to 
the Diet of 1825. The King of Prussia granted even a 
kind of constitution, rather than to claim the assistance of 
the Czar. Herein you can find the explanation of the fact 
that the continent of Europe is not yet republican. The 
spirit of freedom, when roused by oppression, was lulled 
into sleep by constitutional concessions. The Czar of Rus- 
sia was well aware of the fact that this system of compro- 
mise prevents her interference into the domestic concerns 
of Europe, which would lead her to the sovereign master- 
ship over all; she therefore did every thing to push the 
sovereigns to extremities. But she did only succeed when, 
by a palace revolution in Vienna, a weak and cruel youth 
was placed on the throne of Austria, and a passionate 
woman got the reins of government in her hand, and an 
unprincipled, reckless adventurer was ready to carry out 
every imperial whim, regardless of the honor of his coun- 



704 APPENDIX. 

try and the interests of his master. Russia, at last, got 
her aim. Rather than to acknowledge the rights of Hun- 
gary, they bowed before- the Czar, and gave up the inde- 
pendence of the Austrian throne; they became the under- 
lings of a foreign power, rather than allow that one of the 
peoples of the European continent should become free. 
Since the fall of Hungary, Russia is the real sovereign of 
all Germany; for the first time, Germany has a foreign 
master ! and do you believe that Germany will bear that 
in the nineteenth century which it never yet has borne, — 
bear that in its manhood which it never has borne in its 
childhood ? 

Soon after, and through the fall of Hungary, the pride 
of Russia was humiliated. Austrian garrisons occupied 
Hamburg, Schleswig Holstein was abandoned, Hessia 
was chastised, and all that is dear to Germans purposely 
affronted. Their dreams of greatness, their longing for 
unity, their aspirations of liberty, were trampled down 
into the dust, and ridicule was thrown upon every eleva- 
tion of mind, upon every revelation of patriotism. Has- 
senburg, convicted of forgery by the Prussian courts, be- 
came minister in Hessia; and once outlawed Schwarzen- 
berg, and Bach, a renegade republican, ministers of Aus- 
tria. The church-yard piece of oppression, which tyrants, 
undor the name of order, are trying to enforce upon the 
world, has for its guardians but outlawed reprobates, 
forgers, and renegades. [Applause.] Could you believe, 
that with such elements the spirit of liberty can be crushed? 
They know that, to habituate nations to oppression, the 
moral feeling of the people has to be killed. But could 
you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people 
as the German, stamped in the civilization of which it was 



APPENDIX. T05 

one of the generating elements, can be killed, or that it 
can bear for a long while such an outrage ? Do you think 
that the people which met the insolent bulls of the Pope 
in Rome by the reformation and the thirty years' war, and 
the numberless armies of Napoleon by a general rising, 
that this people will tamely submit to the Russian influ- 
ence, more arrogant than the papal pretensions, more dis- 
astrous than the exactions of the French empire ? They 
broke the power of Rome and of Paris; will they agree to 
be governed by St. Petersburgh ? Those who are accus- 
tomed to see in history only the princes will say aye ; but 
they forget that, since the Reformation, it is not more the 
princes who make the history, but the people; they see the 
tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern hurri- 
cane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved. 
Gentlemen, the German princes bow before the Czar, but 
the German people will never bow before him. [Applause.] 
! Let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of 
Germany in these words: 1848 and 1849 have proved that 
the little tyrants of Germany cannot stand by themselves, 
but only by their reliance upon Austria and Prussia. These 
again cannot stand by themselves, but only by the reliance 
upon Russia. Take this reliance away, by maintaining 
the laws of nations against the principle of interference, 
and the joint powers of America and England can main- 
tain them [applause;] and all the despotic governments, 
reduced to stand by their own resources af power, must 
fall before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of 
Germany, like rotten fruit touched by a gale. [Applause.] 

Let me now speak about the condition of my own dear 
native land. [Cheers and prolonged applause.] 

I hope not to meet any contradiction when I say that no 
45 



706 APPENDIX. 

condition can and will endure, which is so bad, so insup- 
portable, that, by trying to change it, a people can lose 
nothing, and can gain every thing. [Applause.] 

No condition can and will endure, the maintenance of 
which is contrary to every interest of every class. [Ap- 
plause.] 

A revolution, on the contrary, is unavoidable, when ev- 
ery interest of every class wishes and requires it. [Ap- 
plause.] 

I will first speak of the lowest, and still most powerful 
of all, of the material interest. 

There are some countries where, however insuppportable 
be the condition of the masses, still the government has an 
ally in the mighty and influential class of bankers, who lend 
their money to support despotism with, and in those who 
invested their fortunes in the shares of these loans, nego- 
tiated by bankers, speculating upon and with the fortunes 
of small capitalists. 

That class of men, partly tools of oppression, partly the 
fools of the tools [applause and laughter,] exist not in 
Hungary. We have no such bankers in Hungary, and 
have but a very small, inconsiderable number of such who 
invested their fortunes in such loan shares. And even the 
few who have been playing in the fatal loan share gain have 
withdrawn from it, at every price, because they feared to 
lose all. From that quarter, therefore, the House of Aus- 
tria has no ally in Hungary. 

As to the former aristocracy, a class, influential by its 
connections, and by its large landed property, you remem- 
ber that, when I succeeded to abolish the feudal charges, 
and converted millions of my countrymen, of different re- 
ligion and different language, out of lease-holders into free 



APPENDIX. 707 

landed proprietors, we guaranteed an indemnification to 
the land-owners for what they lost. 

From a farm of about thirty-five to fifty acres of land, 
the farmer had to work one hundred and two days a year 
for a land-owner, give him the ninth part of all his crops, 
half a dollar in ready money, besides particular fees for 
shop-keeping, brewery, mill, &c. We have freed the 
people from all the encumbrances; and, thanks to God, 
that benefit never more can be torn from the people's 
hands ! [Applause, and cries of " Good ! good !"] The 
aristocracy consented to it, because we had guaranteed full 
indemnification for it. The very material existence of this 
class of former land-'6'wners is depending, from that indem- 
nification, to defray with it their debts, which they for- 
merly had the habit wantonly to contract, and to provide 
for the cultivation of their own large allodial property, 
which they formerly cultivated by the hands of their lease- 
holders, but now have to invest a capital into. 

Now, this indemnification, amounting to one hundred 
millions of dollars, the House of Austria never can realize. 
You know, with its centralized government, which is always 
very expensive, with its standing army of six hundred 
thousand men, the only support of its precarious existence, 
with its army of spies and secret police, with its system of 
corruption and robbery, with its fourteen hundred millions 
of debt, with its eternal deficit in its current expenditures, 
with its new loans to pay the interest of the old, and with 
the certainty of an unavoidable bankruptcy, this indemni- 
fication Austria never can pay to the former aristocracy of 
Hungary. The only means to get this indemnification is 
the restoration of Hungary to its independence by a new 
revolution. [Applause.] 



708 APPENDIX. 

Independent Hungary can pay it, because it has no debts, 
will want no large standing armies, and will have a cheap 
administration; because not centralized, but municipal, the 
people governing itself in and through municipalities, the 
cheapest of all governments. [Applause.] 

Hungary has already pointed out the fund out of which 
that indemnification can and will be paid, without any im- 
position upon the people, and any loss to the common- 
wealth. Hungary has large state' lands, belonging to, and 
administered by, the commonwealth. I have mathemati- 
cally proved that the landed property of the state, sold in 
small parcels to those who have yet no land, connected 
with a banking operation founded upon that very reality, 
to facilitate the payment of the price, is more than suffi- 
cient to pay that indemnification; besides, the small land- 
tax, which the new owners of that immense property, di- 
vided into small farms, will have to pay, as other land 
proprietors, will yield more revenue to the commonwealth 
than all the proceeds of domestic administration. [Ap- 
plause.] 

This, my proposition, having been submitted to the Na- 
tional Assembly, has been accepted and approved, and has 
attached to the revolution the numerous class of farm la- 
borers who have not yet their own farms, and who con- 
template, with the liveliest joy, this benevolent provision, 
which Austria can never execute, because, financially ruined 
as she is, she cannot be contented either with the tax rev- 
enue or the banking arrangement, to defray the indemnifi- 
cation; she sells the stock whenever she can find a man to 
buy it. 

But here is a remarkable fact, proving how little is the 
future of Austria contemplated to be sure even by its vo- 



APPENDIX. 709 

taries. Whoever is willing to sell a landed property in 
Hungary, foreign bankers, Austrian capitalists, buy it 
readily at an enormous price, because they know that pri- 
vate transactions will be respected by our revolution; but 
from the government nobody buys a single acre of land, 
because every man knows that such a transaction must be 
considered void. [Applause.] Nay, more, not even as a 
gift is accepted by whomever an estate from the present 
government. Haynau himself was offered in reward a 
large landed property by the government; he did not ac- 
cept, but preferred a comparatively small sum of money, 
not amounting to one-tenth of the value of the offered land, 
and he bought from a private individual a landed property 
for the money, because, that being a private transaction, is 
sure to stand; whereas, in the future of the Austrian gov- 
ernment in Hungary, not even its Haynaus have confidence ! 
[Prolonged applause and cheers.] 

The manufacturing interests anxiously wish and must 
wish a revolution, because manufacturing industry is en- 
tirely ruined now by Austria. Every favor, encourage- 
ment and aid, which the national government imparted by 
industry, is not only withdrawn, but substituted by the old 
system, the tendency of which is neither to allow Hungary 
free trade, — to buy manufactured articles where they can 
be had in the best quality, or at the cheapest price, — nor 
to permit manufacturing at home, but to conserve Hungary 
in the position of a colonial market, a condition always 
regarded as insupportable, and sufficient motive for a revo- 
lution, as you yourself, out of your own history, know. 
[Applause and cheers.] 

The commercial interest anxiously desire a revolution, 
because there exists, in fact, no active commerce in Hun- 



710 APPENDIX. 

gary, the Hungarian commerce being degraded into a mere 
brokership of Vienna. [Applause.] 

All those who have yet in their hands the Hungarian 
bank-notes, issued by my government, must wish a revolu- 
tion, because Austria, alike foolish as criminal, has de- 
clared them out of value, — thus they cannot be restored to 
value but by a revolution. The amount of those bank- 
notes in the hands of the people is yet about twenty mil- 
lions of dollars. No menaces, no 'cruelty, can induce the 
people to give it up to the usurper; they put it into bottles 
and bury it in the earth. [Applause.] They say it is 
good money when Kossuth comes home. [Cheers and pro- 
longed applause.] But, while no menaces of Austria can 
induce the people to give up this treasure of our impend- 
ing revolution, a single line of mine, sent home, is obeyed, 
and the money is treasured up where I have designated. 
[Applause.] 

Do you now understand, gentlemen, by what motive I 
say that, once at home, once our struggle engaged, I do 
not want your material aid, and neither wish nor would 
accept all your millions; but that I want your material aid 
to get home, and to get home in such a way as will inspire 
confidence in my people, by seeing me bring home the only 
thing which it has not — arms ! [Enthusiastic applause.] 
/^~~' But, I am asked, where will I land ? That, of course, I 
will not say ; — perhaps directly at Vienna, in a Montgolfier, 
in a balloon, [laughter and applause,] — but one thing I may 
say, because that is no secret ; remember that all Italy is a 
sea-coast, and remember that Italy has the same enemy 
which Hungary has; that Italy is the left wing of that 
army of which Hungary is the right wing, and that in Italy 
forty thousand Hungarian soldiers [applause] exist, as 



APPENDIX. 711 

also, in general, in the Austrian army one hundred and 
sixty thousand [applause] Hungarians exist. More I can:- 
not and will not say upon the subject. [Applause.] 

But I will say that all the amount of taxation the people 
of Hungary formerly had to pay was but four and a half 
million dollars, — now it has to pay sixty-five million dol- 
lars; that land-owners offer their land to the government, 
only to get rid of the land-tax, larger than all the revenue ; 
that we have raised yearly six hundred thousand hundred- 
weight of tobacco, — now the monopoly of tobacco being 
introduced, the people does not more smoke, and has burnt 
its tobacco-seed. [Applause, and cries of " Good ! good !"] 
We have raised one hundred and twenty million gallons 
of wine. [A voice in the crowd, " Good !" Laughter and 
prolonged applause.] Gentlemen, I come not to interfere 
with the domestic concerns of America. [Applause.] I 
have no opinion about the Maine liquor law. [Applause.] 
For myself, I am very fond of water. [Laughter and ap- 
plause, with cries of " Good !"] But still I may say it is 
my opinion it will be many years before the Maine liquor 
law through all Europe will pass. [Prolonged applause 
and enthusiastic cheers.] Well, gentlemen, as I was about 
say, one-half of the vineyards are cut down. Hundred 
thousands live upon horticulture and fruit cultivation; the 
trees are cut down to escape the heavy taxation laid upon 
them. The stamp tax is introduced, the most insupporta- 
ble to free men; village from village, town from town, 
city from city, is divided by custom lines; the poor peasant 
woman, bringing a dozen of eggs to the market, has to pay 
the tax of consumption before she is permitted to enter; 
and when she brings medicine home for her sick child, she 
has again to pay before permitted to enter her home. 
[Cries of "Shame!"] 



712 APPENDIX. 

And, besides this material oppression, and tlie daily and 
nightly vexations connected with it, — the Protestants de- 
prived of the self-government of their church and school, 
for which they have thrice taken up arms victoriously in 
three centuries ; the Roman Catholics deprived of the se- 
curity of their church property; the people of every race 
deprived of its nationality, because there exists no public 
life where to exert it; no national existence, no constitu- 
tion, no municipalities, no domestic law, no domestic offi- 
cials, no security of person and property, but arbitrary 
power, martial law, and the hangman and the jail; — and 
on the other side, Hungarian patriotism, Hungarian honor, 
Hungarian heroism, Hungarian vitality, stamped in the 
vicissitudes of a thousand years, and the consciousness that 
we have beaten Austria when we had no army, no money, 
no friends, and the knowledge that now we have an army, 
and for home purposes have money in the safe-guarded 
bank-notes, and have America for a friend [applause,] and, 
in addition to all this, the confidence of my people in my 
exertions, and the knowledge of these exertions, of which 
my people is quite as well informed as yourself, — nay, 
more, because it sees and knows what I do at home, where- 
as you see but what I do here. [Applause.] Well, if with 
all this you still doubt about the struggle in Europe being 
nigh, and still despair of its chances of success, then God be 
merciful to my poor brains, I know not what to think ! 
[Applause.] 

Some take me here for a visionary. Curious, indeed, if 
that man who, a poor son of the people, has abolished an 
aristocracy of a thousand years old, created a treasury of 
millions out of nothing, an army out of nothing, and di- 
rected a revolution so as to fix the attention of the whole 



APPENDIX. 713 

world upon Hungary, and has beaten the old, well-pro- 
vided power of Austria, and crushed its future by his very 
fall, and, forsaken, abandoned, alone, sustained a struggle 
against two empires, and made himself, in his very exile, 
feared by czars and emperors, and trusted by foreign na- 
tions as well as his own, — if that man be a visionary, then 
for so much pride I may be excused, that I would like to 
look face to face into the eyes of a practical man of earth. 
[Cheers and prolonged applause.] 

Gentlemen, I had many things yet to say. [Cries of 
" Go on ! take your time !"J Gentlemen, the condition, 
change and prospects of Europe, are not spoken of so 
easily, as you have seen, when only the condition of my 
own country is touched. I don't know that I shall suc- 
ceed, but I will try to say something about Turkey. 
[Cries of " Go on as long as you please."] 

Turkey, which deserves your sympathy because it is the 
country of municipal institutions, the country of religious 
toleration ! [Applause.] Turkey, when it extended its 
sway over Transylvania and half of Hungary, never inter- 
fered with the way in which the inhabitants chose to 
govern themselves ; she allowed even those who lived 
within her dominions to collect there the taxes voted by 
independent Hungary, with the aim to make war against 
the Porte. Whilst in the other parts of Hungary, Protest- 
antism was oppressed by the Austrian policy, and the Pro- 
testants several times compelled to take up arms for the 
defence of religious liberty ; in Transylvania, under the 
sovereignty of the Porte, the Unitarians got political 
rights, and Protestantism grew up under the protecting 
wings of the Ottoman power. 

The respect for municipal institutions is so deeply rooted 
in the minds of the Turks, that at the time when they be- 



714 APPENDIX. 

came masters of the Danubian provinces of Moldavia and 
"WallacMa, they voluntarily excluded themselves from all 
political rights in the newly-acquired provinces; and, up 
to the present day, they do not allow that a mosque should 
be built, that a Turk should dwell and own landed pro- 
perty across the Danube. They do not interfere with the 
taxation, or with the internal administration of these 
provinces; and the last organic law of the empire, the 
Tanzimat, is nothing but the re-declaration of the rights 
of municipalities, guaranteeing them against the centraliz- 
ing encroachments of the Pachas. Whilst Czar Nicholas 
is about to convert the Protestant population of Livonia 
and Esland, by force and by alluring promises, to the 
Greek Church, the liberal Sultan Abdul Medjid grants 
full religious liberty to all sects of Protestantism. But 
we are accustomed to look upon Turkey as upon a third- 
rate power, only because, in 1828, it was defeated by Rus- 
sia. Let us now see how the balance stood at that time, 
and how it stands now. 

In 1828 the Turkish population was full of hatred and 
discontent, on account of the extermination of the Janis- 
saries. 

The Christian population was ready to rise against the 
government, on account of the events of the Greek war. 

Albania was in revolt, because it was opposed to the 
system of conscriptions for regular military service. An- 
atolia was discontented on the same ground. Mehemet 
Ali possessed Egypt, and paralyzed the action of the 
government in Arabia and Syria. Servia had just laid 
down arms, but had not yet concluded peace. The Danu- 
bian principalities, though unfavorable to Russia, were not 
hearty in support of the Porte, and remained apathetic 
under the occupation of Russia. 



APPENDIX. 715 

The revenue did not exceed four hundred millions of 
piastres (twenty millions dollars,) and was insufficient for 
a second campaign. 

Tho new army was not yet organized, and amounted 
only to thirty-two thousand men, without tried generals. 
The fleet was destroyed at Navarino. The foreign diplo- 
matists had left the empire, and the capital was exposed 
to an attack of the enemy. 

In such a position, no European government could have 
risked a war. 

Eussia had just defeated Persia, and got by this victory 
access to the Asiatic provinces of the Turkish empire 
which had, therefore, to defend its frontiers on both sides. 

Eussia had not yet entered into Circassia, and could 
therefore rally all her forces. She had not yet abolished 
the Poland of 1815, and could leave it without garrisons. 
She had not yet roused the hatred or the jealousies of 
Europe. She had engaged all the natural allies of the 
Porte into a combination for rousing the populations of 
her enemy; and she got by her diplomacy the possibility 
of bringing her fleet into the Mediterranean, for blockad- 
ing the ports of Turkey, and Navarino opened for her the 
Black Sea, where she had thirteen men-of-war. 

Not disturbed by the Porte, by Circassia, by Poland, by 
France or by England, she had prepared two years for this 
war; whilst her enemy, passing through a terrible crisis, 
was without money, without an organized army, without a 
fleet, without other resources than the feeble Mussulman 
population on the seat of war. 

Twenty-four years have altered the balance, Turkey 
has now the enthusiastic support of her Mussulman pop- 
ulation. The Christian population, with the only excep- 



716 APPENDIX. 

tion of Bulgaria, partakes of this enthusiasm. All the 
warlike tribes, from Albania to Kurdistan, are now sup- 
porting the authority of the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is 
gone; Arabia and Syria are again under the dominion of 
the Sultan. Servia has made peace, and has become the 
support of Turkey, offering her, in case of a Russian war, 
eighty thousand men. The principalities have become the 
enemies of Eussia; they had too long to suffer from her 
oppression. The public revenue has doubled. Turkey 
has organized a regular army of two hundred thousand 
men, equal to any other; and, besides, the militia. She 
has distinguished generals — Omer, Pasha, G-uyon. Her 
fleet is equal to the Russian fleet on the Black Sea, and 
her steam-fleet superior to the Russian. She has, for allies, 
all the people from the Caucasus to the Carpathians; the 
Circassians, the Tartars, under Emir Mirza, and the Cos- 
sacks of the Dobroja, by whom the electric shock is trans- 
mitted to Poland and Hungary, form an unbroken chain, 
by which the spark is carried into the heart of Europe, 
where all the combustible elements wait for the moment 
of explosion. Twenty-four years ago Turkey was believed 
to be in a decaying state; it is now stronger than it has 
been for the last hundred years. 

Russia, during this time, was unable to overcome the 
resistance of Circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern 
provinces, she cannot attack Turkey in the rear. The 
Caucasian lines fmmishcd her, in 1828, with thirty thou- 
sand men, Poland with one hundred thousand; the two 
countries require now an army of observation and occu- 
pation of two hundred thousand men; the Danubian 
principalities absorb again fifty thousand. 

The Russian fleet in the Black Sea remains as it was in 
1828 — thirteen men-of-war then, thirteen now; and, whilst 



APPENDIX. 717 

in 1828 she had scarcely an enemy in Europe, she has now 
scarcely one friend, except the kings; and all her enemies, 
whom she has defeated, one by one, have combined against 
her — Poland, Hungary, the Danubian principalities, Tur- 
key, Circassia. 

Where now is the force of Russia? Does she not 
remind us of the golden image of Nebuchadnezzar, stand- 
ing on feet of clay. [Applause.] 

And yet, gentlemen, that Russia can make doubtful the 
struggle in Europe — not because powerful in arms, but 
dangerous because it stands ready to support tyrants, 
when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before they 
have time to make preparations for resistance — then is 
Russia only a power to be feared. Well, gentlemen, shall 
America stand up, with its powerful voice, and forbid, 
when nations have shaken off their domestic tyrants, that 
Russia shall interfere ? Gentlemen, remember that Peter 
the Czar left a testament to the people, that Russia must 
take Constantinople. Why ? That Russia might be a 
great power; and, that it may be, Constantinople is neces- 
sary, because no nation can be a great power which is not 
a maritime power. Now, see how Turkey has grown in 
twenty-four years. The more Russia delays, the stronger 
Turkey becomes; and therefore is Russia in haste to fulfill 
the destiny to become a maritime power. 

You can see why is my fear that this week, or this 
month, or this year, Russia will attack Turkey, and we 
shall not be entirely prepared; but though you do not 
give us " material aid," still must we rise when Turkey is 
attacked, because we must not lose its forty thousand 
soldiers. The time draws nigh when you will see more 
the reason I have to hasten these preparations, [applause] 



718 APPENDIX. 

that they may be fulfilled, when, through the death of 
Nicholas or Louis Napoleon — a thousand other things, or 
most probably,' a war between Russia and Turkey — we 
may take time by the — hair — is that the word? [Ap- 
plause. A voice from the crowd, " Forelock."] Yes, 
gentlemen, forelock. [Applause,] But I can't help it. 
Indeed, T have a little faith sometimes, that strange spirits 
speak out of me, so little English I know. [Applause.] 

But, gentlemen, let me close. I am often told, let only 
the time come when the republican banner is unfurled in 
the Old World, then we shall see what America will do. 
[Applause. Cries of " Yes."] Well, gentlemen, your aid 
may come too late to be rendered beneficial. Remember 
'48 and '49. Had the nations of Europe not your sympa- 
thy? [Applause.] Were your hearts less generous than 
now ? It was not in time — it came after, not before. 
Was your government not inclined to recognize nations ? 
It sent Mr. Mann to Hungary to inquire — would that 
when he inquired he had been authorized to recognize our 
achieved independence ! 

Gentlemen, let me end. Before all, let me thank you 
for your generous patience in having listened so long to a 
bad speech. It is another of the generous manifestations 
of sympathy I have met here in Massachusetts and in 
Boston. [Applause.] 

This is my last meeting. Whatever may be my fate, so 
much I can say, that the name of Boston and Massachusetts 
will remain a dear word and a dear name, not only to me 
but to my people, for all time. And, whatever my fate, I 
will, with the last breath of my life, raise the prayer to God 
that he may bless you, and bless your city, and bless your 
country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time, 



APPENDIX. 719 

and to the end of time; that your freedom and prosperity 
may still develop and grow and progress from day to day; 
and that one glory should Tbe added to the glory which 
you already have — the glory that America, republican 
America, may unite with her other principles the principle 
of Christian brotherly love among the family of nations; 
and so may she become the corner-stone of liberty on 
earth. That is my farewell word to you. [Cheers and 
enthusiastic applause. 



LETTER OF THANKS FROM KOSSUTH. 

Mr. King, President of the Senate, laid before that 
body a letter from Louis Kossuth, dated, Cincinnati, 
February 14, 1852, addressed to him, which statement, not 
being initiated in the diplomatic forms of the United 
States, he respectfully directed his farewell to the Presi- 
dent, with a request that it might be laid before Congress. 
Since then he has been informed, by the Secretary of State, 
that such could not be done, and the Secretary of State 
had suggested that copies of the letters might be sent to 
each House of Congress. Acting upon this, he addresses 
to the Senate the following copy of his letter to the Presi- 
dent of the United States: 

Washington City, Jan. 12, 185^. 

PeESIDENt: — The most generous invitation contained in 

the act of the congress of the United States, approved 

and officially transmitted to me by your excellency, having 

afforded me the distinguished honor of being acceptably 



720 APPENDIX. 

presented, by the illustrious Secretary of State, to the 
chief magistrate of the republic; having been, upon sub- 
sequent resolutions of congress, received with almost un- 
precedented honors by the Senate and by the House of 
Representatives; having been entertained with unsurpassed 
kindness by the senators and representatives of the United 
States; obliged with courtesies, far exceeding my aspira- 
tions, by the heads of the various departments of the 
executive government, and favored by marks of kind 
attention and sympathy from the honorable members of 
congress, in numbers which almost equalled the aggregate 
of the two illustrious legislative bodies of this great 
republic, the time has come when the exigencies of my 
country's affairs requires me to depart from the city of 
Washington, and fulfill the agreeable duty of acknowl- 
edging, personally, that protective sympathy which many 
towns, cities and states of this glorious confederation, 
continue to manifest in favor of the just cause of my 
country's down-trodden independence, and the freedom of 
the European continent, so intimately connected with it. 
This, my departure, becomes more urgent, as, according to 
the present condition of Europe, every moment's accident 
may call on me to answer those duties, which, in obedient 
compliance with my nation's sovereign will, 1 assumed 
when, as unanimously elected governor of the state of 
Hungary, I took oath to God and the people to maintain 
that national independence, which my nation had asserted 
BO heroically, and had declared so legitimately. It is a 
matter of deep regret to me, not to be able, individually, 
to express my everlasting warm gratitude; but, though 
my mind be mournfully impressed with inconceivable grief 
at the melancholy intelligence connected with the last 



APPENDIX. 721 

moments of my staying here, that the heart of my beloved 
and venerable mother has broken under the renewed cruel 
persecution inflicted upon my family by the House of 
Austria, still I cannot take my departure from the capital, 
without leaving a formal but sincere acknowledgment of 
all those memorable favors so generously bestowed upon 
me, conscious, as I am, that these honors were neither 
deserved by, nor intended to me personally, who am an 
humble exile. Never could I consent to see myself ag- 
grandized while my country lies in ruins and in chains. I 
have then all the more — the more thankfully received, as 
manifestations of the respect for everlasting principles of 
national law, and of the lively sympathy which this great 
and generous country entertains for my beloved, and never 
for a moment to be forgotten, father-land, now a temporary 
victim of the violation of those principles. The oppressed 
nations of the European continent, so highly interested 
in those principles, will look with consolation at these 
memorable favors I was honored with, as to a practical 
proof that the chief magistrate of this great republic was 
indeed a full iilterpreter of the people's sentiment, and 
met with the cordial concurrence of the enlightened legis- 
lature of this glorious country, when he declared officially, 
that the United States cannot remain indifferent in a case 
in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoked to 
stifl.e public sentiment, and to oppress the spirit of free- 
dom in any country. The magnanimous declaration, fol- 
lowed by such generous manifestations, will be recorded 
in history as a protestation on behalf of the everlasting 
principles of the law of nations, against their infraction 
by violence; and the millions of my people will revive, 
with hope and confidence, when they shall come to know 
46 



722 APPENDIX. 

what favors were bestowed upon their exiled chief by the 
great Republic of the West, in acknowledging the justice 
of Hungary's cause. In her name, and as her representa- 
tive, I have received them, and they have sunk into the 
very heart of my heart. In her name, and as her repre- 
sentative, I feel the duty of expressing my thanks for 
them, and desire your excellency, as well as the executive 
officers of the Senate and House of Representatives, collect- 
ively and individually, to receive the assurances of my and 
my country's eternal gratitude. Sad and solemn is the 
hour of parting from a presence so consoling and so 
august; but I carry with me, in my future Avandering, the 
hope that the United States will continue kindly to re- 
member, always, my unhappy but well-deserving country. 
Neither the pangs of exile, nor the egotism of my patriotic 
feelings, nor the interests of all those nations whose com- 
mon rights and wrongs I plead before the mighty tribunal 
of publicity, will ever induce me to desire that the United 
States should, for our sake, put in jeopardy their own 
welfare, and the prosperity of this glorious home of 
liberty; but as the present condition of Europe, and the 
coming events on that continent, which cast already, their 
shadows before them, cannot fail to attract the attention 
and invite the consideration of such a power on earth as 
the United States are, I cannot forbear to hope that the 
very circumstances of that security, which the United 
States enjoy, while the greatest part of Europe quakes, 
will but more impress upon their true republican generos- 
ity, the sentiments of supreme urgency to pronounce, in 
respect to this law of nations, and international duties 
and rights, as also in respect to the undisturbed safety of 
commercial intercourse, in favor of such principles, which, 
founded upon the law of Nature and of Nature's God, are 



APPENDIX. 728 

equally consistent with the fundamental principles of this 
great republic, and indispensable to peace and content- 
ment. Humanity would hail such a pronunciation, from 
such a place, with inexpressible joy; and as it was in 
violation of those principles, by armed foreign interfer- 
ence in Hungary, which opened the door to a system of 
overwhelming despotism on the European continent, the 
very fact that Hungary, forced by the most treacherous 
oppression ever seen in the history of mankind, has, in 
declaring its independence, but exercised that right and 
followed that principle upon which stands so gloriously 
' the very political existence of the United States; and the 
fact that the legitimate independence was overthrown by 
the most cruel violation of international law, make me 
confidently hope that the deep interest which the people 
of the United States feel in the spread of liberal princi- 
ples, and the establishment of her government, the warm 
sympathy with which it witnesses every struggle, as well 
as its profound sentiments of justice, and its congenial 
generosity, will become a source of such consolation to 
my native land, as the supreme constitutional authorities 
of this glorious republic will, in their wisdom, deem con- 
sistent with its paramount duties toward their country's 
welfare and prosperity. It is with these sentiments of 
hope and thanks that I beg leave to reiterate the assurance 
of my everlasting respect and gratitude, and humbly 
entreat your excellency to be pleased to communicate this, 
my respectful farewell, to the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives. 

Mr. President, your excellency's most humble and obe- 
dient servant. 

L. KOSSUTH. 



LECTURE 

IN THE 

BKOADWAY TABEENACLE, NEW YORK, 

DELIVKKED BY 

LOUIS KOSSUTH, 

FOR THE BENEFIT OF HIS MOTHER AND SISTERS, 

JUNE il, 1852. 



Ladies and Gentlemen : — During six months I have 
appeared many times before the tiibunal of public opinion 
in America. This evening I appear before you in the ca- 
pacity of a working man. My aged mother, tried by 
more sufferings than any living being on earth, and my 
three sisters, one of them, a widow, with two fatherless 
orphans, — together, a homeless family of fourteen unfor- 
tunate souls, — have been driven by the Austrian tyrant 
from their home, that Golgotha of murdered right, that 
land of the oppressed, but also of undesponding braves, 
and the land of approaching revenge. 

When Russian violence, aided by domestic treason, suc- 
ceeded to accomplish what Austrian perjury could not 
achieve, and I, with bleeding heart, went into exile; my 
mother and all my sisters were imprisoned by Austria; but 
it having been my constant maxim not to allow to what- 
ever member of my family, any influence in public affairs, 
except that I trusted, to the charitable superintending of 
my youngest sister, the hospitals of the wounded heroes; 
as also to my wife the cares of providing for the furniture of 
these hospitals, not even the foulest intrigues could con- 
trive any pretext for the continuation of their imprisonment. 



APPENDIX. 725 

And thus, when diplomacy succeeded to fetter my patri- 
otic activity by the incarceration in far Asia, after some 
months of unjust imprisonment, my mother and sisters and 
their family were released ; and, though surrounded by a 
thousand spies ; tortured by continual interference with 
their private life, and harrassed by insulting police mea- 
sures, they had, at least, the consolation to breathe the na- 
tive air ; to see their tears falling upon native soil, and to 
rejoice at the majestic spirit of our people, which no ad- 
versities could bend and no tyranny could break. 

But free at last, by the humanity of the sultan, backed 
by American generosity, seconded by England, I once 
more was restored to personal freedom, and by freedom 
to activity. Having succeeded to escape the different 
snares and traps which 1 unexpectedly met, I considered 
it my duty, publicly to declare that the war between Aus- 
trian tyranny and the freedom of Hungary is not ended 
yet ; and I swore eternal resistance to the oppressors of 
my country, and declared that, faithful to the oath sworn 
solemnly to my people, I will devote my life to the libera- 
tion of my father-land. 

Scarcely reached the tidings of this, after my resolution, 
the bloody court of Vienna, than two of my sisters were 
again imprisoned ; my poor old mother escaping the same 
cruelty only on account that the bristling bayonets of the 
blood-hounds of despotism, breaking in the dead of night 
upon the tranquil house, and the persecution of my sisters, 
hurried away out of Hungary to the prisons of Vienna, 
threw her, in a half-dying condition, upon a sick bed. 
Again, no charge could be brought against the poor pris- 
oners, because, knowing them in the tiger's den, and sur- 
rounded by spies, 1 not only did not communicate any thing 



726 APPENDIX. 

to them about my foreign preparations, and my dispositions 
at home, but have expressly forbidden them to mix in any 
way witli the doings of patriotism. 

But tyrants are suspicious. You know the tale about 
Marcius. He dreamt that he cut the throat of Dionysius 
the tyrant, and Dionysius condemned him to death, saying 
that he would not have dreamt such things in the night, if 
he had not thought of them by day. Thus the Austrian 
tyrant imprisoned my sisters, because he suspected that, 
being my sisters, they must be initiated in my plans. At 
last, after five months imprisonment, they were released, 
but upon the condition that they, as well as my mother 
and all my family, should leave our native land. Thus 
they became exiles, homeless, helpless, poor. I advised 
them to come to your free country, the asylum of the op- 
pressed, where labor is honored, and where they must try 
to live by their honest work. 

They followed my advice, and are on their way; but my 
poor aged mother, and my youngest sister — the widow 
with the two orphans — being stopped by dangerous sick- 
ness at Brussels, another sister stopped with them to nurse 
them. The rest of the family is already on the way in a 
sailing ship, of course, I believe, and not in a steamer — 
for we are poor. My mother and sisters will follow, as 
soon as their health permits. 

I felt the duty to help them in their first establishment 
here. For this I had to work, having no means of my own. 

Some generous friends advised me to try a lecture for 
this purpose, and I did it. I will not act the part of a 
crying complainant about our misfortunes ; we will bear 
it. Let me at once go to my task. 

There is a stirring vitality of busy life about this, your 
city of New York, striking with astonishment the stran- 



APPENDIX. 72t 

ger's mind. How great is the progress of humanity ! Its 
steps are counted by centuries ; and yet, while countless 
millions stand at almost the same point where they stood, 
and some even have declined since America first emerged 
out of an unexplored darkness, which had covered her for 
thousands of years, like the gem in the sea ; while it is 
but yesterday a few pilgrims landed on the wild coasts of 
Plymouth, flying from causeless oppressions, seeking but 
for a place of refuge and of rest, and for a free spot in the 
wilderness to adore the Almighty in their own way ; still, 
in such a brief time, shorter than the recorded genealogy 
of the noble horse of the wandering Arab, — yes, almost 
within the turn of the hand, — out of the unknown wilder- 
ness, a mighty empire arose, broad as an ocean, solid as a 
mountain rock ; and upon the scarcely rotted roots of the 
primitive forest, proud cities stand, teeming with bound- 
less life, growing like the prairie grass in spring, advanc- 
ing like the steam-engine, baffling time and distance like 
the telegraph, and spreading the pulsation of their life-tide 
to the remotest parts of the world ; and in those cities and 
on that broad land a nation, free as the mountain air, in- 
dependent as the soaring eagle, active as nature, and pow- 
erful as the giant strength of millions of freemen. 

How wonderful ! What a present, and what a future 
yet! 

Future ? Then let me stop at this mysterious word, the 
veil of unrevealed eternity ! 

The shadow of that dark word passed across my mind, 
and, amid the bustle of this gigantic bee-hive, there I stood 
with meditation alone ! 

And the spirit of the immovable past rose before my 
eyes, unfolding the misty picture-rolls of vanished great- 
ness, and of the fragility of human things, 



728 APPENDIX. 

And upon their dissolving views, there I saw the scorch- 
ed soil of Africa, and upon that soil Thebes, with its hun- 
dred gates, more splendid than the most splendid of all 
the existing cities of the world, — Thebes, the pride of old 
Egypt, the first metropolis of arts and sciences, and the 
mysterious cradle of so many doctrines which still rule 
mankind in different shapes, though it has long forgotten 
their source. There I saw Syria, with its hundred cities, 
every city a nation, and every nation with an empire's 
might. 

Baalbec, with its gigantic temples, the very views of 
which baffle the imagination of man, as they stand like 
mountains of carved rocks in the desert, where for hun- 
dreds of miles not a stone is to be found, and no river 
flows, offering its tolerant bark to carry a mountain's 
weight upon ; and yet there they stood, those gigantic 
ruins ; — and as we glance at them with astonishment, 
though we have mastered the mysterious elements of nature, 
and know the combination of levers; and how to catch the 
lightning, and to command the steam and compressed air, 
and how to write with the burning fluid out of which the 
thunderbolt is forged, and how to drive the current of 
streams up the mountain's top, and how to make the air 
shine in the night like the light of the sun, and how to 
dive to the bottom of the deep ocean, and how to rise up 
to the sky, — cities like New York dwindle to the modest 
proportion of a child's toy, so that we are tempted to take 
the nice little thing up on the nail of our thumb, as Micro- 
megas did with the man of wax. 

Though we know all this, and many things else, still, 
looking at the times of Baalbec, we cannot forbear to ask 
what people of giants was that which could do what neither 



APPENDIX. 729 

the puny efforts of our skill nor the ravaging hand of un- 
relenting time can undo, through thousands of years. 
And then I saw the dissolving picture of Nineveh, with its 
ramparts now covered with mountains of sand, where La- 
yard is digging up colossal-winged bulls, huge as a moun- 
tain, and yet carved with the nicety of a cameo ; and then 
Babylon, with its wonderful walls ; and Jerusalem with 
its unequalled temple ; Tyrus, with its countless fleets ; 
Arad, with its wharves ; and Sidon, with its labyrinth of 
work-shops and factories ; and Ascalon, and Gaza, and 
Beyrout, and further off Persepolis, with its world of 
palaces. 

All these passed before my eyes as they have been, and 
again they passed as they now are, with no trace of their 
ancient greatness, but here and there a ruin, and every- 
where the desolation of tombs. With all their splendor, 
power and might, they vanished like a bubble, or like the 
dream of a child, leaving, but for a moment, a drop of cold 
sweat upon the sleeper's brow, or a quivering smile upon 
his lips ; then this wiped away, — dream, sweat and smile, 
all is nothingness. So the powerful cities of the ancient 
greatness of a giant age ; their very memory but a sad 
monument of the fragility of human beings. And yet, 
proud of the passing hour's bliss, men speak of the future, 
and believe themselves insured against its vicissitudes. 

And the spirit of history rolled on the misty shapes of 
the past before the eyes of my soul. After those cities of 
old, came the nations of old. The Assyrians, the Chal- 
deans, the warlike Philistines, the commercial republics of 
Phoenicia and the Persians, ruling from the Indus to the 
Mediterranean, and Egypt, becoming the centre of the 
universe, after having been thousands of years ago the 
cradle of its civilization. 



730 APPENDIX. 

Where is the power, the splendor and the glory, of all 
those mighty nations? All has vanished, without other 
trace than such as the foot of the wanderer leaves upon 
the dust. And still men speak of the future with proud 
security. And yet they know that Carthage is no more, 
though it ruled Spain, and ruled Africa, beyond the Pillars 
of Hercules down to Cyrene, an immense territory, bless- 
ed with all the blessings of nature, which Hermon filled 
with flourishing cities, of which now no trace remains. 
And men speak of the future, though they know that such 
things as heroic Greece once did exist, glorious in its very 
ruins, and a source of everlasting inspiration in its immor- 
tal memory. 

Men speak of the future, and still they can rehearse the 
powerful colonies that issued from Greece, and the empires 
their heroic sons have founded. And they can mark out 
with a finger on the map the unparalleled conquests of Al- 
exander ; how he crossed victoriously that desert, whence 
Semiramis, out of a countless host, brought home but 
twenty men ; and Cyneas, out of a still larger number, 
only seven men. But he (Alexander) went on in triumph, 
and conquered India up to the Hydaspes as he conquered 
before Tyrus and Egypt, and secured with prudence what 
he had conquered with indomitable energy. 

And men speak of the future, though they know that 
such a thing as Eome did exist ; Rome, the mistress of the 
world ; Rome, rising from atomic smallness to immortal 
greatness, and to a grandeur absorbing the world; Rome, 
now having all her citizens without, and now again having 
all the world within her walls, and passing through all 
the vicissitudes of gigantic rise, wavering decline, and 
mournful fall. And men speak of the future still, with 
these awful monuments of fragility before their eyes ! 



APPENDIX. 731 

But it is the sad fate of humanity that, encompassing its 
hopes, fears, contentment and wishes, within the narrow 
scope of momentary satisfaction, the great lesson of history 
is taught almost in vain. Whatever be its warnings, we 
rely on good fortune, and we are ingenious in iinding out 
some soothing pretext to lull down the dread admonitions 
of history. Man, in his private capacity, consoles the in- 
stinctive apprehension of his heart with the idea that his 
condition is different from what warningly strikes his mind. 

The patriot feels well, that not only the present but also 
the future of his beloved country has a claim to his cares; 
but he lulls himself into carelessness by the ingenious con- 
solation that the condition oi his country is difterent; that 
it is not obnoxious to those faults which made other coun- 
tries decline and fall; that the time is different, the char- 
acter and spirit of the nation are different, its power not 
so precarious, and its prosperity more solid; and that, 
therefore, it will not share the fate of those which vanished 
like a dream. And the philanthropist, also, whose heart 
throbs for the lasting welfare of all humanity, cheers his 
mind with the idea that, after all, mankind at large is hap- 
pier than it was of yore, and that this happiness insures 
the future against the reverses of olden times. 

That fallacy, natural as it may be, is a curse which 
weighs heavily on us. Let us see in what respect our age 
is different from those olden times. Is mankind more vir- 
tuous than it has been of yore ? Why, in this enlightened 
age, are we not looking for virtuous inspirations to the 
godlike characters of those olden times ? If we take vir- 
tue to be love of the laws, and of the father-land, dare we 
say that our age is more virtuous ? If that man is to be 
called virtuous who, in all his acts, is but animated by a 



732 APPENDIX. 

regard to the common good, and who, in every case, feels 
ready to subordinate his own selfish interest to public ex- 
igencies, — if that be virtue (as indeed it is,) I may well ap- 
peal to the conscience of mankind to give an impartial ver- 
dict upon the question, if our age be more virtuous than 
the age of Codrus, or of Regulus, of Decius and of Sceevola ? 
Look to the school of Zeno, the stoics of immortal mem- 
ory; and when you see them contemning alike the vanity 
of riches and the ambition of personal glory, impenetrable 
to the considerations of pleasure and of pain, occupied only 
to promote public welfare and to fulfill their duties toward 
their community,-^ when you see them inspired in their 
acts by the doctrine that, born in a society, it is their duty 
to live for the benefit of society, — and when you see them 
placing their own happiness only upon the happiness of 
their fellow-men, then say if our too selfish, too material 
age, can stand a comparison with that olden period ! 

When you remember the politicians of ancient Greece, 
acknowledging no other basis for the security of the com- 
monwealth than virtue, and see the political system of 
'our days turning only upon manufactures, commerce and 
finances, will you say that our age is more virtuous? 
When, looking to your own country, — the best, and the 
happiest because the best, of all, — you will not dissimulate 
in your mind what considerations influence the platforms 
of your political parties; and then, in contra-position, will 
reflect upon those times when Timon of Athens, chosen to 
take part in his country's government, assembled his friends 
and renounced their friendship, in order that he might not 
be tempted by party considerations, or by affections of 
amity, in his important duties toward the commonwealth. 
Then, having thus reflected, say, " Will you take your own 



APPENDIX. 733 

age to be more virtuous, and therefore more insured against 
the reverses of fortune, than those older times ?" 

But perhaps there is a greater amount of private happi- 
ness, and, by the broad diffusion of private welfare, the se- 
curity of the commonwealth is more lasting and more sure ? 

Caraccioli, having been ambassador in England, when 
returned to Italy, said that " England is the most detesta- 
ble country in the world, because there are to be found 
twenty different sorts of religion, but only two kinds of 
sauce with which to season meat." There is a point in that 
questionable jest — materialism ! — curse of our age I Who 
can seriously speak about the broad diffusion of happiness 
in a country where contentment is measured according to 
the many kinds of sauces we can taste? My people is by 
far not the most material. We are not much given to the 
cupidity of becoming rich. We know the word "enough." 
The simplicity of our manners makes us easily contented 
in our material relations. We like rather to be free than 
to be rich ; we look for an honorable profit, that we may 
have upon what to live. But we don't like to live for the 
sake of profit; augmentation of property and of wealth 
with us is not the aim of life. We prefer tranquil, inde- 
pendent mediocrity, to the incessant excitement and inces- 
sant toil of cupidity and gain. Such is the character of 
my nation; and yet I knew a countryman of mine who blew 
out his brains because he had no means more to eat daily 
patee defois gras and drink champagne. Well, that was 
no Hungarian character; but, though somewhat eccentri- 
cally, he characterized the leading features of our country. 

Indeed, are your richest money-kings happier than Fab- 
ricus was, when he preferred his seven acres of land, 
worked by his own hands, to the treasures of an empire ? 



784 APPENDIX. 

Are the ladies of to-day, adorned with all the gorgeous 
splendor of wealth, of jewels and of art, happier than those 
ladies of ancient Rome have been, to whom it was forbid- 
den to wear silk and jewelry, or drive in a carriage through 
the streets of Eome ? Are the ladies of to-day happier in 
their splendid parlors than the Portias and the Cornelias 
have been in the homely retirement of their modest nur- 
series ? Nay; all that boundless thirst of wealth, which is 
the ruling spirit of our age, and the moving power of en- 
terprising energy, — all this hunting after treasures, and all 
its happiest results, — have they made men nobler, better, 
and happier ? Have they improved their soul, or even 
their body and health, at least so much that the richest of 
men could eat and digest two dinners instead of one? Or 
has the insatiable thirst of material gain originated a purer 
patriotism ? Has it made mankind more devoted to their 
country more ready to sacrifice for public interest ? If that 
were the case then I would gladly confess the error of my 
doubts, and take the pretended larger amount of happiness 
for a guarantee of the future of the commonwealth. 

But, ladies and gentlemen, a single word, — the manner 
in which we use it, distorting its original meaning, often 
characterizes a whole century. You all know the word 
" idiot J^ Almost every living language has adopted it, and 
all languages attach to it the idea that an " idiot" is a poor, 
ignorant, useless wretch, nearly insane. Well, " idiot" is 
a word of Greek extraction, and meant, with the Greek, a 
man who cared nothing for the public interest, but was all 
devoted to the selfish pursuit of private profit, whatever 
might have been its results to the community. 0, what 
an immense, what a deplorable change must have occurred 
in the character of humanity, till unconsciously he came to 



APPENDIX. 735 

the point that, by what name the ancient Greeks would 
have st}* led those European money-kings, who, for a miser- 
able profit, administer to the unrelenting despots their 
eternal loans to oppress nations with, we now apply that 
very name to the wretched creatures incapable to do any 
thing for themselves ! We bear compassion for the idiots 
of to-day; but the modern editions of Greek idiotism, 
though loaded with the bloody scars of a hundred thou- 
sand orphans, and with the curse of millions, stand high in 
honor, and go on, proudly glorying in their criminal idiot- 
ism, heaping up the gold of the world ! 

But I may be answered that, after all, though our age be 
not so virtuous, and though the large accumulation in 
wealth has, in reality, not made mankind happier, still it 
cannot be denied you are in a prosperous condition, and 
prosperity is a solid basis of your country's future. In- 
dustry, navigation, commerce, have so much developed, 
they have formed so many ties by which every citizen is 
linked to his country's fate, that your own material inter- 
est is a security to your country's future. 

In loving your own selves you love your country, and in 
loving your country you love your own selves. This com- 
munity of public and private interest will make you avoid 
the stumbling-block over which others fell. Prosperity 
is, of course, a great benefit; it is one of the aims of hu- 
man society; but, when prosperity becomes too material, 
it does not always guarantee the future. Paradoxical as 
the statement may appear, too much prosperity is often 
dangerous, and some national misfortune is now and then 
a good preservation of prosperity. 

For much prosperity makes nations careless of their fu- 
ture; seeing no immediate danger, they believe no danger 



736 APPENDIX. 

possible; and tlien, when a danger comes, either by sudden 
chance or by the slow accumulation of noxious elements, 
then, frightened by the idea that, in meeting the danger, 
their private prosperity might be injured or lost, selfish- 
ness often prevails over patriotism, and men become ready 
to submit to arrogant pretensions, and compromise with 
exigencies at the price of principles; and republics flatter 
despots, and freemen covet the friendship and indulgence 
of tyrants, only that things may go on just as they go, 
though millions weep and nations gioan; but still things 
should go on just as they go, because every change may 
claim a sacrifice, or affect our thriving private interest. 
Such is often the effect of too great, of too secure pros- 
perity. Therefore, prosperity alone affords yet no se- 
curity. 

You remember the tale of Polycrates. He was the hap- 
piest of men; good luck attended every one of his steps; 
success crowned all he undertook, and a friend thus spoke 
to him: " Thou art too happy for thy happiness to last; 
appease the anger of the Eumenides by a voluntary sacri- 
fice, or deprive thyself of what thou most valuest among 
all that thou possessest." Polycrates obeyed, and drew 
from his finger a precious jewel, of immense value, dear to 
his heart, and threw it into the sea. Soon after, a fish was 
brought to his house, and the cook found the precious ring 
in the belly of the fish; but the friend who had advised 
him hastened to flee from the house, and shook the dust of 
its threshold from his shoes, because he feared a great mis- 
chief must fall upon that too prosperous house. There is 
a deep meaning in that tale of Polycrates. 

Machiavel says that it is now and then necessary to re- 
call the constituent essential principles to the memory of 



APPENDIX. 737 

nations. And who is charged by Providence with this 
task ? Misfortune ! The battles of Cannse and of Thra- 
symene recalled the Eomans to the love of their father, 
land. Nations have had, till now, about such things no 
other teacher than misfortune. They should choose to 
have a less afflicting one. They can have it. To point 
this out will be the final object of my remarks. But so 
much is certain, that prosperity alone is yet no security for 
the future, even of the happiest commonwealth. 

Those ancient nations have been also prosperous. They 
were industrious, as your nation is; their land has been 
covered with cities and villages, well-cultivated fields, 
blessed with the richest crops, and crowded with countless 
herds spread over immense territories, furrowed with ar- 
tificial roads; their flourishing cities swarmed with artists 
and merchants, and workmen, and pilots, and sailors, like 
as New York does. Their busy laborers built gigantic 
water-works, digged endless canals, and carried distant 
waters through the sands of the desert; their mighty, en- 
ergetic spirit built large and secure harbors, dried the 
marshy lakes, covered the sea with vessels, the land with 
living beings, and spread a creation of life and movement 
along the earth. Their commerce was broad as the known 
world. Tyre exchanged its purple for the silk of Serique; 
Cashmere's soft shawls, to-day yet a luxury of the wealth- 
iest, the pearls of Havila, the diamonds of Golconda, the 
gorgeous carpets of Lydia, the gold of Ophir and Saba, 
the aromatic spices and jewels of Ceylon, and the pearls 
and the perfumes of Arabia, the myrrh, silver, gold dust 
and ivory of Africa, as well as the amber of the Baltic and 
the tin of Thule, appeared alike in their commerce, raising 
them, in turn, to the dominion of the world, and undoing 
47 



788 APPENDIX. 

them by too careless prosperity. Tlie manner and the 
shape of one or the other art, or one or the other indus- 
try, has changed ; the steam-engine has replaced the row- 
ing bench, and the cannon replaced the catapult ; but, 
as a whole, even your country, which you are proud to 
hear styled " the living wonder of the world," — yes, even 
your country, in the New World, and England, in the 
Old, — England, that gigantic work-shop of industry, sur- 
rounded with a beautiful ever-green garden ; yes, all the 
dominions of the Anglo-Saxon race can claim no higher 
praise of its prosperity, than when we say that you have 
reproduced the grandeur of those ancient nations, and 
nearly equal their prosperity. And what has become of 
them ? A sad skeleton. What remains of their riches, 
of their splendor, and of their vast dominions ? An ob- 
scure recollection — a vain memory. Thus fall empires, 
thus vanish nations, which have no better guardians than 
their prosperity. 

But " we have," will you say, " we have a better guar- 
dian — our freedom, our republican institutions, our confed- 
eration uniting so many glorious stars into one mighty 
galaxy — these are the ramparts of our present, these our 
future security." 

Well, it would ill become me to investigate if there be 
" something rotten in the state of Denmark ;" and certain- 
ly I am not the man who could feel inclined to undervalue 
the divine power of liberty — to underrate the value of 
your democratic institutions, and the vitality of your glo- 
rious Union. It is to them I look in the solitary hours of 
meditation ; and when, overwhelmed with the cares of the 
patriot, my soul is groaning under nameless woes, it is 
your freedom's sunny light which dispels the gloomy dark- 



APPENDIX. Y89 

ness of despondency ; here is the source whence the inspi- 
ration of hope is flowing to the mourning world, that 
down-trodden millions, at the bottom of their desolation, 
still retain a melancholy smile upon their lips, and still 
retain a voice in their bleeding chest, to thank the Almighty 
God that the golden thread of freedom is not lost on earth. 

Yes, ladies and gentlemen, all this I feel, and all this I 
know, reflecting upon your freedom, your institutions and 
your Union, But, casting back my look into the mirror 
of the past, there I see, upon mouldering ground, written 
with warning letters, the dreadful truth that all this has 
nothing new, and all this has been, and all this has never 
yet been proved sufficient security. Freedom is the fair- 
est gift of Heaven ; but it is not the security of itself. 
Democracy is the embodiment of freedom, which, in itself, 
is but a principle. But what is the security of democra- 
cy ? And if you answer " the Union is," then I ask, " and 
where is the security of the Union?" Yes, ladies and 
gentlemen, freedom is no new word. It is as old as the 
world. Despotism is new, but freedom not. And yet it 
has never proved a charter to the security of nations. 
Republic is no new word. It is as old as the word " so- 
ciety." Before Rome itself, a republic absorbed the world, 
There were, in all Europe, Africa and Asia Minor, but re- 
publics to be found, and many, among them, democratic. 
Men had to wander to far Persia, if they would have de- 
sired to know what sort of thing a monarch is. And all 
they have perished — the small ones by foreign power — the 
large ones by domestic vice. 

And union, and confederacy, the association of societies, 
a confederate republic of republics, is also no new in- 
vention. Greece has known it, and flourished by it for 



740 APPEN'DIX. 

awhile. Rome lias known it ; by such associations she at- 
tacked the world. The world has known them ; with 
them it defended itself against Rome. The so-called bar- 
barians of Europe, beyond the Danube and the Rhine, 
have known it : it was by a confederacy of union that 
they resisted the ambitious mistress of the world. Your 
own country — America — has known it; the traditionary 
history of the Romans of the west, of those six Indian 
nations, bear the records of it, out of an older time than 
your ancestors settled in this land ; the wise man of the 
Onondaga nation has exercised it long before your coun- 
try's legislators built upon that basis your independent 
home. And still it proved, in itself alone, no security to 
all those nations who have known it before you. 

Your own fathers have seen the last of the Mohawks 
bury his bloody tomahawk in the name-sake flood, and bare 
his head to the majestic words of Logan, spoken with the 
dignity of an iEmilius, that there exists no living being 
on earth in the veins of whom one drop of the blood of 
his race did flow. Well, had history nothing else to teach 
us, than that all that the wisdom of man did conceive, and 
all that his energy has executed, through all the innumer- 
able days of the past, and all that we take to be glorious 
in nations and happy to men, cannot do so much as to in- 
sure a future, even to such a flourishing commonwealth as 
yours ; then weaker hearts may well ask : " What good is 
it to warn us of a fatality which we cannot escape ? What 
good is it to hold up the mournful monuments of a nation- 
al mortality, to sadden our heart, if all that is human must 
share that common doom? Let us do as we can, and so 
far as we can ; and let the future bring what bring it 
may.'' 



APPENDIX. 741 

But that would be the speech of one having no faith in 
the All-watching Eye, and regarding the eternal laws of 
the universe not as an emanation of a bountiful Provi- 
dence, but of a blind fatality, which plays at hazard with 
the destinies of men. I never will share such blasphemy. 
Misfortune came over me, and came over my house, and 
came over my guiltless nation ; still I never have lost my 
trust in the Father of all. I have lived the days when 
the people of my oppressed country went along, weeping 
over the immense misfortune that they cannot pray, seeing 
the downfall of the justest cause and the outrageous tri- 
umph of the most criminal of all crimes on earth; and they 
went along, not able to pray, and weeping that they are 
not able to pray. I shuddered at the terrible tidings in 
the desolation of my exile ; but I could pray, and sent the 
consolation home that I do not despair — that I believe in 
God, and trust in his bountiful providence, and ask them, 
who of them, dares despair when I do not ? 

I was in exile, as I am now, but arrogant despots were 
debating about my blood ; my infant children in prison ; 
my wife — the faithful companion of my sorrows and my 
cares — I can hardly say of my joys — hunted like a noble 
deer ; my sisters in the tyrant's fangs, red with the blood 
of my nation ; and the heart of my aged mother breaking 
about the shattered fortunes of her house; and all of them, 
at last, homeless wanderers, cast to the winds, like the 
yellow leaves of a fallen tree ; and my father-land, my 
dear, beloved father-land, half murdered, half in chains ; 
and humanity nearly all oppressed, and those, who are not 
yet oppressed, looking with compassion at our sad fate, but 
taking it for wise policy not to help ; and the sky of free- 
dom dark on the horizon, and darkening fast over all — 



742 APPENDIX. 

and nowhere a ray of hope, a lustre of consolation no- 
where — and still I do not despair ; and my faith to God, 
my trust to Providence, has spread over my down-trodden 
land. 

I, therefore, who do not despair of my own country's fu- 
ture, though it be overwhelmed with misfortunes, I certainly 
have an unwavering faith in the destinies of humanity. 
And though the mournful example of so many fallen na- 
tions instructs us that neither the diffusion of knowledge, 
nor the progress of industry; neither prosperity nor power, 
— nay, not even freedom itself, can secure a future to na- 
tions ; still I say there is one thing which can secure it — 
there is one law, the obedience to v/hich would prove a 
rock, upon which the freedom and happiness of nations 
may rest sure to the end of their days ; and that law, la- 
dies and gentlemen, is the law proclaimed by our Savior ; 
that rock is the unperverted religion of Christ. But, 
while the consolation of this sublime truth falls meekly 
upon my soul, like as the moonlight falls upon the smooth 
sea, I humbly claim your forbearance, ladies and gentle- 
men — I claim it in the name of the Almighty Lord, to hear 
from my lips a mournful truth. 

It may displease you, it may offend; but still truth is 
truth. Offended vanity may blame me, power may frown 
at me, and pride may call my boldness arrogant, but still 
truth is truth — and I, bold in my unpretending humility, 
will proclaim that truth. I will proclaim it from land to 
land, and from sea to sea; I will proclaim it with the faith 
of the martyrs of old, till the seed of my word falls upon 
the conscience of men. Let come what come may, I say, 
with Luther, God help me — I cannot otherwise ! 

Yes, ladies and gentlemen, the law of our Savior, the 
religion of Christ, can secure a happy future to nations. 



APPENDIX. 743 

But, alas ! there is yet no Christian people on earth — not 
a single one among all. I have spoken the word. It is 
harsh, but true. Nearly two thousand years have passed 
since Christ has proclaimed the eternal decree of God, to 
which the happiness of mankind is bound, and has sancti- 
fied it with his own blood, and still there is not one single 
nation on earth which would have enacted into its law 
book that eternal decree. 

Men believe in the mysteries of religion, according to 
the creed of their Church. They go to church, and they 
pray and give alms to the poor, and drop the balm of con- 
solation into the wounds of the afflicted, and believe 
they do all that the Lord commanded to do, and believe 
they are Christians. No ! some few may be, but their na- 
tion is not — their country is not. The era of Christianity 
has yet to come ; and when it comes, then, only then, will 
the future of nations be assured. Far be it from me to 
misapprehend the immense benefit which the Christian re- 
ligion, such as it already is, has operated in mankind's his- 
tory. It has influenced the private character of men, and 
the social condition of millions ; it was the nurse of a new 
civilization ; and, softening the manners and morals of 
men, its influence has been felt even in the worst quarter 
of history — in war. The continual massacres of the 
Greek and Roman kings and chiefs, and the extermination 
of nations by them; the all-devastating warfare of the 
Timours and Genghis Khans, are in general no more to be 
met with; only my own dear father-land was doomed to ex- 
perience once more the cruelties of the Timours and Gen- 
ghis Khans out of the sacrilegious hands of the dynasty of 
Austria, which calumniates Christianity, by calling itself 
Christian. But, though that beneficial influence of Chris- 



744 APPENDIX. 

tianity we liave cheerfully to acknowledge, yet it is still 
not to be disputed that the law of Christ does yet nowhere 
rule the Christian world. 

Montesquieu himself, whom nobody could charge with 
being partial to republics, avows that despotism is incom- 
patible Y/ith the Christian religion, because the Christian 
religion commands meekness, and despotism claims arbi- 
trary povv'er to the whims and passions of a frail mortal ; 
and still it is more than fifteen hundred years since the 
Christian religion became dominant, and throughout that 
long period despotism has been pre-eminently dominant. 
You can scarcely show one single truly democratic repub- 
lic of any power, which had subsisted but for a hundred 
years, exercising any influence upon the condition of 
the world. Constantino, raising the Christian religion to 
Rome's imperial throne, did not restore the Eomans to 
their primitive virtues. Constantinople became the sewer 
of vice ; Christian worship did not change the despotic 
habits of kings. 

The Tituses, the Trajans, the Antonines, appeared sel- 
dom on Christian thrones. On the contrary, mankind has 
seen, in the name of religion, lighted the piles of persecu- 
tion, and blazing torches of intolerance ; the earth over- 
spread with corpses of the million victims of fanaticism ; 
the fields watered with blood; the cities wrapped in flame, 
and empires ravaged with unrelenting rage. Why ? Is 
it the Christian religion which caused these deplorable 
facts, branding the brow of partly degraded, partly out- 
raged humanity? No. It was precisely the contrary; 
the fact, that the religion of Christ never yet was practi- 
cally taken for an all-overruling law, the obedience to 
which, outweighing every other consideration, would have 



APPENDIX. Y45 

directed the policy of nations — that fact is the source of 
evil whence the oppression of millions has overflowed the 
earth, and which makes the future of the proudest, of the 
freest nation, to be like a house built upon sand. 

Every religion has two parts. One is the dogmatical — 
the part of worship; the other is the moral part. The 
first — the dogmatic part — belonging to those mysterious 
regions which the arm of human understanding cannot 
reach because they belong to the dominion of belief, and that 
begins where the dominion of knowledge ends. That part 
of religion, therefore — the dogmatic one — should be left 
to every man to settle between God and his own conscience. 
It is a sacred field, whereon worldly power never should 
dare to trespass, because there it has no power to enforce 
its will. Force can murder, it can make liars and hypo- 
crites; but no violence on earth can force a man to believe 
what he does not believe. Yet, the other part of religion 
— the moral part — is quite diiferent. That teaches duties 
toward ourselves and toward our fellow-men. 

It can be therefore not indifi"erent to the human family, 
it can be not indifferent to whatever community, if those 
duties be fulfilled or not. And no nation can, Avith full 
right, claim the title of a Christian nation; no government 
the title of a Christian government, which is not founded 
on the basis of Christian morality, and which take it not 
for an all-overruling law to fulfill the moral duties ordered 
by the religion of Christ toward men, and nations, who 
are but the community of men; and toward mankind, which 
is the community of nations. Now, look to those dread 
pages of history, stained with the blood of millions, spilt 
under the blasphemous pretext of religion; — was it the in- 
terest to vindicate the rights and enforce the duties of 



746 APPENDIX. 

Christian morality, which raised the hand of nation 
against nation, of government against government ? No ! 
— it was the fanaticism of creed, and the fury of dogmatism. 
Nations and governments rose to propagate their man- 
ner to worship God, and their own mode to believe the 
inscrutable mysteries of eternity; but nobody has yet 
raised a finger to punish the sacrilegious violation of the 
moral laws of Christ, — nobody ever stirred to claim the 
fulfillment of the duties of Christian morality toward na- 
tions. There is much speaking about the separation of 
Church and State; and yet, on close examination, we shall 
see that there was, and there is, scarcely one single gov- 
ernment entirely free from the direct or indirect influence 
of one or other religious denomination, — scarcely one 
which would not, at least, bear a predilection, if not coun- 
tenance with favor, one or another creed; — but creed, and 
always creed. The mysteries of dogmatism and the man- 
ner of worship enter into these considerations. They enter 
even into the politics, and turn the scales of hatred and af- 
fection; but certainly there is not one single nation, not 
one single government, the policy of which would ever 
have been regulated by that law of morality which our 
Savior has promulgated as the eternal law of God, which 
shall be obeyed in all the relations of men to men. But 
you say the direct or indirect amalgamation of Church and 
State proved to be dangerous to nations in Christian and 
for Christian times, because it affected the individual rights 
of men, and among them the dearest of all, the liberty of 
conscience and freedom of thought. Well, of this danger, 
at least, the future of your country is free; because here, 
at least, in this your happy land, religious liberty exists. 
Your institutions left no power to your government to in- 



APPENDIX. 747 

terfere with the religion of your citizens. Here, every 
man is free to worship God as he chooses to do. 

And that is true, and it is a great glory of your country 
that it is true. It is a fact which entitles to the hope that 
your nation will revive the law of Christ even on earth. 
However, the guarantee which your constitution affords to 
religious liberty is but a negative part of a Christian gov- 
ernment. There are, besides that, positive duties to be 
fulfilled. He who does no violence to the conscience of 
man, has but the negative merit of a man, doing no wrong; 
but, as he who does not murder, does not steal, and does not 
covet what his neighbor's is, but, by not stealing, not mur- 
dering, not coveting what our neighbor's is, we did yet no 
positive good; a man who does not murder has not yet occa- 
sion to the title of virtuous man. And here is precisely the 
infinite merit of the Christian religion. While Moses, in the 
name of the Almighty God, ordered but negative decrees 
toward fellow-men, the Christian religion commands posi- 
tive virtue. Its divine injunctions are not performed by 
not doing wrong; it desires us to do good. The doctrine 
of Jesus Christ is sublime in its majestic simplicity. 
" Thou shalt love God above all, and love thy neighbor as 
thou lovest thyself." 

This sublime doctrine is the religion of love; it is the 
religion of charity. " Though I speak with the tongue of 
angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding 
brass and tinkling cymbals. Though I have the gift of 
prophecy, and understand all mysteries and all knowledge, 
and have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and 
have not charity, I am nothing. And though I bestow all 
my goods to feed the poor, and give my body to be burned, 
and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing." Thus 
speaks the Lord, and thus he gave the law: " Do unto others 



748 APPENDIX, 

as thou desirest others to do unto thee." Now, in the 
name of Him who gave this law to humanity to build up 
the eternal bliss and temporal happiness of mankind, — in 
the name of that eternal legislator, I ask, is, in that char- 
ity, that fundamental law of Christianity, any limit of dis- 
tinction drawn between man in his power and man in his 
natural capacity ? Is it but a law for a man where he is 
alone, and can do but little good ? Is it no law more 
where two are together, and can do more good; no law more 
when millions are together ? Am I, in my personal adver- 
sities; is my aged mother, in her helpless desolation; are 
my homeless sisters, whom you feed to-day that they may 
work to-morrow — are we your neighbors, unto whom you do 
as you would others, in a similar position, do unto yourself? 
And is every one of my down-trodden people a neighbor to 
every one of you, — but all my people collectively, is it not a 
neighbor to you ? And is my nation not a neighbor to 
your nation ? Is my down-trodden land a neighbor to 
your down-trodden land ? 0, my God ! men speak of the 
Christian religion, and style themselves Christians, and 
yet make a distinction between virtue in private life and 
virtue in public life; as if the divine law of charity would 
have been given only for certain small relations, and not 
for all the relations between men and men ! 

" There he is again, with his eternal complaints about his 
country's wrongs," may perhaps somebody remark; " this 
is an assembly of charity, assembled to ease his private 
woes of family, and there he is again speaking of his coun- 
try's wrongs, and alluding to our foreign policy, about 
which he knows our views to be divided !" Thus I may 
be charged. 

My " private family woes !" But all my woes, and all 
the woes of my family, are concentrated in the unwarrant- 



APPENDIX. 749 

able oppression of my father-land. You are an assembly 
of charity, it is true; and the Almighty may requite you 
for it; — but, being a charitable assembly, can you blame 
me that the filial and fraternal devotion of my heart, in 
taking, with gratitude, the balm of consolation which your 
charity pours into the bleeding wounds of my family, looks 
around to heal those wounds, the torturing pains of which 
you ease, but which cannot be cured but by justice and 
charity done to my father-land ? 

Shall this sad heart of mine be contented by leaving to 
my homeless brother and sisters the means to have their 
bread by honest labor, their daily bread, salted with the 
bitter tears of exile ? And shall I not care to leave them 
the hope that their misfortune will have an end ; that they 
will see again their beloved home; that they will see it in- 
dependent and free, and live where their fathers lived, and 
sleep the tranquil sleep of death in that soil with which 
the ashes of their fathers mingle ? Shall I not care to give 
the consolation to my aged mother, that, when her soon 
departing soul, crowned with the garland of martyrdom, 
looks down from the home of the blessed, the united joy of 
the heavens will thrill through her immortal spirit, seeing 
her dear, dear Hungary free ? Your views are divided on 
the subject, it may be; but can your views be divided upon 
the subject that it is the command of God to love your 
neighbors as you love yourselves ? — that it is the duty of 
Christians, that it is the fundamental principle of the 
Christian religion, to do unto others as you desire others 
to do unto you ? And if there is, there can be no differ- 
ence of opinion in regard to the principle; if no one in 
this vast assembly — whatever be the platform of his party 
— ever would disclaim this principle, will any one blame 



750 APPENDIX. 

me tliat in the name of Christ I am bold to claim the ap- 
plication of that principle ? I should not speak of politics ? 
Well, I have spoken of Christianity. Your politics either 
agree with the law of Christ, or they do not agree with it. 
If they don't agree, then your politics are not Christian; 
and if they agree, then I cause no division among you. 

And I shall not speak of my people's wrongs? 0, my 
people ! thou heart of my heart, and life of my life; to thee 
are bent the thoughts of my mind, and they will remain 
bent to thee though all the world may frown ! To thee 
are pledged all the affections of my heart, and they will 
be pledged to thee as long as one drop of blood throbs 
within this heart ! Thine are the cares of my waking 
hours; thine are the dreams of my restless sleep! Shall I 
forget thee, but for a moment ? Never ! never ! Cursed 
be the moment, and cursed be 1, in that moment, in which 
thou wouldst be forgotten by me ! 

Thou art oppressed, my father-land ! because the prin- 
ciples of Christianity have not been executed in practice; 
because the duties of Christianity have not been fulfilled; 
because the precepts of Christianity have not been obeyed; 
because the law of Christianity did not control the policy 
of nations; because there are many impious governments 
to offend the law of Christ, but there was none to do the 
duties commanded by Christ ! 

Thou art fallen, my country ! because Christianity 
has yet to come; for it has not yet come — nowhere ! No- 
where on earth ! And with the sharp eye of misfortune, 
piercing the dark veil of the future, and, with the tongue 
of Cassandra, relating what I see, I cry it out to high Hea- 
ven and shout it out to the earth, — Nations, proud of your 
momentary power, proud of your freedom, proud of your 



APPENDIX. 751 

prosperity! Your power is vain, your freedom is vain; 
your industry, your wealth, your prosperity, are vain. All 
this will not save you from sharing the mournful fate of 
those old nations, not less powerful than you, not less free, 
not less prosperous than you, — and still fallen, as you 
yourselves will fall, — all vanished, as you will vanish, like 
a bubble thrown up from the deep ! There is only the law 
of Christ, there are only the duties of Christianity, which 
can secure your future, by securing, at the same time, hu- 
manity ! 

Duties must be fulfilled, else they are an idle word. 
And who would dispute that there is a positive duty in 
that law, " Love thy neighbor as thou lovest thyself?" Do 
unto others as thou wouldst that others do unto thee ? 
Now, if there are duties in that law comprised, who shall 
execute them, if free and powerful nations do not execute 
them ? No government can meddle with the private rela- 
tions of its millions of citizens so much as to enforce the 
positive virtue of Christian charity in the thousand-fold 
complications of private life. That will be impossible ; 
and our Savior did not teach impossibilities. By com- 
manding charity toward fellow-men in human relation, he 
commanded it also to governments. 

It is in their laws toward their own citizens, it is in 
their policy toward other nations, that governments and 
nations can fulfill those duties of Christianity; and what 
they can, that they should. How could governments hope 
to see their own citizens, and other nations, observing 
toward them the positive duties of Christian morality, 
when they themselves do not observe them against others; 
when oppressed nations, the victims, not of their own faults, 
but of the grossest violation of the law of Christ, look in 



752 APPENDIX. 

vain around to find out a nation among Christian nations, 
and a government among Christian governments, doing 
unto them, in the hour of their supreme need, as the Savior 
said that it is duty to do unto others in every case. 

Yes, gentlemen, as long as the principles of Christian 
morality are not carried up into the international relation; 
as long as the fragile wisdom of political exigencies over- 
rules the doctrines of Christ, there is no freedom on earth 
firm, and the future of no nation sure. But let a powerful 
nation, like yours, raise Christian morality in its public 
conduct, that nation will have a future against which the 
very gates of hell itself will never prevail. The morality 
of its policy will react upon the morality of its individ- 
uals, and preserve it from domestic vice, which, without 
that prop, ever yet has attended too much prosperity, and 
ever yet was followed by a dreadful fall. The morality 
of its policy will support justice and freedom on earth; 
and thus augmenting the number of free nations, all 
acting upon the same principle, its very future will be 
placed under the guarantee of them all, and preserve it 
from foreign danger, which it is better to prevent than to 
repel. 

And its future will be placed under the guarantee of the 
Almighty himself, who, true to his eternal decrees, proved, 
through the downfall of so many mighty nations, that he 
always punished the fathers in the coming generations; 
but, alike bountiful and just, will not and cannot forsake 
those whom he gave power to carry out his laws on earth, 
and who willingly answered his divine call. Power, in 
itself, never yet was sure. It is right which makes power 
firm; and it is community which makes right secure. The 
task of Peter's apostolate is accomplished; the Churches 
are founded in the Christian world. The task of Paul's 



APPENDIX. 753 

apostolate is accomplished; the abuses of fanaticism and 
intolerance are redressed. But the task of him, whom the 
Savior most loved, is not yet accomplished. The gospel 
of charity rules not yet the Christian world; and, without 
charity, Christianity, you know, is " but sounding brass 
and a tinkling cymbal." 

Charity ! thou fairest gift of Heaven, thou family link 
between nations, thou rock of their security, thou deliverer 
of the oppressed ? — when comes thy realm ? Where is 
the man whom the Lord has chosen to establish thy realm ? 
Who is the man whom the Lord has chosen to realize the 
religion, the tenets of which the most beloved disciple of 
the Savior has recorded from his divine lips ? who is the 
man to reform, not Christian creeds, but Christian moral- 
ity? — Man? No, that is no task for a man, but for a 
nation. Man may teach a doctrine; but that doctrine of 
charity is taught, and taught with such sublime simplicity, 
that no sectarist yet has disputed its truth. 

Historians have been quarreling about mysteries, and 
lost empires through their disputes. The Greeks were 
controversially disputing whether the Holy Ghost descends 
from the Father alone, or from the Father and Son; and 
when Mahomet battered the walls of Byzantium, they 
heard it not. He pulled down the cross from Santa 
Sophia ; they saw it not, till the cimeter of the Turk 
stopped the rage of quarrel with the blow of death; — in 
other quarters they went on disputing and deciding with 
mutual anathemas the question of transfiguration, and 
many other mysteries, which, being mysteries, constitute 
the private dominion of belief. But the doctrine of char" 
ity none of them disputes; there they all agree, — nay, in 
the idle times of scholastical subtilty, they have been 
48 



754 APPENDIX. 

quarreling about the most extravagant fancies of a 
scorched imagination. Mighty folios have been written 
about the problem how many angels could dance upon the 
top of a needle without touching each other. 

The folly of subtilty went so far as to profane the sacred 
name of God, by disputing if he, being omnipotent, has 
the power to sin; if, in the holy wafer, he be present, 
dressed or undressed; if the Savior would have chosen 
the incarnation in the shape of a gourd instead of a man; 
how would he have preached, how acted miracles, and how 
have been crucified; and when they went to the theme of 
investigating if it was a whip or a lash with which the 
angels whipped St. Jerome for trying to imitate, in his writ- 
ings, the pagan Cicero, it was but after centuries that Ab- 
bot Cartant dared to write, that if St. Jerome was whipped 
at all he was whipped for having badly imitated Cicero. 

Still, the doctrine of Christian charity is so sublime in 
its simplicity that not even the subtilty of scholasticism 
dared ever to profane it by any controversy; and still that 
sublime doctrine is not executed, and the religion of char- 
ity is not realized yet. The task of this glorious progress 
is only to be done by a free and powerful nation, because 
it is a task of action, and not of teaching. Individual 
man can but execute it in the narrow compass of the small 
relations of private life. It is only the power of a nation 
which can raise it to become a ruling law on earth; and, 
before this is done, the triumph of Christianity is not 
arrived; and, without that triumph, freedom and pros- 
perity, even of the mightiest nation, is not for a moment 
safe from internal decay, or from foreign violence. 

Which is the nation to achieve that triumph of Chris- 
tianity, by protecting justice with charity ? Which shall 
do it, if not yours, whom the Lord has blessed above all, 



APPENDIX. 755 

and from whom he much expects, because he has given it 
much ? 

Ye ministers of the gospel, who have devoted your life . 
to expound the eternal truth of the book of life, remem- 
ber my humble words, and remind those, who with pious 
hearts listen to your sacred words, that half virtue is no 
virtue at all, and that there is no difference in the duties 
of charity between public and private life. 

Ye missionaries, who have devoted your life to the 
propagation of Christianity, before you embark for the 
dangers of far inhospitable shores, remind those, whom 
you leave, that the example of a nation exercising right 
and justice on earth by charity would be the mightiest 
propagaadism of the Christian religion. 

Ye patriots, loving your country's future, and anxious 
about her security, remember the admonitions of history ; 
remember that the freedom, the power, and the prosperity, 
in which your country glories, is no new apparition on 
earth — others also have had it, and yet they are gone. 
The prudence with which your forefathers have founded 
this commonwealth, the courage with which you develop 
it, other nations also have shown, and still they are gone. 

And ye ladies — ye fairest incarnation of the spirit of 
love, which vivifies the universe^ — remember my words. 
The heart of man is given into your tender hands ; you 
mould it in its infancy ; you imprint the lasting work of 
character upon man's brow ; you ennoble his youth ; you 
soften the harshness of his manhood; you are the guardian 
angels of his hoary age. All your vocation is love, and 
your life is charity. The religion of charity wants your 
apostolate, and requires your aid. It is to you I appeal, 
and leave the sublime topic of my humble reflection to the 
meditation of your Christian hearts. 



756 APPENDIX. 

And thus my task of to-day is done. Man shall earn 
the means of life by the sweat of his brow. Thus shall 
my family. Your charity of to-day has opened the way 
to it. The school, which my mother, if God spares her 
life, will superintend, and in which two of my sisters will 
teach ; and the humble farm, which my third sister and her 
family shall work, will be the gift of your charity to-day. 

A stony weight of cares is removed from my breast. 
0, be blessed for it, be thanked for it, in the name of them 
all, who have lost every thing, but not their trust to God, 
and not the benefit of being able to work ! My country 
will forgive me that I have taken from her the time of one 
day's work, to give bread to my aged mother and to my 
homeless sisters, the poor victims of unrelenting tyranny. 
Returning to Europe, I may find my own little children in 
a condition that again the father will have to take the 
spade or the pen into his hand to give them bread. 

And my father-land will again forgive me that that time is 
taken from her. That is all what I take from her — nothing 
else what is given, or what belongs to her. And the day's 
work which I take from my country, I will restore it by a 
night's labor. To-day, the son and the brother has done 
his task. You have requited his labor by a generous charity; 
the son and the brother thanks you for it, and the patriot, 
to resume his task, bids you a hearty, warm farewell ! 



[After the Committee had made their report to the 
Common Council, but while it was in the hands of the 
printers, Governor Kossuth had visited other portions of 
the Union, and had made addresses that are worthy of re- 
cord, and some of them are embraced in the foregoing 
appendix.] 



PROCEEDINGS, SPEECHES, kc, 



AT THE 



DIiNNER,. GIVEN TO LOUIS KOSSUTH, 



/ 



ATIONAL HOTEL, WASHINGTON, JAN. 7, 1852. 



The Banquet given to Lours Kossuth 
by Members of Congress, took place at 
the National Hotel evening before last, 
January Tth. Two rows of tables, extend- 
ing the entire length of the Hall, were ap- 
propriated to the use of the assembled 
company. On a dais in the centre of the 
room were seated Hon. Wm. R. King, 
President of the Senate, and the presiding 
officer for the evening ; to his right, the 
honored guest, Louis Kossuth, and to 
his left, Hon. Daniel Webster, Secre- 
tary of State. To the right of the distin- 
guished Hungarian, and at the same table, 
was seated Hon. Linn Boyd, Speaker of 
the House of Representatives. Subse- 
quent to the removal of the cloth, a large 
number of ladies, anxious to hear the 
speech of the distinguished Magyar — 
which occupied in its delivery a few min- 
utes over an hour — were admitted. 

The President for the evening then re- 
quested gentlemen to fill their glasses for 
the first toast, which was, " The President 
of the United States." This was received 
with three hearty cheers and loud ap- 
plause. 

Mr, Webster rose and responded as 
follows : 

I am here to-night, Mr. President, witli other 
Heads of Departments who belon^^ to the Execu- 
tive administration of the Government, and who 
are the confidential councihors of the President. 
I rise on their behalf, as well as on my own, to I 



ceived. I assure you, sir, and all present, that ia 
kindness and good wishes towards the guest of 
this occasion, and in attachment to the great prin- 
ciples of political liberty and national independ- 
ence, [applause,] there is no man who partakes 
in a higher degree than the President of the United 
States in the general feeling of this vast commu- 
nity. [Applause.] 

The Presidex\t then announced the 
second toast : 

" The Judiciary of the United States : 
The expounder of the Constitution and the bul- 
wark of liberty, regulated by lav/." 

Judge Wayne, of the Supreme Court 
of the United States, replied as follows: 

It is only right, Mr. President, that I should 
respond to the toast which has been given, hy re- 
turning my thanks for the notice which has been 
taken of one of the departments of the Govern- 
ment of which I am a member, and for the man- 
ner in which it has been received here. It would 
I not be right, however, for me to trespass upon the 
i time of this company by alluding to any of those 
historical incidents which have induced you to 
give a complimentary dinner to the distinguished 
stranger who is with us ; but it will be right for 
me to respond in a sentiment, which I humbly 
beg you to receive. I give you, gentlemen — 
" Constitutional liberty to all the nations of the 
I earth, supported by Christian faith and the mo- 
rality of the Bible." 

The toast was received with enthusiastic 
applause. 

The President. Gentlemen, I now 
give you — 

"The Navv of the United States: The 
home squadron everywhere. The glory which 
has made it so is illustrated when its fiug in a for- 

tender to the company our thank.s fm- the manner jl ^^S'^ ^^"'- S^^e liberty and protection to the Ilun- 

m which the health of the President has been re- !^ ffa.ian Chief." 



. 2 






The applause with which the toast was} 
received having subsided, Mr. Stantow, j 
of Tennessee, rose and said : | 

"Mr. President: In the absence of the senior! 
officer of the Navy, who was expected to be pres- 1 
ent, and of the Secretary of the Navy, who was j 
invited, it falls to my lot, by the arrangement of [ 
the appropriate committee, to respond, in a few, 
words, to the sentiment you have just announced. ! 

The people of the United States may be par- ; 
doned a little national vanity, for ihey are justly { 
proud of the achievements of their Navy, for in . 
its past history they behold only the dawn of its ' 
future glory. It is, and it must necessarily be, | 
their gi-eat reliance for defence against foreign ; 
aggresions. j 

Situated as the United States are upon this con- ! 
tinent, with its existing relations with the other j 
Powers of America, aggressions are scarcely to be j 
expected. Dangers, if dangers exist at all, are to j 
be apprehended on the ocean, affecting our com-] 
merce and our relations with the great maritime i 
Powers of the world. '; 

Recently, our commerce has been extendhig i 
itself into all quarters of the globe; and wherever; 
our commerce goes, there also goes the Navy of j 
the United States and the flag of the United Stales . 
to protect that commerce. I 

But recently, Mr. President, a new significance | 
has been given to this flag. Heretofore, the Navy j 
has been the symbol of our power and the em-j 
blem of our liberty, but now it speaks of human- 1 
ity and of a noble sympathy for the oppressed of j 
all nations [Applause.] The home squadron j 
everywhere, to give protection to the brave i 
and to those who may have fallen in the cause | 
of freedom! [Applause.] Your acquiescence in i 
that sentiment indicates the profound sympathy 
of the people of the United States for the peo- 
ple of Hungary, manifested in the person of 
their great chief, when the Navy was made the 
instrument of restoring him to liberty and con- 
ducting him to our hospitable shores; and I. can 
aonceive of no duty that would be more acceptable 
to the gallant officers of the Navy of the United 
States except one, and that is, themselves, in a 
just cause, approved by our country, to strike a 
blow for liberty. 

The President gave as the next toast: 

"The Army of the United States: In salu- 
ting the illustrious Exile with magnanimous cour- 
tesy, as high as it could pay to any Power on 
earth, it has added ^race to the glory of its his- 
tory." 

]Mr. Shields being loudly called for, re- 
sponded to this toast nearly in the follow- 
ing words : 

Mr. Pres'ident, being called upon to respond to 
the toast just given, I will ask permission of the 
company, in the name of the Army, to return my 
humble and respectful thanks, not only for the 
sentiment which has been expressed, but for the 
enthusiasm with which it has been received. 

Mr. President, I am sorry thei-e is not some one 
here who is much belter entitled to respond to 
this toast than I am. I am sorry, sir, that I do 



not see the Chief of the Army here.* [Applause.] 
He is the man who should respond to this toast. 
But, in his absence, as chairman of the Commit- 
tee on Military Affairs in the Senate, permit me to 
return my thanks to you, sir, as President of this 
honorable company, for the high and enthusiastic 
manner in which you have toasted the Army of the 
United States to-night. And, sir, that Army is 
deserving of that toast. [Applause.] It hasi 
brought us safely through three wars; and it has 
humbled even that proud and powerful flag (point- 
ing to the Union Jack) that gi-aces our hall to- 
night. [Great applause.] 

In paying this very high honor to our illustri- 
ous guest — this noble Hungarian — let me observe 
that that Army which has been toasted to-night 
spoke his welcome by the voice of their cannon; 
and the cannon that spoke there spoke the voice 
of twenty-five millions of people. [Immense 
cheering.] Sit, that salute which the American 
cannon gave the Hungarian exile had a deep 
meaning in it. It was a significant salute. It was 
not a salute to the mere man Louis Kossuth, but 
it was a salute in favor of the great principle which 
he represents — the principle which he advocates, 
the principle of nationality and of human liberty. 
[Applause.] Sir, I was born in a land which has 
sufiered as an oppressed nation. I am now a 
citizen of a land which would have suffered from 
the same Power had it not been for the bravery, 
gallantry, and good fortune of the men of that 
time. Sir, as an Irishman by birth, and an 
American hy adoption, I would feel myself a 
traitor to both countries if I did not sustain down- 
trodden nationalities everywhere — [applause] — 
in Hungary, in Poland, in Germany, m Italy — 
everywhere where man is trodden down and op- 
pressed. And, sir, I say again, that that Army 
which maintained itself in three wars, two of them 
against one of the proudest and most powerful 
nations of the world, will, if the trying time 
should come again, maintain that same flag, (the 
stars and stripes,) and the same triumph, and the 
same victories, in the cause of liberty. [Great 
applause.] 

The President rose and said : 

Gentlkme>j: I am now about to give you a 
toast to which every genuine American will cor- 
dially respond. I feel and know that while the 
Hungarian struggle was going on and her flag 
waved aloft, we rejoiced in her success and 
mourned over her temporary defeat. [Sensation .] 
We honored those who were struggling for their 
nationality — who were struggling for their liberty; 
who were prepared to sacrifice all, even life itself, to 
maintain it. We followed our illustrious guest in 
his mournful exile. We were the firat to call upon 
him to turn to the land which was ready to receive 
him with open arms — the land of liberty, the land 
of freedom, the land of nationality. The toast I 
give you, gentlemen, is — 

" Hungary, represented in the person of our 
honored Guest, having proved herself worthy to 
be free by the virtues and valor of her sons, the 
law of nations and the dictates of justice alike de- 
mand that she shall have fair play in her struggle 
for independence." 

* General Scott is absent from the city, in Richoiftnc!. 



Q 
o 



This toast u' as received wilh tremendous 
cheers and applaui^e, which lasted several 
minutes. 

M. Kossuth then rose and spoke as 

follows : 

Sir : A.-;; once Cineas the Epirote stood among 
the Senators of Rome, who, with an earnest word 
of self-conscious majesty, cohtrohed the condition 
of the v/orld, and arrested mighty kings in their 
ambitious march — thus, fuh of admiration and of 
reverence, I stand amongst you, legislators of the 
new capitoi, that glorious hall of your people's 
majesty. The capitoi of old yet stands, but the 
spirit has departed from it, and come over to 
yours, purified by the air of liberty. [Applause.] 
The old stands a mournful monument of the fz-a- 
gility of human things: yours, as a sanctuary of 
eternal right. The old beanied with the red lustre 
of conquest, now darkened by oppression 's gloomy 
night; yours beams with freedom's bright ray. 
The old absorbed the world by its own centralized 
J ' ">ry; years protects your own nation against ab- 
tjjipJon, even by itself. [Applause.] The old 
was awful with irrestricted power; yours is glo- 
rious with having restricted it. At the view of 
the old, nations trembled; at the view of yours, 
humanity hopes. To the old, misfortune was only 
introduced with fettered hands to kneel at trium- 
phant conquerors' heels. To yours, the triumph 
of introduction is granted to unfortunate exiles in- 
vited to the honor of a seat. And where Kings 
and Cresars never will be hailed for their powers, 
might, and wealth, there the persecuted chief of a 
■downtrodden nation is welcomed as your great Re- 
public's guest, precisely because he is persecuted, 
helpless, and poor. [Great applause and cheers.] 
In the old, the terrible vx viclis ! was the rule. In 
yours, pi'otection to the oppressed, malediction to 
ambitious oppressors, and consolation to a van- 
quished just cause. And, while out of the old a 
conquered world was ruled, you in yours provide 
for the coniaion federative interests of a territory 
larger thaji the conquered world of the old. There 
sat men boasting their will to be the sovereign of 
the world; here sit men whose glory is to 
acknowledge the laws of nature and of nature's 
God, and to do what their sovereign, the people, 
wills. [Applause.] 

Sir, there is history in these paraUels. History 
of past ages and history of future centuries may 
be often recorded in few words. The small par- 
ticulars to which the passion of living men clings 
with fervent zeal, as if tlie fragile fingers of men 
could arrest the rotation of destiny's wheel, these 
particular.; die away; it is the issue which makes 
history, and that issue is always logical. There 
is a necessity of consequences wherever the neces- 
sity of position exists. Principles are the alpha: 
they must nnish with omega, and they will. Thus 
history n:ay be told often in few words. 

Before yet the heroic struggle of Greece fa-st 
ei'igaged your country's sympathy for the fate of 
freedom in Europe, then so far distant, and now 
so near, Chateaubriand liajjpened to be in Athens, 
and he heard from a minaret raised upon the Propy- 
leum 's ruins a Turkish priest in Arabic language 
announcing the lapse of hours to the Christians 
»f Minerva's town. What immense history in 



the small fact of a Turkish Imaun crying out, 
"Pray, pray! the hour is running fast, and the 
judgment draws near." [Applause.] 

Sir, there is equally a history of future ages 
written in the honor bestowed by you to my hum- 
ble self. The first Governor of Independent Hun- 
gary, driven from his native land by Russian vio- 
lence; an exile on Turkish soil, protected by a 
Mahometan Sultan against the blood-thirst of 
Christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far Asia 
by diplomacy; rescued from his Asiatic prison by 
America crossing the Atlantic, charged with the 
hopes of Europe's oppressed nations; pleading, a 
poor exile, [tremendous applause,] before the peo- 
ple of this great Republic, his downtrodden coun- 
try's wrongs and its intimate connection with the 
fate of the European continent, and, with the 
boldness of a just cause, claiming the principles 
of the Chi-istian religion to be raised to a law of 
nations, [good ! good !] and to see not only the 
boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but to see him 
consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged 
by individuals, associations, meetings, cities, and 
I States; supported by operative aid and gi-eeted by, 
Congress and by Government as the nation's 
I guest; honored, out of generosity, with that 
honor which only one man before him received, 
and that man received them out of gratitude; with 
honors such as no potentate ever crvn receive; and 
this banquet here, and the toast which I have to 
thank you for. Oh! indeed, sir, there is a his- 
tory of future ages in all these facts i [Great ap- 
plause.] They will go down to posterity in the 
logical consequences of principles which are the 
foundation of these facts. 

Sir, though I have the noble pride of my prin- 
ciples, and though I have the inspiration of a just 
cause, still I have also the consciousness of my 
personal humilit)^. Never will I forget what is 
due from ine to the sovereign source of my public 
capacity. This I owe to my nation's dignity; 
[good ! good I] and therefore, respectfully thanking 
this highly distinguished assembly in my coun- 
try's name, I have the boldness to say that Hun- 
gary well deserves your sympathy ; that Hungary- 
has a claim to protection because it has a claim to 
justice. But, as to my own humble self, permit 
me humbly to express that I am well aware not to 
have in all these honors any persona! shai-e. Nay, 
I know that even that which might seem to be 
personal in your toast, is only an acknowledg- 
ment of a historical fact, very instructively con- 
nected with a principle valuable and dear to every 
republican heart hi the United States of America. 
Sir, you were plaased to mention in your toast 
that I am unconquered by misfortuae and unse- 
duced by ambition. [Great applause, and cries of 
"No! no!"] Now, it is a providential fact that 
misfortune has the privilege to ennoble man 's mind 
and to strengthen man's character. There is a 
sort of natural instinct of human dignity ia the 
heart of a man, which steels his very nerves not 
to bend beneath the heavy blows of great adver- 
sities. The palm-tree grows best beneath a pon- 
derous v/eight. Even so the character of man. 
There is no merit in it. It is a law of psychology. 
The petty pangs of small daily cares have often 
bent the character of men, but great misfortune 
seldom. There is less danger in this than in great 
luck. And, as to ambition, I indeed aerer was 
able to understand how anybody can more lore 



ambition than liberty. But I am glad to state a 
historical fact as a principal demonstration of that 
influence which institutions exercise upon the 
character of nations. 

We Hungarians are very fond of the principle 
of municipal self-government, and we have a natu- 
ral horror against the principle of centralization. 
That fond attachment to municipal self-govern- 
ment, without which there is no provincial freedom 
possible, is a fundamental feature of our national 
character. We brought it with us from far Asia 
a thousand years ago, and we conserved it through- 
out the vicissitudes of ten centuries. No nation 
has perhaps so much struggled and suffered from 
the civiHzed Christian world as we. [Sensation.] 
We do not complain of this lot. It may be heavy, 
but it is not inglorious. Where the cradle of our 
Saviour stood, and where his divine doctrine was 
founded, there now another faith rules, and the 
whole of Europe's armed pilgrimage could not 
avert this fate from that sacred spot, nor stop the 
rushing waves of Islamism absorbing the Christian 
empire of Constantine. JVe stopped those rush- 
ing waves. The breast of my nation proved a 
breakwater to them. [Bravo! Bravo!] We 
guarded Christendom, that Luthers and Calvins 
might reform it. [Applause.] It was a danger- 
ous time, and the dangers of the time often placed 
the confidence of all my nation into one man's 
hand, and that confidence gave power into his 
hands to become ambitious. But there was not a 
single instauce in our history w"here a man hon- 
ored by his people's confidence, had deceived his 
people by becoming ambitious [Applause.] The 
man out of whom Russian diplomacy succeeded 
to make the murderer of his nation 's confidence — he 
never had it, but was rather regarded always with 
distrust. But he gained some victories when vic- 
tories were the moment's chief necessity. At the 
head of an army, circumstances placed him in the 
capacity to ruin his country. But he never had 
the people's confidence. So even he is no contra- 
diction to the historical truth that no Hungarian 
whom his nation honored with its confidence was 
ever seduced by ambition to become dangerous to 
his country's liberty. [Applause.] That is a 
remarkable fact, and yet it is not accidental; it is 
the logical consequence of the influence of institu- 
tions upon the national character. Our nation, 
through all its history, was educated in the school 
of municipal self-goverimfient; and in such a coun- 
try ambition having no field, has also no place in 
man's character. 

The truth of this doctrine becomes yet more 
illustrated by a quite contrary historical fact in 
France. Whatever have been the changes ofj 
government in that great country — and many they 
have been, to be sure — we have seen a Conven- 
tion, a Directorate, Consuls, and one Consul, and 
an Emperor, and the Restoration, and the Citizen 
King, and the Republic; through all these different 
experiments centralization was the fundamental 
tone of the institutions of France — power always 
centralized; omnipotence always vested some- 
where. And, remarkably indeed, France has 
never yet raised one single man to the seat of 
power who has not sacrificed his country's free- 
dom to his personal ambition ! [Great applause.] 
It is sorrowful, indeed, but it is natural. It is 
in the garden of centralization where the venom- 
ous plant of ambition thrives. I dare confidently 



affirm, that in your great country there exists 
not a single man through whose brains has ever 
passed the thought that he would wish to raise 
the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your 
country's liberty, if he could. Such a wish is 
impossible in the United States. [Applause.^] 
Institutions react upon the character of nations; 
He who sows wind will reap .storm. History is 
the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules 
by eternal laws not only the material but the 
moral world; and every law is a principle, and 
every principle is a law. Men as well aa nation.s 
are endowed with free will to choose a principle, 
but that once chosen the consequences must be 
abided. 

With self-government is freedom, and with 
freedom is justice and patriotism. WitJi. central- 
ization is ambition, and with ambition dwells 
despotism. Happy your great country, sir, for 
being so warmly addicted to that great principle 
of self-government. Upon this foundation your 
fathers raised a home to freedom more glorious 
than the world has ever seen. Upon this founda- 
tion you have developed it to a living wonder of 
the world. Happy your great country, sir ! that ii 
was selected by the blessmg of the Lord to prove 
the glorious practicability of a federative union 
of many sovereign States, all conserving their 
State rights and their self-government, and yet 
united in one — every star beaming with its own 
lustre, but all together one constellation on man- 
kind's canopy, [Great applause and cheers.] 

Upon this foundation your free country has 
grown to a prodigious power in a surprisingly 
brief period, an attractive power in that your fun- 
damental principle. You have conquered by it 
more in seventy-five years than Rome by arms in 
I centuries. [Good! Good!] Your principles will 
{ conquer the world. By the glorious example of 
your freedom, welfare, and security, mankind is 
about to become conscious of its aim. The lesson 
you give to humanity will not be lost. The re- 
I spect for State rights in the Federal GoverMmentof 
America, and in its several States, will become an 
I instructive example for universal toleration, for- 
I bearance, and justice to the future States and Re- 
; publics of Europe. Upon this basis will be got 
j rid of the mischievous question of language- 
I nationalities, raised by cunning despotism in Es- 
] rope to murder liberty. Smaller States will find 
j security in the principle of federative union, while 
I they will conserve their national freedom by the 
j principle of sovereign self-government; and while 
I larger States, abdicating the principle of centrali- 
I zation, will cease to be a bloody field to sanguin- 
\ ary usurpation and a tool to ambition of wicked 
men, municipal institutions will insure tiie devel- 
' opment of local particular elements; freedom, for- 
I merly an abstract political theory, will become the 
' household benefit to municipalities; and out of the 
i welfare and contentment of all parts will flowhap- 
j piness, peace, and security for the whole, [Ap' 
' plause.] 

That is my confident hope. Then will at once 
subside the fluctations of Germany's fate. It will 
become the heart of Europe; not by melting North 
Germany into a Southern frame, or the South into 
a Northern; not by absorbing historical peculiari- 
ties by centralized omnipotence; not by mixing in 
one State, but by federating several aovereigH 
States into a Union like yours. 




Upon a similar basis will take place the national 
regeneration of Sclavonic States, and not upon the 
sacrilegious idea of Panslavism, equivalent to the 
omnipotence of the Czar. [Applause.] Upon a 
similar basis will we see fair Italy independent and 
free. Not unity, but union will and must become 
the watchword of national bodies, severed into 
desecrated limbs to provincial rivalries, out of 
which a flock of despots and common servitude 
aroee. To be sure, it will be a noble joy to this 
your great Republic, to feel that the moral influ- 
ence of your glorious example has operated this 
happy development in mankind's destiny, and I 
have not the slightest doubt of the efficacy of your 
example's influence. 

But there is one thing indispensable to it, with- 
out which there is no hope for this happy issue. 
This indispensable thing is, that the oppressed 
nations of Europe become the masters of their 
fnture, free to regulate their own domestic con- 
cerns. A»d to this, nothing is wanted but to 
have that "fair play" [applause, and cries of 
" Fair play !" " Fair play"] to all, for all, which 
you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to pronounce 
as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the 
Saw of nations as by the dictates of eternal justice. 
Without this "fair play" there is no hope for 
Europe — no hope of seeing your principles spread. 
[Great applause.] 

Yours ie a happy country, gentlemen. You 
kad more than fair play. You had active opera- 
ative aid from Europe in your struggle for in- 
dependence, which, once achieved, you so wise- 
ly used as to become a prodigy of freedom and 
welfare ami a book of life to nations. 

But we in Europe — we, unhappily, have no 
3«cfe fair play. With us, against every palpita- 
tion of liberty all despots are united in a common 
league ; and you may be sure that despots will 
never yield to the moral influence of your great 
sxample. They hate the very existence of this 
example. It is the sorrow of their thoughts, and 
the incubus of their dreams. To stop its moral 
influence abroad, and to check its spreading devel- 
opment at home, is what tkey wish, instead of 
yielding to its influence. 

We will have no fair play. The Cossack al- 
ready rules, by Louis Napoleon's usurpation, to 
the very borders of the Atlantic ocean. One of 
your great statesmen — now, to my deep sorrow, 
oound to the sick bed of far advanced age — [im- 
meiase sensation] — (alas ! that I am deprived of 
the advice which hLs wisdom could have imparted 
to me) — your great statesman told the world thir- 
ty years ago that Paris was transferred to St. Pe- 
iersburgh. What would he now say when St. 
Petersburgh is transferred to Paris, and Europe is 
but an appendage to Russia? [Immense cheering.] 

Alas! Europe can no more secure to Europe 
rair play. Albion only remains; but even Albion 
casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. Still we 
wiH stand our place, " sink or swim, live or die." 
[Cheers a»d cries of "Sink or swim."] You 
know the word; it is your own. We will follow 
it; it will be a bloody path to tread. Despots 
have conspired against the world. Terror spreads 
over Europe, and, anticipating persecution, rules. 
From Paris to Pesth there is a gloomy silence, 
tike the silence of Nature before the terrors of a 
hurricane. It is a sensible silence, only disturbed 
jy the thousand-fold rattling of muskets by which 



Napoleon murders that people which gave him a 
home when he was an exile, and by the groans of 
new martyrs in Sicily, Milan, Vienna, and Pesth. 
The very sympathy which I met in England, and 
was expected to meet here, throws my sisters into 
the dungeons of Austria. [Crie.s of Shame ! 
shame! throughout the room.] Well, God's will 
be done ! The heart may break, but duty will be 
done. We will stand our place, though to us ia 
Europe there be no " fair play." But so much I 
hope, that n© just man on earth can charge me 
with unbecoming arrogance, when here, on tkis 
soil of freedom, I kneel down and raise my prayer 
to God: "Almighty Father of Humanity, will 
thy merciful arm not raise a power oh earth to 
protect the law of nations when there are so many 
to violate it?" [Oh fOh t] It is a prayer, and noth- 
ing else. What would remain to the oppressed if 
they were not even permitted to pray ? The rest 
is in the hand of God. 

Gentleman, I know where I stand. No honor, no 
encouraging generosity, will make me ever forget 
where I stand, and what is due from me to you. 
Here my duty is silently to await what you, in 
your wisdom, will be pleased to pronounce about 
that which public opinion knows to be ray prayer 
and my aim; and beit your will to pronounce, or be 
it your will not to take notice of it, I will under- 
stand your will, and bow before it witk sincere 
reverence, and will go back overtheocean, hopeless 
perhaps, but my heart full of admiration, love, 
and gratitude to your generous people, to your 
glorious land. [Applause.] 

But one single word even here I may be per- 
mitted to say — only such a word as may secure 
me from being misunderstood. I came to the 
noble-minded people of the United States to claina 
its generous operative sympathy for the impending 
struggle of oppressed freedom on the European 
continent; and I freely interpreted the hopea and 
wishes which those oppressed nations entertain; 
but, as to your great Republic, as a State, as a 
Power on earth, 1 stand before the statesmen, 
senators, and legislators of that Republic only to 
ascertain from their wisdom and experience what 
is their judgment upon a question of national law 
and international right. I hoped, and now hope, 
that they will, by the foreboding events on the 
other great continent, feel induced tb pronounce in 
time their vote about that law and those rights. 
And I hoped, and hope, that, pronouncing their 
vote, it will be in favor of broad principles of in- 
ternational justice, consonant with their republican 
institutions and their democratic life. That is all. 
1 know, and Europe knows, the immense weight 
of such a pronunciation from such a place. But 
never had I the impious wish to try to entangle 
this great Republic into difficulties inconsistent 
with its own welfare, its own security, its owh 
interest. I rather repeatedly, earnestly declared 
that a war on this account by your country is ut- 
terly impossible, and a mere phantom. I always 
declared that the United Slates, remaining masters 
of their action under every circumstance, will act 
as they judge consistent with their supreme duties 
to. themselves. But I said, and say, that such a 
declaration of just principles would insure to the 
nations of Europe "/air play" in their struggle for 
freedom and independence, because the declaration 
of such a Power as your Republic is will be re- 
spected even where it should be not liked; and 



Eui'ope's oppressed na.tions will feel cheered in 
resolution and doubled iri strength to maintain the 
decision of their American brethren in their own 
behalf, with their own lives. There is an immense 
power in the idea to be right, when this idea is 
sanctioned by a nation like yours. [Applause.] 
And when the foreboding future will become pres- 
ent, there is an immense field for private benev- 
olence and sympatliy upon the basis of the broad 
principles of international justice pronounced in 
the sanctuary of your people's collective majesty. 
So much to guard me against misunderstanding. 
Sir, I most fervently thank you for the acknowl- 
edgment that my country has proved worthy to be 
free. Yes, gentlemen, I feel proud at my nation's 
character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality; 
and I bow with reverential awe before the decree 
of Providence which placed my country in a po- 
sition that, w^houtits restoration to independence, 
there is no possibility for freedom and independ- 
ence of nations on the European continent. Even 
what now in France is about to pass proves the 
truth of this. Every dissappointed hope with 
which Europe looked towards France is a degree 
more added to the importance of Hungary to the 
world. Upon our plains were fought the decisive 
battles for Christendom; there will be fought the 
decisive battle for the independence of nations, for 
State rights, for international law, and for demo- 
cratic liberty. We v/ill live free, or die like men; 
but should my people be doomed to die, it will be 
the first whose death will not be recorded as sui- 
cide, but as a martyrdom for the world, and future 
ages will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar 
race, doomed to perish, [sensation ,] not because we 
deserved it, but because in the nineteenth century 
there was nobody to protect the laws of nature 
and. of nature's God. 

But I look to the future with confidence and 
with hope. Adversities manifold of a tempest- 
tossed life could of course not fail to impress a 
mark of cheerlessness upon my heart, which, if 
not a source of joy, is at least a guard against 
sanguine illusions. I, for myself, would not want 
the hope of success for doing what is right. To 
me the sense of duty would suffice; therefore, when 
I hope, it has nothing common with that desperate 
instinct of a di-«wning man, who, half sunk, is still 
grasping to a straw for help. No, when I hope, 
there is motive for that hope. I have a steady 
faith in principles. I dare say that experience 
taught me the logic of events in connection with 
principles. I have fathomed the very bosom of 
this mystery; and nowhere was I deceived in my 
calculations thereabout. Once in my life I sup- 
posed a principle to exist in a certain quarter 
•where indeed no principle proved to exist. It 
was a horrible mistake, and resulted in a horrible 
issue. The present condition of Europe is a very 
consequence of it. But precisely this condition 
of Europe proves that I did not wantonly suppose 
a principle to exist there, where I found none. 
Would it have existed, the consequences could 
Kot have failed to arrive as I have contemplated 
them. Well, there is a providence in every fact. 
[Applause.] Without tliis mistake the principles 
of American republicanism would have for a long 
time yet not found a fertile soil on that continent, 
where it was considered wisdom to belong to the 
French school. Now matters stand thus: that 
either the continent of Europe has no future at aJl, 



or this future is American republicanism. And 
who could believe that two hundred millions of 
that continent, which is the mother of a civilization, 
are not to have any future at all? Such a doubt 
would be almost blasphemy against Providence. 
But there is a Providence indeed — a just, bounti- 
ful Providence. I trust with the piety of my re- 
ligion in it. I dare say my very humble self was 
a continual instrument of it. How could I else, 
in such a condition as I was born, not conspicuous 
by any preeminent abilities — having nothing in me 
more than an iron will, which notliing can bend, 
[applause,] and the consciousness of being right — 
how could I, under the most arduous circum- 
stances, accomplish many a thing which my sense 
of honest duty prompted me to undertake? Oh, 
there is indeed a Providence which rules! And 
even my being here, when four months ago I v/as 
yet a prisoner of the league of European despots 
in far Asia, and the sympathy which your glo- 
rious people honor me with, and the high benefit 
of the welcome of jour Congress, and the honor 
to be your guest, to be the guest of your great 
Republic — I, the poor, humble, unpretending 
exile — is there not a very intelligible manifestation 
of Providence in it? — the more, when I remember 
that the name of your humble but thankful guest 
is, by the furious rage of the Austrian tyrant, to 
the gallows nailed ? 

Your generosity is a loud protestation of repub- 
lican principles against despotism. I fi.rmly trust 
to those principles; and, relying upon this very 
fact of your generosity, I may be permitted to say 
that that respectable organ of the free press was 
mi.staken which announced that I considered my 
coming hither to be a failure. 

I confidently trust that the nations of Europe 
have a future, i am aware that this future is con- 
tradicted by bayonets of absolutism; but I know 
tiiat bayonets may support, but afford no chair to 
sit upon. I trust to the future of my native land, 
because I know that it is worthy to have it, and 
that it is necessary to the destinies of huntianity. 
I trust to the principles of repubHcanism; and, 
whatever be my persona] fate, so much I know, 
that my country will conserve to you and your 
glorious land an everlasting gratitude. [Here the 
whole audience rose and cheered vociferously.] 

Mr. GwiN rose and said: Mr. President, 

our illustrious guest has most appropriately in- 
troduced into his addres.s the words, " Siaik or 
swim, live or die," uttered elsev/here on a memo- 
rable occasion; I should like to hear something of 
the same kind on the present occasion, and there- 
fore offer the following sentiment: 

" The SEeRETARY OF State: His sympathies 
are as broad as his intellect is profound." 

Mr. Webster rose and responded as 
follows: 

I have great pleasure in pan'ticipating in this fes- 
tival. It is a remarkable occasion. He who is 
your honored guest to-night has led thus far a life 
of events that are viev/ed as highh/ important 
here, and still more important to his own country. 
Educated, spirited, full of a feeling of liberty and 
independence, he entered early into ti.\e public 
councils of his native country, and he is here to- 
day, fresh from actijig his part in the great strug- 



1 



gle for Hungarian national independence. That 
is not all his distinction. He was brought to these 
shores by the authority of Congress. He has 
been welcomed to the capital of the United States 
by the votes of the two Houses of Congress. 

Mr. SEWARD, (interrupting.) " He is wel- 
come!" and tliere were loud cries of '■ Welcome! 
welcome !" from various parts of the house. 

Mr. WEBSTER, (resuming.) I agree, as I am 
not connected with either branch of the Legisla- 
ture, in joining, and I do join in my loudest tone, 
in that welcome pronounced by them to him. 
[Great applause.] The House of Representatives 
— the immediate Representatives of the People — 
full themselves of an ardent love of liberty, have 
joined in that welcome; the wisdom and sobriety 
of the Senate have joined in it; and the head of 
the Republic, with the utmost cordiality, has ap- 
proved of whatsoever official act was necessary to 
bid him welcome to these shores. [Applause.] 
And he stands here to-night in the midst of an as- 
sembly of both Houses of Congress, and others 
of us met here in our individual capacity, to join 
the general acclaim, and signify to him with what 
pleasure we receive him to the shores of this free 
land — this asylum of oppressed humanity. [Ap- 
plause.] Gentlemen, the effect of the reception 
thus given him cannot but be felt. It cannot but 
have its influence beyond the ocean, and among 
countries vi-'here our principles and our sentiments 
are either generally unknown or generally dis- 
liked. Let them go forth; let it be borne on all 
the winds of heaven, that the sympathies of the 
Government of the United States and all the peo- 
ple of the United States have been attracted to- 
wards a nation struggling for national independ- 
ence, and towards those of her sons who have 
most distinguished themselves in that struggle. 
[Great applause.] 

I have said that this cannot be without its eflect. 
We are too much inclined to underrate the pov>fer 
of moral influence, and the influence of public 
opinion, and the influence of principles, to which 
great men, the lights of the world and of the age, 
have given their sanction. Who doubts that, in 
our own struggle for liberty and independence, the 
majestic eloquence of Chatham, the profound rea- 
soning of Burke, the burning satire and ireny of 
Colonel Barre, had influences upon our fortunes 
herein America.'' They had influences both ways. 
They tended, in the first place, somewhat to di- 
minish the confidence of the British Ministry in 
their hopes of success in attempting to subjugate 
an injured people. They had influence another 
way, because all along the coasts of the country — 
and all our people in that day lived upon the coast — 
there was not a reading man who did not feel 
su-onger, bolder, and more determined in the as- 
sertion of his i-ights, when these exhilarating 
accounts from the two Houses of i*arliament 
reached him from beyond the seas. He felt that 
those who held and controlled public opinion else- 
where were with us; that their words of eloquence 
might produce an effect in the region where they 
were uttered; and, above all, they assured them 
that, in the judgment of the just, and the wise, 
.and tl>e impartial, their cause was just, and they 
were right; and therefore they said, We will fight 
it out to the last. [Applause.] 

Nov/, gentlemen, another great mistake is some- 
times made. We think that nothing is powerful 



enough to stand before autocratic, monarchical, or 
despoticpower. There is something strong enough, 
quite strong enough, and if properly exerted will 
prove itself so, and that is the power of intelligeat 
pu!;lic opinion in all the nations of the earth. 
There is not a monarch on earth whose tlirone is 
not liable to be shaken to its foundatioii by the 
progress of opinion, and the sentiment of the just 
and intelligent part of the community. It becomes 
us, therefore, in the station which we hold, to let 
that public opinion, so flir as we form it, li^ve a 
free course. [Bravo, bravo.] Let it go on; let it 
be pronounced in thunder tones; let" it open the 
ears of the deaf; let it open the eyes of the blind; 
and let it everyv/here be proclaimed what we of 
this great Republic think of the general principle 
of human liberty and of that oppression which all 
abhor. [Applause, and cries of Good.] Depend 
upon it, gentlemen, that between these two i^ival 
and conflicting powers, the autocratic power main- 
tained by arms and force, and the popular power 
maintained by opinion, the former is constantly 
decreasing, and, thank God, the latter is constant- 
ly increasing. [Applause.] Freedom, humanliber- 
ty, aiul human rights are gaining the ascendent 
upon earth; and the part we have to act in all this 
great drama is to show ourselves in favor of those 
rights, to uphold that ascendency, and to carry it 
on until we shall see it culminate in the highest 
heavens over our heads. [Applause.] 

On the topics, gentlelnen, v/hich this occasion 
seems to invite, I have nothing to say, because in 
the course of my political life — not now a short 
one — I have said all I wish to say, and all I wi.sh 
to transmit to posterity connected with my own 
name and history. What I said of Greece five- 
and-twenty years ago, when our distinguished 
friend [turning to Kossuth] was too young to be 
in political life, I repeat to night, verhuin post :w- 
bimi, what I then said. [Great applause.] What I 
said of Spain at a later period, when the power of 
the restored Bourbons was exerted to impose upon 
Spain a dynasty not acceptable to the people of 
Spain, that I repeat in English, and Spanish, and 
French, and in every other language. [Applause 
and laughter.] 

May I be so egotistical as to sa.y that T have noth- 
ing to say upon the subject of Hungary.' Gen- 
tlemen, in the autumn of the year before last, out 
of health, retired to my paternal home among the 
mountains of New Hampshire, I was, by my 
physical condition, confined to my house; but I 
was among the mountains whose native air I was 
born to inspire. Nothing saluted my senses, 
nothing saluted my mind o.r my sentiments, but 
freedom, full and entire, [applause;] and iherey, 
gentlemen, near the graves of my ancestors, I 
wrote a letter, which most of you may have seen, 
addressed to the Austrian Charge d 'Affaires. 
[Great applause, which was continued for some 
time.] Of course, I think sufliciently humbly of 
the talent and ability displayed in that letter; but, 
as to its principles, while the sun and moon endure, 
and while I can see the light of the sun and moon, 
I stand by them. [Great applause.] In a letter 
dated February last, moved by these consider- 
ations, which have influenced all the Chi'istian 
world, making no particular merit of it, I ad- 
dressed a letter to the American Minister at Con- 
stantinojile, to intercede with the Subhme Porte 
for the release of Louis Kossuth and his compan- 



8 



ions in exile, [applause,] and I happen to know 
that it v/as not without some eifect. At any rate, 
it is proper for me here to say, that this letter and 
that one to which I have before alluded, were dis- 
patched with the cordial approbation of the Pres- 
ident of the United States. And they were, there- 
fore, so far the act of the Government of the Uni- 
ted States in its executive capacity. Now, I shall 
not further advert to these topics to-night, nor 
shall I go back to ancient times and discuss the 
merits of the Holy Alliance; but I say that in the 
sentiments avowed by me, I think in the year 
1823 or 1824, in the case of Greece — interesting 
Greece — and in the more subsequent declarations 
of opinion, there is that which I can never depart 
from without departing from myself. I should 
cease to be what 1 am, if I were to retract a sin- 
gle sentiment expressed in these several produc- 
tions. 

Now, gentlemen, I do not propose, at this hour 
of the night, to entertain you, or attempt to en- 
tertain you, by any general disquisition upon the 
value of human freedom, upon the inalienable 
rights of man, or upon any general topics of that 
kind; but I wish to say a few words upon the 
precise question, as I understand it, that exists 
before the civilized world, between Hungary and 
the Austrian Government. 

A Voice. Out with it ! 

Mr. WEBSTER. A gentleman near me says, 
"out with it." It shall come out, [great and pro- 
longed applause.] I wish to arrange the thoughts 
to v;-hich I desire to give utterance under two or 
three general heads. 

And in the first place I say, that wherever there 
is in the Christian and civilized world a national- 
ity of character — wherever there exists a nation of 
sufficient knowledge and wealth and population to 
constitute a government, then a National Gov- 
ernment is a necessary and proper result of na- 
tionality of character. We may talk of it as we 
please, but there is nothing satisfies a man in an 
enlightened age unless he is governed by his own 
country and the institutions of his own govern- 
ment, and partakes in that government. No 
matter how easy be the yolie of a foreign power, 
no matter how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, 
if it is not imposed by the voice of his own nation 
and of his own country, he Vv'ill not, he cannot, 
and he means not to be happy under its burden. 
[Applause.] 

There is, gentlemen, one great element of hu- 
man happiness mixed up with others. We have 
our social affections — our family affections ; but 
then we hare this sentiment of country which 
imbues all our hearts, and enters into all our other 
feelings; and that sentiment of country is an af- 
fection not only for the soil on which we are born, 
not only for the parents and brothers, and sisters, 
and friends that surround us, but for the habits 
and institutions and the Government of that coun- 
try. There is not a civilized and intelligent man 
on earth that enjoys entire satisfaction with his 
condition, if he does not live under the govern- 
ment of his owii nation — his own country, whose 
affiliations and sentiments and sympatliies are 
like his own. Hence he cannot say "This is 
not my country; it is the country of another 
Power; it is a country belonging' to somebody 
else." Therefore, I say that wherever there is a 
nation of sufficient intelligence and numbers and 



wealth to maintain a government, distinct in its 
character, distinct in its history, distinct in its in- 
stitutions, that nation cannot be happy but under 
a government of its own choice. [Applause.] 

Then the next question is, whether Hungary, 
as she exists in our day, as we see her, and as we 
know her, is distinct in her nationality, is compe- 
tent in her population, is competent in her knowl- 
edge and devotion to correct sentiments, is compe- 
tent in her national feeling for liberty and inde- 
pendence to maintain a government tliat shall be 
Hungarian from beginning to end ? Upon that 
subject, gentlemen, I have no manner of doubt. 
Let us look a little at the position in which this 
matter stands. What is Hungary ? I am not, 
gentlemen, about to fatigue you with statistics and 
statements, but I wish to say, as I understand the 
matter — and I have taken some pains to look into 
it — that Hungary contains a sufficient population 
to constitute a nation. 

The following enumeration of the races that 
constitute the population of Hungary is taken from 
one of the latest and most authoritative publica- 
tions of Austrian statistics, that of Haeufler: 
Hi;>fGARY, including Croatia and Slavonia. 

Magyars.. ...',........ 4,28U5«0 

Slowacks 2,200,000 

Russniaks. ..,,..,,.... 350,008 

Servians 740,000 

Croations 660,000 

Slavonians, (Styrians) ...... 50,000 

Bulgarians and others. ..... 12,809 

Slavonians, total... ........... . . 4,012,860 

Germans . 986,000 

Wallachians 930,000 

Jews , 250,000 

Greeks and others 62,500 



10,522,800 
Transylvaota. 

Magyars. 260,170 

Szeklera ........................ 260,000 

Germans. 250,000 

Wallachians. 1,287,340 

Others. ............................. 60,400 



§,117,910 

Military Frontiers. 

Magyars. ........ . . 54,6@0 

Croatians. .632,960 

Servians, .................. .203,000 

Slavonians, total. .................... 895,960 

Germans 185,509 

Wallachians. 100,090 

1,235,4^0 
Totals for all Hctngary. 
Magyars. .......................... .4,605,670 

Slavonians .4,905,760 

Germans .1,421,500 

Vfallachians .2,317,340 

Szekiers. 250,000 

Jews and others. 372,960 

Grand total .13,876,170 ' 

By a still more recent account, taken from the 
official statistics of Austria, it appears that Hun- 
gary, including Transylvania and Military Fron- 



tiers, has 112,000 square miles, with 14,500,000 
inhabitants, and contains — 

Cities 75 

Towns 888 

Villages 16,000 

Roman Catholics. 9,000,000 

Greeks 4,000,000 

Protestants 3,250,000 

Jews 250,000 

Hungary is about the size of Great Britain, and 
comprehends nearly half of the territory of Aus- 
1i*a. 

It is stated by another authority that the popu- 
lation of Hungary is nearly 14,000,000; that of 
Englind (in 1841) nearly 15,000,000; that of Prus- 
sia about 16,000,000. 

Thus it is evident that, in point of power, so 
far as power depends upon population, Hungary 
possesses as much power as England proper, or 
8ven as the Kingdom of Prussia. Well, then, 
there is population enough — there are people 
enougk. Who, then, are they.' Their history 
is known to you as well as to myself, if not better, 
and 1 may say they are a distinct people from 
nations fcliat surround them. They are distinct 
from the Austrians on the west, and the Turks on 
the east; and I will say in the next place, that 
they are an enlightened nation. They have their 
history; they hffv'e their traditions; they are 
attached to their own institutions and to their own 
■sonstitutions — which hare existed for more than 
a thousand years. 

Gentlemen, it is remarkable that, on the West- 
ern coasts of Europe, political light exists. There 
is a SUB in the political firmament, and that sun 
sheds his light, and everybody may rejoice. But 
in Eastern Europe, generally speaking, and on 
the confines between Eastern Europe and Asia, 
there is no political sun in the heavens. It is all 
an arctic zone of political life. [Applause.] The 
luminary that enlightens the world in general sel- 
dom rises there above the horizon. The light 
which they possess is at best crepuscular, a kind 
of twilight, and they are under the necessity of 
groping about to catch, as they may, any stray 
gleams of the light of day. [Hear, hear.] Gen- 
dernen, the country of which your guest to-night 
is a native is a remarkable exception to that rule, 
and in fact, to the nations that surround her. 
Hungary is enlightened; she has shown through 
her v/hole history, for many hundreds of years, 
an attachment to the principles of civil liberty, 
and of law and of order, and obedience to the 
'jonstit'ition v/hich the will of the great majority- 
have established. That is a fact which ought to 
be known wherever the question of the practica- 
bility of Hungarian liberty and independence are 
discussed. It ought to be known that Hungary 
stands out from and above her neighbors in all 
that respects free institutions, constitutional gov- 
ernment, and a hereditary love of liberty. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Gentlemen, I hare taken the ptiins to prepare 
some facts from an intelligent writer, and that 
writer, a lady, of course of greater authority than 
most writers. [Laughter.] She says: 

" The Hungarian nation has been distinguished 

• from its first appearance in history for uniting 
' to a passionate love of liberty a scrupulous rev- 

* erence for law. The Magyars did not enter the 
'plains of Dacia an undisciplined rabble. From 



the first, they possessed a fixed form of govern- 
ment, and were distinguished for their subordi- 
nation to their leaders and their laws. To these 
habits of discipline, in which the Magyars were 
trained, in their love of order and regard for law, 
it is to be ascribed that they did not pass away, 
like the common hordes of barbarian adventur- 
ers, but established a permanent kingdom in the 
country they invaded. To these qualities, not 
less than to their courage, is to be ascribed their 
successful maintenance of their constitutional 
rights against all the attacks of a Power before 
which the liberties of so many other nations have 
fallen . 
" The ancient institutions of the Magyars were 
eminently democratic. Their chief ruler was 
elected by the votes of the people. For the first 
century after their establishment in the country 
he received only the title of Vezer, or leader. In 
the year 1000 they bestowed the title of King on 
Stephen, of the fanmily of Arpad, the leader 
under whose guidance they had entered Pann«- 
nia. The power of the King was, however, 
strictly limited. The consent of the people was 
necessary to give efficacy to every royal act. 
The excellent Prince who first filled the throne 
of Hungary had no disposition to infringe the 
liberties of the people. On the contrary, he en- 
deavored to guard them against the encroachments 
of future sovereigns. He framed a code of laws, 
founded on the ancient institutions of the Mag- 
yars, which have ever since been regarded as of 
the highest authority. These statutes were 
drawn up for the guidance of his son Emerie, 
whom he educated as his successor in the king- 
dom. The enlightened and humane spirit in 
which these decrees are composed gives a very 
high idea of the civilization and political advance- 
ment of Hungary at this period. We find ia 
them an express recognition of the principle of 
universal equality — 'Omnes fiomines unius svmt 
condilionis.' " 

It is in the following terms that he prescribes 
the duty of a King towards his subjects: 

" Let them be to thee, my son, as brothers and 
'fathers; reduce none of them to servitude, neitJier 
' call them thy servants. Let them fight for thee, 
' not serve thee. Govern them without violence 
'and without pi-ide — psacefully, humbly, hu- 
' manely. Remembering that nothing elevates 
' but humility, that nothing abases but pride aad 
' an evil will. 

"My son, I pray thee, i command thee, to 
' show thyself propitious, not only to thy kindred, 
' not only to princes, to leaders, to the rich, nor 
' only to thy country people, but likewise to stran- 
' gers, and to all that come unto thee. Be patient 
'with all, not only with the powerful, but with 
' those lacking power. Bear ever in thy mind 
' this precept of the Lord, ' I will have mercy, and 
' not sacrifice.' " 

He recognizes the right of the people to depose 
an unworthy prince: 

"If thou art mild and just, then shall thou be 
' called a King, and the son of a King; but if thoH 
' art proud and violent, they will deliver thy king- 
'dom to another." 

The princes of this dynasty, (the house of Ar- 
pad,) with few exceptions, were just and patriotic 
Kings, who understood the origin and true objects, 
of government, and held their power fortlie beaefit 



trt the people, not for their own selfish aggrandize- 
ment. There are traits recorded of many of them 
vrhich prove them to have been the worthy suc- 
cessors of St. Stephen. "The Republic is not 
mine," said Geza II., " it is I who belong to the 
Repubhc. God has raised me to the throne in 
order that I may maintain the laws." In 1222 
Andrew II. issued the celebrated code of statutes 
known by the name of the "Golden Bull," by 
which the decrees of St. Stephen were confirmed 
and some new laws added to them, designed to 
secure yet furthei- the liberties of the people. The 
Golden Bull ha.s been termed a charter of aristo- 
cratic privileges. It was so in the same sense that 
the great charter of English liberties may be called 
so. The Golden Bull corresponds very closely to 
the Magna Charta of King John, both in its pro- 
visions and as regards the class of persons whose 
liberties it was designed to protect. 

Now, gentlemen, I know nothing, nor does his- 
tory, so far as I am informed, reveal anything of 
:rie private, personal, or religious character of this 
5rst king, St. Stephen; but this I know, in the 
political calendar he deserves to be considered as 
a saint, and to have his name registered in very 
large letters. 

Mr. SEWARD, (interposing.) " Three cheers 
for St. Stephen." The cheers were accordingly 
given. 

Mr. WEBSTER, (continuing.) Gentlemen , my 
sentiments in regard to this effort made by Hun- 
gary are here sufficiently well expressed. In a 
memorial addressed to Lord John R.ussell and 
Lord Palmerston, said to have been written by 
Lord Pitzvvilliam, and signed by him and several 
ether Peers and members of Parliament, the fol- 
lowing language ia used, the object of the memorial 
being to ask the mediation of England in favor of 
Hungary: 

" While so many of the nations of Europe have 
' engaged in revolutionary raovement.s, and have 
' embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still 
' more doubtful success, it is gratifying to the un- 
' dersigned to be able to assure your Lordships 
' that the Hungarians demand nothing but ihe 
' recognition of ancient rights and the stability and 
'"integrity of their ancient constitution. To your 
' Lordships it cannot be unknown that that con- 
' stitution bears a striking family resemblance to 
' that of eur own country. " 

Gentlemen, I have one other reference 'to make, 
SiXii then I shall take leave of you. 

You know that in one of Shakspeare's plays, 
speaking of the Duke of Vienna, he says: "If the 
duke, with other dukes, come not to composition 
with the King of Hungary, why then all the dukes 
fall upon the King of Hungary. " " Heaven grant 
us peace," says another character; "thou con- 
cludest," says the first speaker, " like the sancti- 
monious pirate that v/ent to sea with the ten com- 
niandents, but scraped one out of the table — thou 
shalt not steal ! Aye, that he razed out of the 
list!" "W^hy, "tvvas a commandment to com- 
mai">d the captain and all the rest from their func- 
tions; there is not a soldier of us all that, in the 
thanksgiving before meat, doth relish the petition 
well that prays for peace." 

Now, 1 am afraid that, like the Dukes of Aus- 
tria at the time to whith Shakspeare refers, the 
present sovereign of that country doth not relish 
the petition for peace, unless it be founded «n the 



utter extermination of the nationality of Hun- 
gary. 

Gentlemen, I iiave said that a national govern- 
ment, where there is a distinct nationality, is es- 
sential to human happiness. I have said that, in 
my opinion, Hungary is capable. She possesses 
that distinct nationality, that power, that popula- 
tion, and that wealth, which entitles her to have a 
government of her own; and I have nov/ to add, 
what I am sure will not sound well upon the Up- 
per Danube, that, in my humble judgment, the 
imposition of a foreign yoke upon a people capa- 
ble of self-government, while it oppresses and de- 
presses that people, adds nothing to the strength 
of those who impose that yoke. [Great applause.] 
In my opinion, Austria would be a better and a 
stronger government to-morrow if she confined the 
limits of her pov/er to lier hereditary arid German 
dominions 

Mr. SEWARD. True; true. 

Mr. WEBSTER, (continuing.) Especially if 
she saw in Hungary a strong, sensible, independ- 
ent neighboring nation; because I think the cost 
of keeping Hungary quiet is not repaid by any 
benefit derived from Hungarian levies or tributes. 
Add then, again, good neighborhood, and the 
good will and generous sympathies of mankind, 
and the generosity of character that ought to per- 
vade the minds of governments as well as these of 
individuals, is vastly more promoted by living in 
a state of friendship and amity with those who 
differ from us in modes of government, than by 
any attempt to consolidate power, or, as it has 
been termed to-night, to concentrate power, in the 
hands of one over all the rest. 

Gentlemen, the progress of things is no doubt 
onward. It is onward with respect to Hungary. 
It is onward everywhere. Public opinion, in my 
estimation at least, is making great progress. It 
will penetrate all recesses; it will come more or 
less to animate all minds; and, in respect to that 
country, for which our sympathies to-niglit have 
been so strongly invoked, I cannot but say, that 
I think the people of Hungary are an enlightened, 
industrious, sober, well-inclined community; and 
I wish only to add, that I do not now enter into 
any discussion of the form of government which 
may be proper for Hungary. Of course, all of 
you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when 
she becomes independent, embrace that system of 
government which is most acceptable to ourselves. 
We shall rejoice to see our American model upon 
the Lower Danube, and on the mountains of Hun- 
gary. But that is not the first step. It is not that 
which will be our first prayer for Hungary. That^ 
first prayer would be that Hungary may become 
independent of all foreign power, [great applause;} 
that her destinies may be intrusted to her own 
hands, and to her own discretion. [Renewed ap- 
plause.] I do not profess to understand the social 
relations and connections of races, and twenty 
other things that may affect the political institu- 
tions of Hungary. All I say is, that Hungary 
can regulate these matters for herseh" infinitely 
better than they can be regulated for her by Aus- 
tria, [applause;] and therefore I jimit my aspira- 
tions for Hungary, for the present, to that .smgle 
and sinrple point — Hungarian independence. 

Mr. SEWARD. Hungarian independence ! 
[Applause.] 

Mr. WEBSTER. Hangarian self-government; 



11 



Hungarian control of Hungarian destinies. [Re- 
newed applause.] These are the aspirations which 
I entertain, and I give them to you, therefore, gen- 
tlemen, as a toast: 

'• Hungarian independence; Hungarian control 
of her own destinies; and Hungary as a distinct 
nationality among the nations of Europe." 

[The toast was received with enthusiastic ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Gentry being loudly cailed for, 
rose and said : 

Mr. President, I should not be disposed to 
speak under any circumstances to .such a crowd 
as this; but I appeal to you, sir, to say whether 
they are any other than my enemies who can call 
upon me to speak after Kossuth and Webster.'' 
I have seen too many crov/ds not to comprehend 
(he spirit of this. I shall not make a mistake by 
favoring my enemies who have put me in this 
position. [Laughter.] I shall triumph over them. 
[Great laughter.] I rise to make a motion which 
is always in order, and which I know will be ac- 
ceptable now. I move that this House do now 
adjourn. [Laughter and great confusion.] 

The PRESIDENT. The motion is not in 
order, and cannot be entertained. 

The President then announced the 
next toasl : 

" The rights of States are only valuable when 
subject to the free control of those to whom they 
appertain, and utterly worthless if to be deter- 
mined by the sv/ord of foreign interference." 

Mr. Douglas was here loudly called for. 

Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I am not in- 
sensible to the honor conferred upon me by your 
call to respond to the sentiment which has been 
just given. Yet I am not unmindful of the ad- 
vanced period of the evening, and, therefore, can- 
not occupy your time to the extent that the toast 
which has been drunk would seem to require. 
I will remark, however, that there are some posi- 
tiojis which may be assumed bearing upon the 
sentiment which you have proposed, upon which, 
I presume, we may all agree. That a nation has 
a right to establish her own form of Government, 
and to regulate her internal affairs according to 
her own pleasure, is too clear to admit of dispute, 
or to require argument in its support. [Applause.] 
If you deny a nation that right — if you subject 
her to a«y other restraint than that of the law of 
nations in the regulation of her foreign affairs, or 
her own will, expressed according to the forms of 
iier own constitution, in her domestic concerns, 
she from that instant ceases to be an independent 
State. If the nations of the "wofld could be brought 
not only to recognize this principle, but to act in 
sacred obedience to it, each nation would adopt 
such institutions as she thought best adapted to 
hercondition, interest, and necessities. Probably 
there would be great diversity in the principles 
and nature of governments that might prevail in 
different cotmtries; but you would find in the pro- 
cess of time, and that very soon, they would be- 
gin to approximate to one standard, and at length 
would an-ive at a model form of government, re- 



sulting froni the fact that some one wou;d demon- 
strate that it was better adapted to the develop- 
ment of the people than all others. [Applause. 
Cries of "Good!" "Good!"] Each form of 
government would then be subjected to the ar- 
bitrament of an enlightened public sentiment, and 
be judged by its practical results. The institu- 
tions of^ that country which were most successful 
in advancing the great interests of humanity — in 
promoting civilization and intelligence — in devel- 
oping and elevating the intellectual, moral, and 
physical condition of the people — would acquire 
an influence beyond the limits of their ol.vn coun- 
try, v/hich would cause that system to be adopted 
as the model government of the world. Sir, my 
self-love — I should say my pride of country — in- 
spires me with the conviction that the United 
States will always be willing to have our institu- 
tions judged by that standard. [Applause.] If 
another form of government can be showc to 
exist, or to ever have exi-sted, upon the face of the 
globe that has done more to elevate ths condition 
of the people — to render them intelligent, peace- 
able, and happy — that has done more far the cause 
of civilization, religion, and moi-ality, in the same 
space of time than this, let that country be point- 
ed out, and my word for it, we will be willing to 
receive its government as the model. [Applause.] 
Mr. President, I believe these results would fol- 
low directly and legitimately from the acknowl- 
edgment of that great law of nations, that every 
nation upon the face of the globe has a right to 
choose its own form of government, to establish 
its domestic institutions, without the intervention 
of any foreign Power. [Applause.] Then let me 
submit to you, if these results would follow from 
that declaration, and if that declaration is predi- 
cated upon the law of nations, of justice, and of 
humanity, why should not every friend of freedom 
be willing to proclaim the principle to the civilized 
world as the honest, gushing sentiment of his heart.^ 
[Applause.] For one, I hold it is the duty of all Re- 
publieans to demonstrate to the world upon which 
side M^e are whenever a contest arises between 
republicanism and absolutism — [cries of "Bravo!" 
and applause] — and that demonstration should be 
made so clearly, so distinctly, that no despot can 
misunderstand its meaning. There are other 
things which America not only can do, but ought 
to do, not merely by way of encouragement to 
every liberal movement in every part of the globe, 
but with reference to our own rights, our own 
interests, our own dignity and duty. We should 
make it our fixed principle of action to recognize 
the independence of every republic the momeat it 
is established. [Applause.] We should estab- 
lish commercial intercourse, and also diplomatic 
relations with such governments. It may be that 
the exercise of this right will give offence to the 
crowned heads of Europe. Suppose it does. The 
question with me is, not whether the despots of 
Europe would choose to take offence at onr action, 
but whether such action would be just cause of 
offence — a violation of the laws ef nations, and of 
the principles of right and justice! [Applause.] 
By what authority do these conspirators against 
the rights of the people and the mdependence of 
nations say to republican America, that we have 
no right to sympathize with populai- movements 
for the establishment ef Democratic institutions 
everywhere? The history oi' Europe for the last 



12 



two kwndred years consists of a succession of in- 
terventions by the larger powers with the internal 
affairs ef the smaller powers, in utter disregard of 
their rigfets as sovereign States and of the princi- 
ples of international law. These interventions 
have beeii prompted, sometimes, by the ambitious 
view* of particular dynasties, frequently for the 
silly purpose of maintaining the absurd scheme of 
a Europeaa equilibrium, and always to crush 
any effort for the establishmeMt of free institutions. 
It IS one thing to intervene in violation of interna- 
tional law for the purpose of depriving a nation of 
its liberty and independence; and it is entirely a 
different thing to interpose in vindication of that 
law for the purpose of maintaining the great prin- 
ciple, that every nation has a right to choose and 
establish its own institutions! [Applause.] 
A Voice. He speaks for the West. [Applause.] 
Aaother Voice. Yes; and for the whole coun- 
try. [Applause.] 

Mr. DOUGLAS, (continuing.) It is no violation 
of the laws of nations to interpose in vindication 
of the sovereignty of a State. If I am right in the 
first proposition, that every State has the right to 
prescribe its own form of government, any inno- 
vation of that right is such an offence against all 
nations as authorizes every nation of the globe to 
interpose for its vindication which shall see proper 
to do 60. [Applause.] Whether I would deem 
it wise thus to interfere or not, would depend upon 
the peculiar circumstances of the case. If it was 
a mere contest merely whether this or that dynasty 
should rule the country, I would say to them, Fight 
it out yourselves; you can have no sympathy, 
no aid from America. If it was » conflict as to 
whether this or that man shall sit upon the throne 
with hifi feet upon the necks of the people, I would 
say. Fight your own battles against Russia or the 
other enemy, and do not call upon us for assist- 
ance. I would afford no aid to monarchies, 
whether limited or absolute, even if it were neces- 
sary to save them from the dominion of the Auto- 
crat. I want no alliance with England so long as 
she maintains her present policy and system of 
government. She must do justice to Ireland, [ap- 
plause,] and to the Irish exiles, [great applause,] 
and to her ov^n people, before she can command e\en 
my sympathy, much lees my assistance. So 
long as she imprisons and banishes for life Irish 
patriots for no other crime than that which has 
made the illustrious Hungarian our national guest, 
she must look elsewhere for allies and assist- 
ance. [Applause.] Let her restore O'Brien, 
Mitchell, Meagher, and their associates, to liberty 
in their nation — let her do justice to the Irish 
nation and to the English people, and assimilate 
her institutions to ours, before she calls upon 
America to protect her against the Autocrat ! 
[Great applause.] Proud, haughty England, for 
the iirst time trembles for her own safety. She 
sees the beginniag of the great struggle which is 
to decide the issue between democracy and despo- 
tism on the continent of Europe. She fears the 
fulfillment of the prophecy of Napoleon, that in 
fifty years ail Europe would be Cossack or Re- 
publican. She sees these things, and trembles for 
the result; for she well knows that the success of 
either psirty is equally fatal to her system of gov- 
ernment. [Applause.] If the Autocrat succeeds 
STi estabhsliingabsolute governments over the whole 
continent, Ejigland must submit and conform to 



the same system ! If, on the other hand, the peo- 
ple shall be successful in their glorious efforts to 
throw off the yoke and establish republican insti- 
tutions, England must give up her monarchy, her 
nobility, her establishment, the whole system of 
machinery by which she has been able to oppress 
her own people. [Applause.] I repeat, that the 
success of either party to the great struggle will 
be equally fatal to the English Government. Let 
her fight her ovv'n battles so long as she perseveres 
in her course of injustice and oppression to her 
own people, to tlie Irish, and to her colonists ! 
[Applause.] 

Then, Mr. President,! say that whether I would 
or would not interfere in the struggles in Europe, 
must depend upon the peculiar circumstances of 
the case — the principles involved and the conse- 
quences to follow. 1 cannot say that I would not 
interfere under any circumstances. The case may 
arise when our interest, our honor, and our self- 
respect will compel us to interfere. [Applause.] I 
would reserve the decison of that question to the 
time when we shall be called on for action. But this 
I will say, that without committing ourselv«s to any 
active intervention before the particular circum- 
stances shall be made known to us, I would demon- 
strate to all mankind, by our every act and woi-d, 
that we do sympathise, ardently, with every lib- 
eral movement throughout the globe. [Applause.] 
Mr. President, I must not detain you longer. 

[Cries of " Go on !" " Go on !"] 

Mr. D. I will conclude these remarks pro- 
posing a sentiment. The signs of the times clearly 
indicate that a crisis is approaching in Europeaa 
affairs. The great battle between Republicanism 
and Despotism will soon be fought. Our sym- 
pathies will all be aroused and enlisted in behalf of 
the people and against their oppressors. In view 
of that great struggle, I propose the following 
sentiment: 

"Hungary: When she shall make her next 
struggle for liberty, may the friends of freedom 
throughout the world proclaim to the ears of al 
European despots, Hands of? — a clear field and a 
fair fight — God will protect the right." 

[Tremendous applause.] 

Mr. Gentry rose and said: I am oppo- 
sed to the law of conscription : and I will rebel whea 
it is attempted to draft me into the service. I am 
a citizen of the "volunteer" State, and if gentle- 
men will allow me, I will now volunteer a word 
and decline to speak under the regular order of 
things. I hope I understand the proprieties of 
the hour and the occasion. I shall introduce no 
controversial question — I shall express no senti- 
ments or opinions that shall give rise to debate upon 
this festive occasion. I am here to do honor to our 
guest — to express the sentiments of the American 
people to him for his cause. I desire no debute, 
and there shall be none growing out of anything I 
shallsay. My speech is addressed to him. Ibelieve 
the sentiment, -vrhich you announced, Mr. Presi- 
dent, and which I was called upon to respond to, 
was one intended to indicate the sentiments and 
feelings of tlse American people in reference to 
our distinguished gueat. It was a high compli- 
ment for me, to be called upon to speak in their 
behalf. I declined it, because Kossuth had spoken 



is 



and Webster had Bpoken. I thought I would be 
lost in that grand constellation. But I feel that I 
may speak confidently in regard to the sentiments, 
feelings, and principles of the American people in 
reference to our guest this evening. I believe the 
sentiment which you announced was, that the 
civilized world felt, what we intended to express 
this night by our proceedings, if I understood you. 
That IS true to a certain extent. The civilized 
peoples of the earth feel what we express this 
night, and they would express what we express, 
if their sentiments and sympathies were not re- 
strained by absolute power — by those vast stand- 
ing ai-mies, which despotic governments employ 
to maintain themselves and oppress the people. 
We express what the people, as contradistin- 
guished from their governors, throughout the 
world, feel in reference to the cause of Hungary — 
the cause of Hungary as impersonated in the 
chief of that cause — our guest upon this occa- 
sion. It is our good fortune, glory, and happiness 
to have inherited from our ancestors a govern- 
ment which rests upon the consent of the gov- 
erned, and which needs no .standing armies to 
defend the government as against the people. 
Therefore, we, unlike the peoples of the earth, 
may freely express our sentiments and our sym- 
pathies; and there are none to make us afraid. 
[Great applause.] 

In the exercise of this free independence, we 
this night hail, greet, and welcome our illustrious 
guest, who comes to us commended to our respect 
and sympathy by his noble deeds in the cause of 
liberty and independence, and by the weighty suf- 
ferings which have fallen upon him, because of 
his deeds in that glorious cause. We hail him, 
we greet him, and we welcome him, and who shall 
make us afraid ? In thus greeting him — in thus 
welcoming him — in thus honoring him, I am sure 
that we do but give a faint expression to the senti- 
ments and sympathies of the twenty-three or 
twenty-four millions of people that ar« represented 
in this capital of the American people. I have 
said that I would introduce no controversial ques- 
tions. They are inappropriate to this occasion 
and the circumstances under which we are assem- 
bled. When the American people — I am called 
upon to speak in their name — shall be regardless 
of the principles imbodied in the American Dec- 
laration of Independence — when they shall cease , 
to respect and maintain those principles — when 
they shall fail to remember Washington — when 
they shall forget Lexington, Bunker Hill, Bran- 
dywine, Monmouth, Yorktown, and all those fields 
of glory upon which our fathersfought for liberty; 
when they shall cease to love liberty, then, and 
not till then, will they fail to give the homage of 
tlieir respect and sympathy to any man of any 
country, or any clime, who has consecrated his 
talents, courage, and enthusiasm to the cause of 
his country, its independence and liberty. 

[Mr. Gentry here concluded his remarks amid 
great cheering and applause.] 

i.OREJVCE then rose and said: I 
desire to submit a sentiment at this time, 
which I think sufficiently explanatory: 

"The AmericakMinister to France, whose 
intervention defeated the quintuple treaty." 



The toast was received with three cheers 
and great applause. 

Mr. Cass, io acknowledging the high 
compliment paid him, responded as fol- 
lows: 

Mr. CASS said: I am under great obligations 
for your kindness manifested in your sentiment in 
relation to my conduct in France. But I merely 
discharged my duty as an American citizen. I 
did just what every one of vou would have done 
had you been placed in my cn-cumstances. I only 
advocated the cause of my country. A fearful 
attempt was made at innovation upon the law of 
nations — an attempt'the consequences of which hu- 
man sagacity can scarcely foresee. Four Powers 
had united; one was held in abeyance. I said 
then: " I hope France will not sign this treaty; 
but if she does sign it, it will not alter one tittle 
the course of the American people. [Applause.] 
Let the union against them be great or small, they 
will resist it to the last extremity, trusting to that 
God who does not give the victory always tu 
power." 

But, my friends, a greater question has now 
arisen at home. Then we could have defended 
ourselves against the united world; but a question 
has now arisen where you cannot so easily carry 
your arms — a question involving for the future 
the whole subject of human rights. It rejoiced my 
heart to see here this Guest among us, (turning to 
Kossuth.) Leader of your country's revolution — 
asserter of the rights of man — martyr of the prin- 
ciples of national independence — welcome to our 
shores ! [Applause.] Sir, the ocean, more merci- 
ful than the wrath of tyrants, has brought you to 
a country of freedom and of safety. [Applause.] 
That was a proud day for you, but it was a prouder 
day for us, when you left the shores of old Helles- 
pont and put your foot upon an American deck. 
Protected by American cannon, with the stars of 
our country floating over you, you could defy the 
world in arms ! [Applause.] And, sir, here in the 
land of Washington, it is not a barren welcome 
that I desire to give you ; but much further than 
that I am willing to go. I am willing to lay down 
the great principles of national rights, and adhere 
to them. [Applause.] I will not say "craven be 
the man that does not respond to it," for, thank 
God, we are in a land of liberty, where every man 
has a right to enjoy and express his own opinions 
in his own way. But I will say that he who is 
noi willing to respond — and in an effectual man- 
ner — to this cry of liberty from the Old Hemi- 
sphere — has a heart that does not feel like mine. 
[Applause.] No, my fellow-citizens; no. I am 
for the largest liberty to the largest number over 
the whole face of the earth. [Applause.] Those 
who do not agree in that sentiment have no feel- 
ing in common with me upon that subject. Now, 
1 am willing to say and to maintain that those in- 
tervening despotic powers of Europe, when they 
put their hand upon Hungary and march the Cos- 
sack and the Paudour upon the Danube to extin- 
guish the first flame of liberty, offend against the 
laws of nations recognized throughout the civilised 
world. 

Well, gentlemen, I am an old man, [laughter,, 
and cries of " No, No ! "] I am approaching 'my 
three score years and ten. Half a century a^o I 



14 



crossed lut 2;iountains a boy, on foot; and Cxod be 
dianked for ihe institutions of this country, and 
the favor of my fellow-citizens, which have given 
me the privilege now of maintaining human rights 
in sach a presence as this. [Applause. J The 
sun of lieB.ven never shone on such a government 
as this. Asd shall we sit blindfolded, with our 
arms crossed, and say to tyranny, "Prevail in 
every other region of the world? " [Cries of "No, 
no!"] I tkank you for the response. That is 
my feeling. Now, my friends, I am willing to 
say that is the law of nations. [Laughter and ap- 
plause.] Every independent nation under heaven 
has a right lo establish just such a government as 
it pleases. And if the oppressed of any nation 
wish to throw off their shackles, they have the 
right, without the interference of an)^ other; and, 
with the first and greatest of our Presidents — the 
Father of liis Countrv' — I trust we are prepared 
to say, that "■ we sympathize with every oppressed 
nation wliich unfurls the banner of freedom." 
[Applause.] And I am willing, as a member of 
Congress, to pass a declaration to-morrow, in the 
name of die American people, maintaining thai 
sentiment. [Tremendous cheering.] And I will 
go home to rny constituents, and if they disap- 
prove of the act — as I know they won't — I will 
never come back here again. [Laughter.] I am 
willing to go further. I am willing to say 
tiiat no nation under heaven, whether its chief 
magistrate wea-rs a hat or a crown, has any right 
to interfere ir. the affairs of another nation strug- 
gling for li^jKian liberty. [Loud cheers.] I am 
willing to make that declaration in the name of the 
American people, and I am willing to leave the 
future acdo.r; of the country, the very moment 
when it is necessary to act, "to those who are to 
determine ilie course proper to be taken under the 
circumstanec-'i. [Applause, and loud cries of 
" That's ^^right. General!" — "That is enough, 
General!"] There, gentlemen, 3rou have my sen- 
timents. I am much obliged for your kind atten- 
tion. 

The Prf-SIDEJvt Jheii antiounced as the 
l.'i.st loast : 

"ToriiiL-i: Ker noble hospiudity, e^ctended to 
a fallen patrioi, even at the risk of war, proves her 
to be worthy of the respect and friendship of lib- 
eral nations.'' 

The toast was received uilh tremendous 
cheering and hearty apphiuse. 

M. KosEUTf-i responded as follows: 
Sir, I feel very thankful for liaving the opportu- 
nity to express in this place how immensely I feel 
obliged, nil everlasting gratitude, to the Sultan of 
Turkey anc to his noble people. I am not a man 
who flatters whomever in the world. Before God, 
people, and principles, I bow; before none else. 
But lam proud to say that I bow v.'ith deep ac- 
knowledgment and with warm gratitude before the 
memory of the generous conduct I met in Turkey. 
Instead of any pretension to an eloc^uent speech, 1 
would rather humbly entreat your kind permission 
to make a few dry remarks upon facts wliich per- 
haps may contribute something lo a better knowl- 
iedge of Turkey, because 1 arn confidently sure 
tliat, once belter known, more attention vrill be 
bestowed to .Us fate. 



Firstly, as to myself: v»-Iien I was in that coun- 
try, Russia and Austria, in the full pride of their 
victory, imposing their will upon the Sultan, and 
claiming to deliver me and my associates, it is true 
that a Grand Divan was held at Constantinople, 
and not very favorable opinions were pronounced 
by a certain party opposed to the present existing 
Government in Turkey, which induced the Sublime 
Porte itself to believe that there was no help for us 
poor exiles only to abandon our faith and become 
Mohammedans in order that Turkey might be 
able to protect us. 

I have in that respect declared what the duty of 
every honest man, 1 believe, would have been to 
declare under similar circumstances. But I owe 
it to the honor of the Sultan of Turkey to declare 
openly, that before even this my declaration that 
I would rather die than accept this condition [ap- 
plause] — before that declaration was conveyed to 
Constantinople, and before any one there could 
have got knowledge that I had applied to the pub- 
lic opinion of the people of England in relation 
thereto — before all this was known at Constanti- 
nople, when the very decision of the majority of 
that great Divan was announced to the Sultan to be 
unfavorable to the protection of the poor exiles, out 
of the generosity of his own heart, without know- 
ing what we were willing to accept or not to ac- 
cept, he declared, "They are upon the soil; they 
have trusted to my honor; they have trusted to 
my justice, to my religion, and they shall not be 
deceived. Rather war than that I should deliver 
them up." [Great applause.] That is entirely his 
merit. But, notwithstanding these high obliga- 
tions which I feel towards Turkey, I never indeed 
will venture to try to engage public sympathy and 
attention towards a country, towards a Power, 
upon the basis of one single fact. But there are 
many considerations in reference to Turkey w"hich 
merit the- full attention of the United States of 
America. 

Firstly?, when we make a comparison between 
the Turkisii Government and that of Austria and 
Russia in respect to religious liberty, the scale 
turns entirely in favor of Turkey. There is not 
only liberal toleration for all religions, but the 
Government doea not mix with their religious 
affairs, but leaves them entirely to their own con- 
trol. Whereas in Austria self-government was 
secured by three victorious revolutions, and paci- 
fications which ensued these revolutions and hun- 
dreds of laws; and still Austria has blotted out of 
the condition of Hungary the self-government of 
the Protestant church; while Turkey accords and 
protects the self-government of whatever religious 
jj denomination. Russia, ttiking for a political tool 
the very principle of religion as it is universally 
known, persecutes the Roman Catholics, and in- 
deed the Greeks and Jev/s, in a most horrible 
manner — in such a manner that the heart of man 
I must revolt against it. The Sultan of Turkey, 
wherever, in his wide dominions, one single man 
out of fanaticism dares to encroach upon the reli- 
gious freedom of whomsoever, is in liis country 
the inexorable judge and vindicator o<f that reli- 
gious liberty which is permitted in all hie domin- 
ions. [Applause.] Again I must recall out of 
the history of Flungary this fact: that when one 
half of Hungary was under Turkish domination, 
and the other half under Austrian, religious liberty 
was always encouraged in that part wliich was 



io 



under the Turkish rule; and there was not only a 
full and entire development of Protestantism, but i 
Unitarianism was also protected. And the Uni- ; 
tarians, though they were in Transylvania law- \ 
fully protected in those times, when the Sultan 
governed ihat country, were still in the last revo- \ 
lution excluded frora every civil right, because 
they were Unitarians. Only one revolution re- 1 
stored them to full and entire religious liberty, j 
That was the condition in respect to religious j 
liberty under the Austrian and under the Turkish i 
domination. 1 

Now, in respect to municipal self-government, j 
Hungary and all those different provinces which j 
were now opposed to the Austrian empire, if in- 
deed it existed, which I do not believe, because an 
empire which only rests upon the good will of a 
foreign master has no existence, scarcely a vege- 
tation. [Applause.] All those different provinces 
were absorbed by Austria. They were attacked 
in tlieir existence, and there was not a single one 
which had not in form* tmies a constitutional 
hfe, and of which Austria did not deprive it by 
centralizing her power in its own court. That is 
the principle of the law of the Christian Powers. 
Now, take on the other hand, the Turk. In 
Turkey I have not only seen developed to a very 
con.siderable degree the municipal self-government 
of cities, but I have seen administration of justice 
veiy much like the institution of the jury. 1 have 
seen a public trial in a case where one party, a 
Turk, and the other party a Christian, were en- 
gaged, where the municipal authorities of the 
Christian population and the Turkish population 
were called together to be not only v/itnesses of 
the trial, bat mutually to control and direct it with 
perfect pubhcity. iBut more yet: there exists 
Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish domina- 
tion, and the Turkish nation dominant, which has 
conquered that province, out of respect for na- 
tional self-government has prescribed itself not to 
have tJie right of a house to dwell in, or a single 
step of soil in that land. In every interference 
with whatever domestic concerns of this province, 
■because it has got a charter for centuries, by 
which charter the self-government of Wallachia 
and Moldavia was insured, it is worthy to men- 
tion that the Turk has never broken his oath. 
[Applause.] Whereas on the European conti- 
nent there exists not a single king, or prince, or 
duke, or emperor who has not broken his word a 
t^iousand limes before God and man. Now, the 
existence of this Turkey, great as the present con- 
dition of Europe is, is indispensable to the security 
of Europe. You know that in St. Petersburgh, 
in the time of Catherine, the King wrote the 
words, ''Here passes the way to Constantino- 
ple." The politics indicated by the King at that 
time is always the politics of St. Petersburgh. 
And Constantinople is that place of which Napo- 
leon rightly said that the Power which has Con- 
s^tantinopie in command, if it is wilhng to rule 
three quarters of the world, it has power to rule. 
Now, it is the intention — it is the consistent policy 
of the Prussian Cabinet to get hold of Constanti- 
nople; and therefore I declare that to protect the 
independent existence of Turkey is so necessary 
to Europe, that, Turkey crushed, Russia becomes 
not only entirely predominant, as she already is, 
but becomes the single master and ruler of Asia 
aiul of all Europe. 



And to conserve this independence of Turkey , 
gentleme;i, nothing is wanted but tome encourge- 
m en t from such a place as tJie United States. 
Since Turkey has lost its domination of Buda in^ 
Hungary, its power is declining. But why? Be-\ 
cause from that time European diplomatists began I 
to succeed in persuading Turkey that she had 710 
sufficient power or strength to stand upon her own 
feet; and by-and-by it became the rule in Con- 
stantinople that every small, petty, interior ques- 
tion, was to be decided with the interference of 
European diplomacy. Now, I say Turkey has 
vitality, sucii as not ndany nations have. It has 
a pov/er that not many have. Turkey wants 
nothing but a consciousness of its own power, and 
encouragement to stand upon its feet; and this 
encouragement, if it comes as counsel, as kind ad- 
vice, out of such a place as the United States, I 
am confident will not only be thankfully heard, 
but also very joyfully followed. That is the only 
thing which is wanted there. 

And besides this political consideration, that tlie 
existence of Turkey as it is is necessary to the fu- 
ture of Europe, there are also high commercial 
considerations proper to interest and to attract the 
attention of the United States. The freedom of 
commerce on the Danube, is a law of nations guar- 
antied by treaties; and yet there exists no free- 
dom. It is in the hands of Russia. Turkey, to 
be sure, is very anxious to reestablish freedom, 
but there is nobody to back her in her demands. 
Turkey can also present to the manufacturing in- 
dustry of such a country as the United States, a 
far larger and more important market than ail 
China, with her two hundred and fifty millions of 
inhabitants. 

But one consideration I can mention; and, 
though it has no reference to the public opinion 
ji here, I beg permission to avail myself of this op- 
iportunity to pronounce it, and give it publicity; 
; and that is, that I hope, in the name of the future 
: freedom and independence of the European na- 
ii tions, those provincesof Turkey which are inhab- 
it ited by Christians will not, out of theoretical pas- 
1: sion, and out of attachment to a mere word, neg- 
]' lect to act in such a manner as only can convey 
them to the future development of their own free- 
dom and independence. 
:' Gentlemen, I declare that should the next revo- 
i lutionary movement in Europe extend to t-lie Turk- 
;, ish provinces, and by that extension Turkey falls,*. 
',' this would not become a- benefit to those provinces 
i: of the Moldavians and Servians, but would only 
1! benefit Russia, because then, Turkey no more ex- 
Ij isting, all those provinces are and will benaturally 
ji absorbed by Russia; whereas holding fiist toTur- 
j key — that Turkey which respects religious lib- 
[i erty — gives them, entirely and fully, self-govern- 
; ment. 

ii So much, gentlemen, I desired to express. I 
Ij believe you will excuse me for the inappropriate 
1; manner in which I have acquitted myself of this, 
j which I considered to be my duty, in expressing 
'i my thanks to Turkey. I declare before you that 
;{ I am fully convinced of the identity of intere'^ts 
|i of Hungary and of Turkey. We have a com-' 
i! mon enemy; therefore Hungary and Turkey are, 
I by natural ties, provoked to a close alliance against 
[■, that enemy. I declare that not only out of grati- 
II tude, but also out of knowledge of this community 
II of interests, I will nerer in my life let ^cape a 



16 



single opportunity where I in my humble capacity 
can contribute to the glory, welfare, and happiness 
of Turkey, but will consider it the duty of honor 
toward my country, even to be the truest, most 
faithful friend towards the Turkish empire. [Great 
applause.] 

Mr. Seward being called, rose and re- 
sponded as follows: 

I am too wise a man to speak on any question here 
at this hour of the night. When it was proposed 
in the Senate to receive the illustrious guest of the 
night, I was advised not to hurt his cause by ad- 
vocating it. I have only to say that when the Sec- 
ret^.ry of State goes his length, the Senator from 
Ilhnois his breadth, and the Senator from Michi- 
gan his tether, I shall be found at their side, will- 
ing to go for the rights of Hungary and of nations, 
as far as he who goes the furthest. Gentlemen, 
this is my principle and my sentiment: 

"The Absolute Governments of Europe: 
The United States will respect and observe the 
laws of nations, 'and they will expect all othet- 
Powers to do the same." 

It being twelve o'clock, Kossuth re- 
tired, in company with Hon. Wm. R. 
King and Hon. Linn Boyd, and the com- 
pany soon after dispersed. 

The festivities were enlivened at inter- 
Tals during the evening with music by 
the Marine Band from the navy-yard. 

The bill of fare embraced everything 
that could be wished for by the most fas- 
tidious appetite. 

Everything passed off with harmony 
and good feeling, and the recollections of 
the evening's enjoyment will not soon fade 
from the memory of those who joined in 
its festivities. 

We insert the answers given by those 
.members of the Cabinet who were not 
8*^resent at the Congressional Dinner given 
to Kossuth. 

Washington, January 6, 185:2. 
Gentlemen: I regret that my engagements deny 
■ me the pleasure of accepting your polite invitation 
in behalf of members of the' Senate and House of 
Representatives, to the complimentary dinner to 
be given by them to Louis Kossuth', on the 7th 
instant. 

Participating in sentiments of respect for your 
distinguished guest, and in a lively interest in the 



struggle for the independence of his coaatry, I 
would, were it in my power to be present, ask 
leave to offer the following as my contrii)ution to 
the occasion: 

The moral influence op American example 
and sympathy upon the political destiny of 
OUR race: It has already accomplished much for 
the nations of Europe, and will continue to guide, 
to cheer, and establish them in the principles of 
freedom. 

I am, gentlemen, v/ith great respect, your obe- 
dient servant. 

WILL. A. GRAHAM, 
To the Hon. Messrs. 

James W. Bradbury, 
T. L. Clingman, 
T. B. Florence. 
Committee, Sfc. 



Washington, Januai'y 6, 
Gentlemen: I have received your note inviting 
me to a dinner to be given to-morrow to Governor 
Louis Kossuth. 

With iiiany thanks for your polite invitation, I 
regret that I will not be able to avail myself of it.. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

C. M. CONRAD. 
Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, 
" Thomas B. Florence, 
" James W. Bradbury, 

Committee of Invitation, Sf-c, Scc.,8fc. 

Washington, January 6, 185S. 
Gentlemen: I have had the honor to receive 
your note inviting me to attend a complimentary 
dinner to be given by the members of the Senate 
and House of Representatives to Louis Kosauth, 
and regret that I cannot accept the invitation. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your 
most obedient servant, N. K. HALL. 

To the Hon. James W. Bradury, 
" Thomas L. Clingsian, 
" Thomas B. Florence, 

Committee, &n;, 

Washington, Janu<ii-y 5, 1852. 
Gentlemen: Major General Scott having gone 
to Richmond, Virginia, I have the honor to ac- 
knowledge the receipt of your note to him, inviting 
his attendance at the Congressional dinner to be 
given in compliment to Louis Kossuth, at the 
National Hotel, on Wednesday next. It will be 
much regretted by the General, that his iinavoid- 
able detention in Richmond beyond the time speci- 
fied, will prevent his attendance. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your 
obedient servant, H. L. SCOTT. 

To Hon. J. W. Bradbury, 
" T. L. Clingman, 
" T. B. Florence, 

Committee, Sfc. 



Printed at the Globe Office, Washington. 



E 1 S '»5^ 



^ " ti- d< 












\ -^^0^ 



(^^^■^'j^K% cp^^i^^S oo^oi:^^^^^. 







-^^.^^M>.^^^ gO^.^1'^^'^^^^ cP^^!ii4:'v% cP^ ^^' 








6 o^ 
















c,^' 




\ -Pao^ - 










































^^^ <<< 






. 1 * . ■^>. \> 










oV ^ 









